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EU delegation praises Uganda’s oil and gas progress amid mounting land and human rights challenges in the Albertine Region.

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By the Witness Radio Team

Hoima, Uganda — On May 7, the European Union marked 50 years of partnership with the Government of Uganda during the Europe Day 2026 celebrations in Kampala, attended by EU members, Ugandan officials, development partners, and diplomats.

It’s reported that over the past five decades, the EU has invested EUR 5 billion in development support, alongside a similar amount of European private investment. This partnership progressed to engagements in trade, investment, energy, climate action, education, health, and humanitarian support.

Focusing on sustainable growth of the EU’s support, part of the celebrations involved a visit to the Albertine oil graben by the EU delegation, with several ambassadors from EU countries, to reflect on the ongoing transformations in oil and gas projects in the Albertine region and on the EU’s commitments to its development ambitions.

During the visit on May 19 2026, the EU delegation engaged selected Land and Environmental Defenders (LEDs) from Uganda’s oil-rich Albertine region who are beneficiaries of the Monitoring, Documentation and Advocacy for Human Rights in Uganda (MDA-HRU) project. The project is being implemented by Witness Radio Uganda and the National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders Uganda (NCHRD-U), in partnership with DanChurchAid and funded by the European Union. Besides, the Delegation visited several oil and gas projects and surrounding communities.

The visit concluded on May 20 2026, with a dinner at Hoima City Stadium, attended by Several EU country ambassadors, Hoima Local Government authorities, Hoima City officials, development partners, and Civil society organizations. Addressing the guests, H.E. Jan Sadek, European Union Ambassador to Uganda, noted the large-scale and importance of the oil and gas developments in the mid-western region of Uganda, but also acknowledged the complex social, environmental, and human rights issues that come with such investments.

“The future is already unfolding quickly. Today we were in Buliisa with TotalEnergies and its partners, learning more about one of the largest industrial energy projects in East Africa,” Sadek said.

He thanked TotalEnergies, its General Manager Philippe Groueix, and the company’s staff, praising what he described as their openness and hospitality during the visit.

“What we saw was very impressive in scale and ambition. We visited the Tilenga Central Processing Facility and oil rigs both inside and outside Murchison Falls National Park, and saw efforts to reduce the project’s footprint in the area. These developments are very significant for Hoima and Buliisa, and for Uganda and the wider region.” He added.

Sadek also pointed to Europe’s growing economic ties with Uganda, noting that European firms remain among the country’s largest foreign investors.

“TotalEnergies is not just a major investment in Uganda, but also part of the broader economic relationship between Europe and Uganda. The European Union remains one of Uganda’s biggest export markets outside the region and a long-standing development partner,” he further said.

Challenges amidst oil and gas developments

However, alongside the praise for the sector’s economic potential, land and environmental defenders raised concerns over escalating land pressure, delayed compensation, environmental degradation, and shrinking civic space linked to large-scale oil investments.

The concerns were raised during a European Union feedback and engagement meeting held on May 19 at Miika Eco Resort Hotel in Hoima District. The session brought together land and environmental rights defenders, project partners including Witness Radio Uganda, and European Union representatives to review project progress and assess emerging human rights concerns.

Defenders told the EU delegation that oil-related developments have intensified land pressure in the Albertine region through projects associated with Uganda’s petroleum sector, including the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), Tilenga, and Kingfisher projects.

Participants reported prolonged delays in compensation for households whose land has been acquired or earmarked for oil-related projects, leaving many families facing prolonged uncertainty and livelihood insecurity.

“People are being affected by delayed compensation processes. Some have even rejected the compensation, saying it is too low, even though their land has already been taken. When people raise complaints, they face intimidation,” Gloria Mugonzebwa, one of the defenders, told the Delegation.

Beyond land concerns, defenders raised alarm over increasing human-wildlife conflict, which they linked to ongoing oil exploration and infrastructure development in and around protected ecosystems, including national parks.

They said disturbances associated with construction activities, industrial lighting, forest encroachment, and vibrations have contributed to wildlife displacement into neighboring communities.

Environmental organizations such as the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO) have previously raised similar concerns, warning that oil activities, climate change, and poaching are reshaping ecosystems in Murchison Falls National Park.

In its 2024 report, How Oil Activities, Climate Change, and Poaching Are Negatively Reshaping Murchison Park, AFIEGO documented that between 2023 and 2024, more than five people were killed in elephant-related incidents, highlighting growing human-wildlife tensions around the park.

Participants also raised concerns over environmental degradation linked to oil development, including deforestation, forest encroachment, and alleged risks of water contamination in affected communities.

“These developments are changing the natural balance. Communities are now living with increased risks from displaced wildlife and environmental disruption,” Nyakato Hellen said.

Uganda has also witnessed the shrinking of civic space for community land and environmental defenders, particularly those questioning the impacts of mega-development projects.

Defenders who attended the meeting said it has become increasingly difficult to document and raise concerns about land and environmental abuses linked to oil investments.

“As activists, the biggest issue has been intimidation, and some defenders have been arrested in the course of their work,” Mr. Biira Kiwanuka Nassa revealed.

Global Witness reported in 2024 that more than 96 arrests linked to environmental activism against oil development activities in Uganda were recorded within only nine months, illustrating the scale of restrictions faced by activists.

“We used to be arrested when we spoke about violations. We had to demonstrate for companies to listen,” one defender said.

Need for sustained dialogue.

In response, the European Union delegation emphasized the importance of sustained dialogue among governments, companies, civil society, and affected communities.

The Delegation acknowledged that large-scale projects, such as oil development, inevitably raise complex questions regarding land rights, compensation, environmental protection, biodiversity, and human rights.

“These issues deserve serious attention and continued dialogue,” the Delegation said.

The Delegation further stressed that inclusive development depends on communities being informed, respected, and meaningfully involved in decisions that affect them.

“Development works best when communities feel included, respected, and heard. That is why our program has included not only meetings with authorities and investors, but also discussions with civil society, community representatives, and local stakeholders,” the Delegation added.

About the MDA-HRU project

DanChurchAid coordinates the project in partnership with Witness Radio. It was designed to promote the protection and respect of human rights and strengthen access to remedy in Uganda’s Mid-Western and Karamoja sub-regions, where private sector actors are increasingly involved in land-based investments.

Speaking at the meeting, Mr. Christopher Kiwanuka, Director of Programs at Witness Radio, welcomed the EU delegation’s assessment mission, noting that it reflects growing recognition of the documentation work undertaken under the MDA-HRU project.

He said the project has strengthened the capacity of land and environmental defenders to document violations and engage duty bearers more effectively.

Uganda’s Mid-Western region remains among the areas most affected by land conflicts linked to large-scale investments, particularly oil development.

Since the discovery of oil in 2006, the sector has generated expectations of economic transformation alongside persistent concerns over displacement, environmental degradation, and unresolved human rights impacts in affected communities.

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AGRA at 20: New report reignites debate over Africa’s farm model

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Twenty years after AGRA’s launch, a report built on 18 years of FAO data paints a contrasting picture: fertiliser use and crop area surged, overall yields disappointed and undernourishment rose in the focus countries.

On 24 August 2026, a report presented in Dakar for the twentieth anniversary of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) scrutinised nearly two decades of public and philanthropic support for a model built on fertilisers, commercial seeds and subsidies, just as the African Union fine‑tunes its 2026‑2035 agricultural strategy. Drawing on 18 years of FAO data for 13 countries targeted by AGRA, the document concludes that input use and cultivated area have risen sharply, while productivity gains have been more modest than expected and undernourishment has increased significantly.

According to the analysis, fertiliser use in the focus countries more than doubled between 2006 and 2024, while cultivated area grew by 46 %; yet average annual yield growth for the main crops reached only 1.2 %, compared with 1.3 % in the twelve years preceding AGRA’s creation. This finding echoes work published a few days earlier by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) and a Tufts University researcher, who argue that the original promise to double smallholders’ yields and incomes while halving hunger has not been met in the participating countries.

Maize‑centred gains at the expense of crop diversity

The authors point out that maize, the flagship crop of this approach, shows contrasted performance: yields are reported to have increased by 40 %, but on the back of a 71 % expansion in maize area, while yields for millet fell by 17 %, for roots and tubers by 10 % and for groundnuts by 11 %. This reallocation has reduced the share of millet and sorghum in cultivated land from about 26 % to 16 %, even though these cereals remain central to diets and climate resilience across large Sahelian and Sudanian zones.

Farmer networks and agroecology experts stress that this shift of land and public support towards hybrid maize and nitrogen fertiliser has increased farms’ dependence on imported inputs and weakened food systems built on traditional cereals, legumes and root crops.

Rising undernourishment in the focus countries

The report links these technical choices to food security trends: in the studied countries, the number of chronically undernourished people is estimated to have risen from 94.6 million in 2004‑2006 to 149.6 million in 2022‑2024, a 58 % increase, with Nigeria accounting for a large share of the deterioration. This trajectory matches the estimates used by AFSA and its partners, who recall that AGRA originally set a goal of halving undernourishment in its focus countries, a target later revised under the AGRA 3.0 strategy.

The authors underline, however, that national situations diverge: Ethiopia and Ghana have reduced the number of undernourished people, while Nigeria accounts for more than half of the increase and countries such as Malawi have seen hunger rise despite higher cereal yields.

Senegal as a comparator outside the AGRA focus group

Beyond the AGRA countries, Senegal is used as a comparator; the report notes stronger performance on some yield indicators without claiming causality, and highlights the role of greater crop diversity and locally anchored agroecological initiatives. Senegalese agroecology specialists recall that the country combines targeted input schemes with support for value chains such as millet, cowpea and irrigated horticulture, partly limiting the monoculture effects observed in some AGRA focus states while leaving open questions around soil fertility and exposure to external markets.

The 2026‑2035 agricultural strategy shaped by AGRA’s scorecard

As the African Union finalises its 2026‑2035 continental agricultural strategy under the CAADP/Malabo framework, AGRA’s evaluations are feeding a broader debate on how to combine public investment, development‑finance institutions and family farming in transforming food systems. A report released in March 2026 by AFSA on African Development Bank‑backed farm projects already pointed to a persistent bias towards input‑intensive models, at the expense of diversification, soil fertility and farmer‑managed seed systems.

The Dakar report explicitly recommends that African agricultural policies give more weight to crop diversification, agroecology, farmer‑managed seed systems, soil fertility, public research and extension services, instead of treating commercial inputs as the sole engine of transformation.

Upcoming AFSA report on twenty years of the Green Revolution

These findings will feed into the discussion around AFSA’s report The Green Revolution Has Failed Africa: Twenty Years of Evidence and What Works Instead, to be launched on 24 August 2026 at a continental webinar on lessons from the AGRA experience and farmer‑led alternatives. AGRA, for its part, is marking its twentieth anniversary by highlighting a shift in its mandate towards food systems and policy support, emphasising closer partnerships with governments, research centres and the private sector to strengthen the foundations of agricultural productivity.

For now, the quantified scorecard presented in Dakar and the parallel release of AFSA’s review send a clear signal that the coming decade of African agriculture will have to arbitrate more explicitly between subsidies for inputs, crop diversification and the scale‑up of agroecological models before the 2026‑2035 strategy is formally adopted.

Source: capmad.com

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Thirteen years after the Karuma Hydropower Project broke ground, countless people forced from their homes are still waiting for the compensation and resettlement they were promised.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Envisioned as a cornerstone of Uganda’s energy future, the Karuma Hydropower Project aimed to boost the nation’s power supply, lower electricity costs, and secure lasting energy stability.

In 2013, work began on the 600-megawatt Karuma Hydropower Station, nestled along the River Nile in Kiryandongo District. Led by China’s Sinohydro Corporation, the project transformed over 465 hectares with an underground power station and sprawling infrastructure.

China largely financed the project, with the Ugandan government contributing alongside the Export-Import Bank of China.

Karuma was heralded as a game-changer for Uganda’s electricity landscape, set to light up more homes and fuel the nation’s ambitions for industrial and economic growth.

Yet as the power station finally became reality in 2024, many who gave up their land and homes say they are still waiting for the government’s decade-old promises of compensation and resettlement.

Over 400 households remain caught in the heart of an unresolved compensation battle, urging the government to honor its responsibility and ensure those who lost everything are finally compensated or resettled.

According to the Parliamentary Committee on Environment and Natural Resources’ report on the Ministerial Policy Statements for the financial year 2026/27, the government owes approximately UGX 70 billion to Project Affected Persons (PAPs) under the Karuma Hydropower Project.

For many victims, these delays have meant years without the land and livelihoods that once sustained them.

“I am growing old and don’t have a permanent job. It is becoming hard to survive after losing my land that was my family’s source of livelihood,” Owelo told the Witness Radio team.

Owelo Patrick, now 53, is still waiting for compensation. When the project claimed his eucalyptus plantation in Ayuda Village, he lost not just land, but the lifeline that once supported his family.

Thirteen years on, he finds himself renting a modest house and scraping by on odd jobs to survive.

“At this age, I work for anyone who calls me because I want to survive with my family,” Owelo adds.

He says the wait has grown more painful as some fellow claimants have died before seeing justice.

“The government should keep its promise because most of our colleagues promised compensation are dying, and for those of us alive, our patience has run out,” he says.

Apaco Suprianto Adyeeri is another whose life the project upended.

Now renting a small house along Obote Road in Karuma Town, Apaco recalls losing two acres of fertile land where she once grew cassava and other crops.

“Life is difficult because I have no money and struggle to care for my grandchildren. I don’t have a permanent house and survive on a small bar business that raises minimal income, which cannot support my family,” she says.

To make ends meet, Apaco now hires small plots of land to grow cassava, maize, and beans, hoping to earn just enough to get by.

“If the government can’t compensate us, let them give us land elsewhere to live. We expected help to rebuild our livelihood after losing our land. But 13 years later, we continue to suffer,” she reveals.

The $1.7 billion Karuma project swept through Kiryandongo District, displacing residents from villages like Nora, Akuridia, Karuma, Bedmot, and Awo.

Residents recResidents say they were forced to leave their homes and fields before any compensation arrived, destroying their farms, businesses, and means of living. Affected residents interviewed by Witness Radio said that after the eviction, the government also promised to resettle some of the affected families in Nwoya District, with each family expected to receive two acres of land and a constructed house.

Yet residents say the promised resettlement remains little more than words and has never fully materialized.

For farming families, losing land meant scrambling to rent plots elsewhere to grow food or earn a living. Others have been pushed into rented homes and still struggle to survive.

The long wait has come at a steep human cost, with some affected residents dying before receiving the compensation promised.

Seeking justice, affected families have sent repeated petitions to the President and government bodies, pleading for action on their long-overdue compensation and resettlement.

Some of their concerns are also documented in a written complaint dated 14 August 2024, signed by William Ogik and other Project Affected Persons from Karuma.

The letter, addressed to relevant authorities and copied to the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, Kiryandongo District leadership, the Chief Government Valuer, the Speaker of Parliament, Sinohydro and the Chinese Embassy in Uganda, formally outlines the communities’ grievances and calls for government intervention.

The communities voiced grievances over delayed compensation, claims of undervalued property, and the devastating loss of their farmland.

Ochaya Washington, former District Councilor and chief petitioner for the vulnerable, warns that the situation is now dire for elderly and at-risk residents who have waited years for the government to keep its word.

“People are all dying. I call upon the government and the Ministry to intervene and help these people before they perish,” he says.

Uganda’s drive for progress comes with a lesson from Karuma: true development must include timely compensation, real resettlement, and safeguarding livelihoods. Thirteen years later, many families are still waiting to piece their lives back together.

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Ahead of COP17, development banks must confront mining’s role in accelerating desertification

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Environmental defenders warn ahead of UNCCD’s COP17 in Mongolia that development banks are financing critical mineral projects that accelerate desertification, water depletion and deforestation while claiming to support a just energy transition.

When governments gather in Ulaanbaatar from 17 to 28 August for the 17th Conference of the Parties (COP17) to the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), they will pledge to restore degraded land and strengthen resilience to drought. Yet many of these same governments, as shareholders of public development banks, continue to finance large-scale mining projects that degrade fragile ecosystems, deplete scarce water resources, and accelerate desertification.

That contradiction is already evident in the run-up to the summit. In a communiqué ahead of COP17, Mongolia’s foreign minister highlighted the country’s ambition to combat desertification through artificial intelligence data centres powered by renewable energy. But while presented as part of a green future, data centres and the infrastructure that supports them are driving demand for critical minerals such as copper, lithium and rare earth elements. Their expansion risks intensifying the very mining impacts that contribute to land degradation and water scarcity in arid regions.

The production of one metric ton of lithium, for instance, requires between 1 and 2 million liters of water to produce. Gold and copper mining operations use chemicals for exploration and extraction, which need further water to be diluted; and this water, once contaminated, is then discharged back into the natural world. Over the years, the mining sector has developed standards to address or mitigate these impacts. Way too often, however, companies fail to comply with such benchmarks.

Mongolia, this year’s COP17 host, illustrates this tension well. Nearly 80 per cent of the country’s land is already degraded or affected by desertification, according to the government. Yet,  development banks are expanding support for critical mineral mining in the country, while failing to ensure compliance with social and environmental safeguards.

For more than a decade, pastoralist communities and environmental defenders in Mongolia have warned that Rio Tinto’s Oyu Tolgoi copper mine is heavily affecting South Gobi’s scarce water resources. Herders report that their land and wells have become increasingly dry since the mine began operating. Yet, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) invested a combined US$350 million in the project in 2024.

 

Oyu Tolgoi mine with caption

Development banks are financing desertification

Historically, public development banks have been cautious about investing directly in large-scale mining projects, due to the high social and environmental risks involved. In recent years, however, they have been heavily investing in this sector.

In November 2025, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), after avoiding mining investments for four decades, approved a controversial new Energy Policy that opens the door to financing critical mineral extraction. One of its flagship projects is the Reko Diq mine in Balochistan, Pakistan, which several development banks are funding. The mine, which sits in a highly militarised and conflict-affected region, threatens an already hyper-arid desert ecosystem with further land degradation and desertification.

In May 2026, also the World Bank Group unveiled a new strategy for metals and minerals, pledging to “quintuple support to the sector in the next five years”. Argentina is one of the target countries for this new strategy: since 2024, the World Bank has already committed nearly USD 2 billion in loans and an additional USD 1.9 billion in guarantees to support projects involving reforms and deregulation of the energy and mining sectors, as well as investments in logistical and strategic infrastructure for those sectors. These investments feed into the Incentive Scheme for Major Investments (RIGI), a government program granting extensive fiscal, legal and export benefits to large-scale extractive projects.

The World Bank and IDB Invest also funded the controversial Sal de Vida lithium mine, in a salt flat in the Catamarca province affected by seven other lithium mines. Water, already scarce in this arid territory, is disappearing quickly. As a result of mining activities, the Trapiche River has completely dried up and for local herders finding water and food for their llamas, goats or sheep is becoming a daily challenge.

Protest against lithium mining by indigenous communities in Salinas Grandes, Jujuy, Argentina. Credit Tomas Saraceno

In Zambia’s Copperbelt, approximately 5,000 people across eight communities surrounding the Nchanga and Konkola copper mines have endured decades of water and soil pollution. These impacts are rarely described as desertification, yet the loss of fertile soil, vegetation, water and agricultural livelihoods feeds directly into the wider degradation of productive land.

Zambia’s own commitments under the UNCCD set a target to rehabilitate all land degraded by mining and quarrying by 2030, in part to mitigate current desertification trends. Nevertheless, the World Bank’s US$65.6 million Zambia Mining and Environmental Remediation and Improvement Project, which explicitly targeted polluted mining areas in Chingola, brought no direct remediation to these eight communities.

 

Mining-affected communities call for stronger safeguards

From Mongolia to Pakistan, to Zambia and Argentina, local communities and civil society groups are sounding the alarm around the irreversible harms of this new wave of extractivist projects undertaken in the name of the “just” energy transition.

According to the UN, “up to 40% of the world’s land is degraded, affecting more than 3 billion people worldwide and with dire consequences for our climate, wildlife and livelihoods.” Drought, land degradation and desertification are already costing the global community an estimated US$ 878 billion every year. Yet, the concerns of mining-affected communities and environmental activists are either being ignored or used as a pretext to stigmatise them as “anti-development”, criminalise them and attack them.

The UNCCD promises, “we have the power to bring land back to life”. But to do so, governments and public development banks need to go beyond slogans and explicitly recognise the impacts that productive sectors like large-scale mining have on land degradation, water resources and the ecological integrity of ecosystems.

Ana Pandigracio, Biodiversity Director at Fundación Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (FARN), a former elected member of the UNCCD CSO Panel for Latin America and the Caribbean (2022–2024) and former elected IUCN Councillor (2021–2025), recommends that, to mitigate these impacts, they commit to not supporting further mining expansion in arid zones and require existing projects to comply with robust environmental safeguards and the highest applicable standards, including those set out by the  International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

As a group of CSOs recommended during a previous UNCCD conference, governments and development banks should also support community-led initiatives, particularly those led by women, youth, pastoralists and Indigenous Peoples, and integrate their knowledge into drought management strategies.

Economic development should not come at the cost of greater land degradation, worsening water scarcity or mounting social and environmental harms for current and future generations. Instead, public development banks need to invest in community-led solutions that protect, restore and sustainably manage ecosystems while respecting the rights of the communities that depend on them.

Source: rightsindevelopment.org

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