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Clan leadership woes fuelling land disputes in Mbale – locals

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A section of Bunamwani clan land where cases of land grabbing are on the rise in Mbale City. PHOTO | FRED WAMBEDE

On October 4, 2011, the National Forestry Authority (NFA) surrendered 85 acres of land, which had been part of Mbale Central Forest Reserve in Mbale City to Bunamwani clan after a protracted court battle.

The land which neighbours the forest and runs through Bukasakye Sub-county and part of Nauyo-Bugema Town Council, was parcelled out and Bunamwani clan took 51 per cent, which was an equivalent of 43.35 acres.

The other stakeholders, including Mr Davis Wakane, who was the clan attorney,  reportedly played a role in the process of reclaiming the land from NFA and sharing the remaining acres.

The sharing was done as was agreed by the parties in their Memorandum of Understanding signed on July 24, 2012, which Daily Monitor has seen.
The clan, with more than 63 families, also parcelled out their portion to members under the leadership of then clan chairperson, Mr Lasto Masaba. Mr Masaba died in October 2016.

Parallel clan chairpersons
Daily Monitor has learnt that the vacuum created by Masaba’s death gave birth to two parallel clan chairpersons.

One faction is now led by Mr Richard Magombe, a son and heir of the late Masaba while the other is led by Mr Paul Wasike, who was reportedly elected by the general assembly in 2017 .
Leaders and residents say lack of streamlined leadership is one of factors escalating cases of land grabbing and disputes, which came into the limelight in 2018.

This was after Mr Umar Nangoli, the former Mbale Resident District Commissioner (RDC), together with the then regional police commander, Mr Jacob Opolot,  pleaded guilty to taking bribes in form of land belonging to the clan before the Catherine Bamugemereire led- commission of inquiry on February 1.

Mr Sulaiman Ogajo Baraza, the RDC, told Daily Monitor that one of the plots of land is being sold to different buyers by the different clan members, which he said was fuelling confusion and disputes over land ownership.
He added that the land wrangles on the Bunamwani land have become a security threat yet the land has several investments.

Mr Ogajo wrote to the secretary of the commission of inquiry into land matters on February 18, 2019, informing them that some clan members were land grabbers.
A walk through the roads that have been demarcated on the Bunamwani land  shows settlements.

On either sides, construction of houses is still ongoing on several plots despite the commission of inquiry halting such activities.
“We settled here last year after constructing this house but someone has taken us to court claiming he is the rightful  owner of this land,”  a woman said on condition of anonymity.

The source added that they bought the land from one of the clan members with consent from Mr Magombe but they were later told he was not the legitimate clan head.
Mr Frank Musisi, one of complainants, said he bought the land from a one Henry Nalyanya in 2012  only to find out that another person in the name of Kadiri Wamugwe had been allocated the same plot.

“I bought one acre at Shs25 million but another person trespassed on the land, claiming to have also bought it from another clansman,” Mr Musisi said.
Mr Zadoki Meya, another complainant and clan member, said the land he was allocated was grabbed.

Another developer identified as Ali Traure, a Senegalese by nationality,  said most land grabbers have titles but without sales agreements.
“They always have a secondary document, which is a land title but no sales agreement,” he said.
This newspaper found out that most of the plots have more than two people claiming ownership.

Mr Isaac Mabonga, the former secretary general of the clan, said greed among the few members belonging to the faction led by Mr Mabonga is fuelling land conflicts and damaging the image of Banamwani people.
“There are clan members who have gone on rampage to grab other people’s  land and sell it using forged signatures and stamps,” he said.

Mr Mabonga alleges that the land he was allocated as a clan member was also grabbed and sold fraudulently. When contacted, Mr Magombe declined to delve into details .
“I am the chairperson and it is true, we have cases of land grabbing,” Mr Magombe said before hanging up.
Mr Stephen Wanieye Watanga, who is the clan coordinator,  said they elected Mr Wasike as their chairperson to replace the late Masaba and claimed Mr Magombe is masquerading as their head.

“The rightful chairperson of the clan is Mr Wasike. Mr Magombe is heir of his father not of the clan as some people claim,” Mr Watanga said.
He said the current confusion has also frustrated their efforts to reclaim more 43 acres from NFA because they were supposed to get 128 acres.
“We were supposed to get 128 acres. We only got 85 acres but we cannot proceed due to the current leadership confusion,” Mr Watanga said.

Daily Monitor has seen documents signed by Mr Wasike and Mr Magombe on behalf of Bunamwani clan.
However, Mr Fred Masaba Kuranga,  Mr Magombe’s brother, dismissed allegations that Mr Wasike is chairperson.
“Since the death of my father, we have never elected a new chairperson. The instruments and tools of power are still at our late father’s home,” he said.

Illegally operating
Mr Kuranga, who is also the LC3 chairperson of Nauyo-Bugema Town Council, added that Mr Magombe and Mr Wasike are operating illegally.
Mr Kuranga said before the NFA handed the land to the clan, the encroachers had already grabbed part of it.
He also dismissed allegations that there are cases of land grabbing orchestrated by his brother in which he is an accomplice.
Mr Wasike said he is aware of the cases but denied being involved.

However, Mr Soita Jamba,  a clan mobiliser, said there are more than 50 complaints filed at Mbale Central Police Station on illegal sale of land for the past four months but police are too slow to act because of corruption.
“Police have been compromised and they are part of the problem,” he said.
Mr John Masika, a resident of Marale Village, said the State House Anti-Corruption Unit led by Lt Col Edith Nakalema should take over the matter.

“The police top leadership has been compromised. When people file their cases, they just ‘sit’ on the files and solicit bribes from the accused,” Mr Masika said.
However, Mr Rogers Taitika, the Elgon police spokesperson, refuted allegations that  police officers handling land dispute have been compromised.
The land currently houses University Link High School,  Cream Nursery and Primary School and the offices of JENGA, an NGO, among others.

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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Uganda moves toward a Bamboo Policy to boost environmental conservation and green growth.

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By Witness Radio team.

 

Uganda’s move to develop a national bamboo policy aims to boost environmental conservation and create green jobs, addressing the country’s urgent unemployment issues among the working class.

 

Bamboo is a critical tool in fighting climate change due to its rapid growth, high carbon sequestration capacity, and ability to produce 35% more oxygen than equivalent trees. As a fast-growing, renewable resource, it restores degraded land, provides sustainable materials that replace emission-intensive products like concrete, and offers a resilient, low-carbon bioenergy source. 

 

Bamboo’s potential is outlined in the existing National Bamboo Strategy. Still, stakeholders stress that a formal policy involving entrepreneurs, farmers, and processors is essential to remove regulatory uncertainty and foster sector growth.

 

“The strategy is a good document, but it was developed largely through desk research. It did not fully involve entrepreneurs, farmers, and processors who are already working in the bamboo industry,” said Sjaak de Blois, chairman of Bamboo Uganda, encouraging stakeholders to see their role as vital.

 

The bamboo policy is currently at an early consultative stage, with no draft yet submitted to the cabinet or parliament. Recent consultations brought together representatives from eight government ministries, private-sector bamboo actors, and development partners to begin aligning the strategy with practical regulatory needs.

 

“What we have now is the starting point,” De Blois mentioned. “The next step is to take the strategy and make it more practical, more market-driven, and more Ugandan. The next step is to move from having a plan to adopting a policy.

 

Bamboo currently falls under several regulatory frameworks, with no single authority overseeing the sector. The policy push is being driven in part by Bamboo Uganda, a membership-based organization bringing together bamboo farmers and processors, among others. The organization aims to play a coordinating role similar to that historically played by the Uganda Coffee Development Authority in the coffee sector.

 

“If you want to make a sector meaningful for a country, you need coordination. Coffee became what it is because of an institution that aligned farmers, traders, exporters, and regulators. Bamboo needs the same kind of coordination.” He said.

 

The policy process is supported by the Belgian development agency, which is funding consultations and facilitating dialogue between the government and the private sector.

Industry players say the absence of clear regulations has constrained investment despite growing demand.

“At the moment, bamboo is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. As a farmer, you talk to forestry, as a charcoal producer, you talk to energy, as a builder, you talk to works. There is no single framework that enables the industry to function.” De Blois added.

 

Supporters of the policy argue that bamboo could play a significant role in environmental conservation. Bamboo grows rapidly, regenerates after harvesting, and can be harvested annually for decades, reducing pressure on natural forests.

 

According to Global Forest Watch (GFW), Uganda lost 1.2 million hectares of tree cover between 2001 and 2024, representing a 15% decline from the 2000 baseline. Bamboo has been identified as a key species for restoration.

 

“One acre of bamboo that is harvested sustainably can prevent the destruction of hundreds of acres of natural forest,” De Blois said. “If we get this right, bamboo can help reverse deforestation rather than contribute to it.”

 

Ms. Susan Kaikara, from the Ministry of Water and Environment, emphasized bamboo’s potential to drive Uganda’s green-growth agenda.

 

“Establishing a coherent national policy framework will strengthen coordination, inspire investment, and unlock bamboo’s full potential as a pillar of Uganda’s green economy,” she said.

 

Uganda’s charcoal market alone is estimated to be worth hundreds of millions of dollars annually, much of it supplied through unsustainable wood harvesting. Industry actors say certified bamboo charcoal plantations could offer a cleaner alternative.

 

“If they allow us to certify bamboo charcoal plantations, then we can get a trade license to compete or to work together with the existing market. We will reverse deforestation. We would enter an industry of about 500,000 hectares, creating smart, green jobs. We can digitalize them to make them attractive through bamboo agroforestry. So again, those things need a policy.” He adds.

 

Bamboo is also viewed as a climate-friendly crop due to its high capacity for carbon sequestration. Its rapid growth enables it to absorb large amounts of carbon dioxide, while its extensive root system improves soil structure and increases long-term carbon storage.

 

“When you look at carbon sequestration, bamboo offers several advantages. Residues from harvested bamboo can be converted into biochar, locking carbon into the soil for long periods. When you also see the sequestration per acre compared to many other trees, it is five or six times higher. So, we sequester a lot,” De Blois said

 

Stakeholders say that if the policy process progresses as planned, bamboo could emerge as one of Uganda’s key green growth sectors within the next decade.

 

“Policy making takes time. But what is important is that we have started the conversation with all the right ministries in the room. From here, it is about taking steady, practical steps.” He concluded.

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A Global Report reveals that Development Banks’ Accountability Systems are failing communities.

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By Witness Radio team.

For decades, development projects have been funded to address some of the World’s most pressing problems, including poverty, wildlife conservation, and climate change. However, what unfolds on the ground is sometimes the opposite of development. Instead of benefits, these projects have often harmed the very people they are supposed to support.

The effort to address such harm has led to the establishment of Independent Accountability Mechanisms (IAMs) by various development banks. Yet, communities affected by these projects often face betrayal by national court systems, leaving them feeling overlooked and vulnerable, emotions that underscore the urgent need for effective justice.

According to experts in development financing, since the early 1990s, development banks have sought to address and mitigate harm through IAMs—non-judicial grievance mechanisms that provide a direct avenue for impacted communities to raise concerns, engage with project implementers, and obtain remedies for the harm they have experienced.

The study, conducted by Accountability Counsel and titled Accountability in Action or Inaction? An Empirical Study of Remedy Delivery in Independent Accountability Mechanisms shows that while IAMs exist, their relevance has fallen short, underscoring the urgent need for reform to restore community trust and hope.

In compiling the report, researchers reviewed 2,270 complaints across 16 IAMs and conducted 45 interviews covering 25 cases globally.

The report reveals a persistent gap between the promise of remedies and their realization, highlighting that only 15% of closed complaints led to commitments, and just 10% achieved full completion, underscoring the urgent need for effective remedies for communities.

The findings highlight ongoing challenges, including inadequate implementation, limited monitoring, and persistent power imbalances, which continue to block communities from accessing meaningful remedies and demand immediate reform.

“The consequences of these institutional gaps are severe. As these cases show, institutional silence can exacerbate risk, while meaningful intervention can help de-escalate it.” The Report adds.

Uganda is among the countries where communities have sought justice using these accountability mechanisms. Between 2006 and 2010, communities in one of the districts of Uganda were brutally evicted by the UK-based Company, which was growing trees in the area.

The company was formerly an investee of the Agri-Vie Agribusiness Fund, a private equity fund supported by the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank Group. The community filed a Complaint with the IFC’s accountability mechanism, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO).

“We complained to this body in 2011, hoping for justice, but over 15 years later our people are still struggling, living miserably, some without homes,” a community land and environmental defender told the Witness Radio team.

According to the affected residents, the CAO process did not lead to success or meaningful compensation, as they had hoped.

Between 2013 and 2014, the communities, with support from the CAO, signed a final agreement with the Company to address the harm. Among other commitments, this included resettlement of the affected communities.

In its 28-page report published in 2015 titled: A Story of Community-Company Dispute Resolution in Uganda, the CAO wrote,” With the agreements concluded, implementation is gathering pace. As agreed, the company has begun extending development assistance to both cooperatives, and the process of restoring and enhancing livelihoods has commenced.

The first step taken by both cooperatives was to acquire land. In late 2013, the Mubende Cooperative bought 500 acres of ‘fertile agricultural land’ in the Mubende district. Their vision was to allocate a certain percentage of the land for resettlement, with the remainder utilized for farming projects.

Reports from the ground indicate that communities remain dissatisfied with the process, claiming it failed to address their concerns fully and highlighting the urgent need for more effective remedy systems.

“When you say that people are well, it is really a total lie. Many people were never compensated or resettled. Even those who got a portion of land say they have never seen a fertile land—I have never seen it, because people are living or cultivating on rocky, infertile lands,” the defender further revealed.

The struggle faced by the Ugandan community is not unique. Their experience mirrors what the Accountability Counsel report identifies worldwide. Despite registering more than 2000 complaints by communities harmed by bank-financed projects globally, there has been no comprehensive system-wide analysis of whether and how often these mechanisms deliver meaningful remedies, defined as tangible, material outcomes that repair harm and improve lives.

In addition to the slow success of such IAMs, the report notes that, across interviews covering 25 complaints, 84% referenced retaliation, violence, or threats of violence-an alarming indicator of the risks faced by communities seeking justice, demanding immediate attention and action.

“Government officials and company representatives were frequently implicated in efforts to suppress dissent. This not only reduces the likelihood of achieving a substantial remedy, but also suppresses the willingness of community members to speak honestly and openly about Complaint outcomes.” The report further adds,

Further, it reveals that communities described a range of retaliatory tactics, including physical clashes, arrests, detentions, fatalities, intimidation and harassment, death threats, and anonymous warning letters, among others.

“Remedy must be reimagined not as a peripheral concern but as a core responsibility of development institutions. It must be adequately resourced, independently monitored, and centered around the needs and voices of affected people,” the report adds.

The report recommends that development banks and IAMs establish a Remedy Framework with clear standards to ensure remedies are timely, adequate, and community-centered, and to encourage stakeholders to prioritize systemic reform for better justice outcomes.

The report also urges development banks and their accountability mechanisms to make remedies a foundational element of responsible finance. Adopting institutional frameworks that prioritize redress, empowering IAMs to oversee and enforce commitments, and incorporating the outcomes of IAM processes into project evaluations and institutional learning.

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Young activists fight to be heard as officials push forward on devastating project: ‘It is corporate greed’

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“We refuse to inherit a damaged planet and devastated communities.”

Youth climate activists in Uganda protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, or EACOP, are frustrated with the government’s response to their demonstration as the years-long project moves forward.

According to the country’s Daily Monitor, youth activists organized with End Fossil Occupy Uganda took to the streets of Kampala in early August to protest EACOP. The pipeline, under construction since about 2017 and now 62 percent complete, is set to transport crude oil from Uganda’s Tilenga and Kingfisher fields through Tanzania to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga by 2026.

Activists noted the devastating toll, with group spokesperson Felix Musinguzi saying that already around 13,000 people “have lost their land with unfair compensation” and estimating that around 90,000 more in Uganda and Tanzania could be affected. End Fossil Occupy Uganda has also warned of risks to vital water sources, including Lake Victoria, which it says 40 million people rely on.

The group has been calling on financial institutions to withdraw funding for the project. Following a demonstration at Stanbic Bank earlier in the month, 12 activists were arrested, according to the Daily Monitor.

Some protesters were seen holding signs reading “Every loan to big oil is a debt to our children” and “It’s not economic development; it is corporate greed.”

Meanwhile, the regional newspaper says the government has described the activist efforts as driven by foreign actors who mean to subvert economic progress.

EACOP’s site notes that its shareholders include French multinational TotalEnergies — owning 62 percent of the company’s shares — Uganda National Oil Company, Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation, and China National Offshore Oil Corporation.

The wave of young people taking action against EACOP could be seen as a sign of growing public frustration over infrastructural projects that promise economic gain while bringing harm to local communities and ecosystems. Activists say residents face costly threats from pipeline development, such as forced displacement and the loss of livelihoods.

Environmental hazards to Lake Victoria could also disrupt water supplies and food systems, bringing the potential for both financial and health impacts. Just 10 years ago, an oil spill in Kenya caused a humanitarian crisis. The Kenya Pipeline Company reportedly attributed the spill to pipeline corrosion, which led to contamination of the Thange River and severe illness.

The EACOP project has already locked the region into close to a decade of development, and concerns about the pipeline and continued investments in carbon-intensive systems go back just as long. Youth activists, as well as concerned citizens of all ages, say efforts to move toward climate resilience can’t wait. “As young people, we refuse to inherit a damaged planet and devastated communities,” Musinguzi said, per the Monitor.

Source: The Cool Down

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