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COVID-19 unending effects: Demand for land to host refugees in Uganda caused forced land displacement and pushed the refugee-hosting community into Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs).

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By Witness Radio Team

As the world was grappling with a global pandemic (COVID-19), which was accompanied by impromptu lockdowns and economic uncertainty. For the residents who lived around the Kyangwali Refugee Settlement, the crisis was far more severe than the effects of the lockdown; the second phase of the lockdown was taken advantage of to carry out a massive and illegal land eviction by a Ugandan government Ministry.

According to affected residents, Uganda’s Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) used the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown to illegally evict more than 20,000 people from Kyangwali Sub-county in what many describe as a calculated operation carried out under the cover of pandemic restrictions.

The Prime Minister’s Office had previously displaced thousands during a 2013 eviction that affected over 60,000 people. At the time, the OPM claimed the residents were unlawfully occupying land designated for refugees. Some residents later returned after government officials reportedly acknowledged irregularities in the earlier eviction.

“After three weeks, the government responded with a delegation from the Prime Minister’s office led by Minister Hillary Onek, who then said that the exercise was not right, it was a wrong one, and that they are sorry for the actions of OPM individuals and that we should return to our land,” Ampumbuza explained.

However, in 2020, residents described what they called a “second phase” of evictions targeting more than 35 villages in Bukinda and Katikala in Kyangwali. According to testimonies gathered by Witness Radio, security forces, including the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF), were deployed along key roads and trading centers, effectively sealing off the settlement and surrounding communities.

Residents say that COVID-19 control measures were manipulated to facilitate illegal evictions, while security personnel enforced movement restrictions that barred journalists, politicians, and civil society actors from accessing the area.

“During 2020, they announced that there was a high outbreak of COVID-19 in Kyangwali Refugee Camp, and people are dying at a high rate, like flies. And so, they slammed us with a total lockdown, and there was no journalist or political leader allowed in the area. The announcement was made on all local radio stations in the area, and the whole place was deployed by the UPDF, so that no movement of people was seen.” Mr. Ahumuze Busingye, a leader of the affected group, told Witness in an exclusive interview.

Busingye further revealed that the officials acted smartly and evicted the community with no interference, “Now what is shocking here is that the security intentionally acted smartly and took advantage of the 2020 COVID-19 outbreak to cordon off the whole refugee settlement land and made false announcements that the area had rampant death in the zone and so no movements were allowed.”

Mbambali Fred, another affected resident, claims the lockdown created an environment where security personnel operated with impunity.

“Residents were rounded up, beaten, and ordered to vacate land described as government property designated for refugees,” he said. “When we asked why they were beating us, they replied that they wanted us to leave because the land was not ours.”

Residents named OPM officials, including Bafaki Charles and Kebirungi Joy, as leading the eviction efforts. According to the evictees, officials maintained that the land was reserved for refugees and that occupants were unlawful settlers.

During the height of the pandemic, the Ugandan government imposed strict restrictions to curb the spread of COVID-19, including bans on movement, public gatherings, and rallies. At the same time, the Ministry of Lands, Housing, and Urban Development issued directives halting evictions nationwide. Yet residents say these safeguards were disregarded in Kyangwali.

This was the second eviction. Earlier, in 2012, more than 60,000 people had been evicted by the same office without compensation. The OPM claimed the evictees were occupying refugee land, but some later returned.

In 2016, President Yoweri Museveni issued a directive to reopen and verify the 1998 land boundaries and compensate individuals affected by prior demarcations. An implementation team reportedly visited the area in 2018 but did not immediately displace the residents.

“And then in 2018, we saw a team coming to implement the president’s directive. They did all they could and left without touching us, and some of our colleagues had stayed at the sub-county camp.” Busingye further added.

It was not only the displaced residents who faced injustice after being uprooted from their land. Mr. Mbambali, a landowner before the 2020 evictions, was not spared. He, too, was evicted by the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM).

He says the deepest injustice lies in the fact that the land in Kyeya, which he acquired through years of hard work, was later used to resettle people displaced from Bukinda and Katikala, without his consent and without compensation.

“Five people, including me, hold land measuring 778.570 hectares. But the OPM grabbed it and settled people in. Personally, I was tortured and evicted without compensation despite holding a land title for the said land.” He added.

During an interview with Witness Radio, the middle-aged, brown, and slim defender broke into tears, displaying big scars all over his body, which he says emerged as a result of beatings and torture during the evictions.

“They named me a land grabber who was resisting vacating land, which they called government land. They beat and tortured me.” The defender told Witness Radio

“I hold scars, and I have a lot of pain that those people caused me. My family is currently suffering because of greed from the big shots.” He added.

Whereas some of the evictees were eventually resettled, leaders of the affected communities reveal that serious injustices marred the process. Local land rights defenders, including Ahumuza, say the resettlement exercise was riddled with irregularities. They claim it triggered yet another violent eviction, as the land onto which the government relocated residents had itself been irregularly and allegedly illegally acquired.

“The process was not fair at all. The government never settled many of us, which is why we are now camping in an internally displaced camp. Some people were settled on land belonging to private individuals like Mbambali.” Ahumuza added.

Uganda has long been praised for its progressive refugee policies, including land allocation and freedom of movement, yet behind this lies evictions of nationals, which raises concern about balancing refugee resettlement with the land rights of host communities.

While refugees in Kyangwali remain settled and supported under national and international protection frameworks, many evicted host community members say they now live in informal, unrecognized settlements without compensation or redress.

Like the thousands of evictees who remain without justice and are now confined to an informal camp in Kiziranfumbi, Mr. Mbambali — himself a lawful landowner — has endured repeated dispossession alongside many others.

Despite repeated appeals, residents say government authorities have remained hesitant to address the dispute, leaving thousands in protracted uncertainty.

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The untold struggle of community land right defenders in eastern DRC’s three-decade war.

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By the Witness Radio team.

“My land is among the properties currently being used by rebels. I had purchased a plot right along Route 2, but an M23 officer is now renting it out to traders. He collects the fees for my own land while I suffer here in hiding. I cannot even call him, for fear of exposing myself to further danger.”

These are the words of a community land-right defender from North Kivu Province, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), living in hiding after becoming a target for defending community land rights.

According to the defender, defending land rights has come at an enormous cost. He has lost access to his property, his livelihood, and his freedom of movement. A piece of land he legally acquired is now under the control of others, and he remains unable to challenge their occupation because doing so could put his life at risk.

His story reflects a growing reality across eastern DRC, where decades of conflict have made land one of the most contested resources. As armed groups expand territorial control, communities say homes, farms, grazing areas, and commercial properties are being seized, leaving millions displaced and land rights defenders increasingly vulnerable.

Eastern DRC has endured armed conflict for more than three decades. The violence has involved government forces and multiple armed groups competing for political influence, territory, and control over valuable resources.

Since its resurgence in 2021, the March 23 Movement (M23), operating under the AFC/M23 coalition, has captured large areas of North and South Kivu, some of the country’s most strategic and resource-rich provinces.

According to the United Nations Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s July 2025 report, the control of large parts of North and South Kivu by AFC/M23 secured access to mineral-rich territories and fertile land, while increasing Rwanda’s influence in the DRC.

The report highlights the strategic importance of territorial control in the conflict, where access to natural resources, productive land, and key areas is closely linked to armed groups’ expansion and regional influence.

For communities living in these territories, territorial control has brought displacement, insecurity, and loss of ancestral land.

According to the United Nations, more than seven million people are internally displaced across the Democratic Republic of Congo, making it one of the world’s largest displacement crises.

Many displaced people who spoke to the Witness Radio team say that when fighting forces drive them from their homes, their property often becomes vulnerable to occupation.

“Many people are suffering in silence. Throughout the territory, homes, fields, and plots are being seized by force while people are being driven out so that others can settle in undisturbed. Rwandans are leaving their homes to occupy local owners’ properties. We are helpless and suffering in silence,” he said.

Another defender, whom Witness Radio identifies as Mwamba for security reasons, says his family’s struggle over land has lasted for generations and has been shaped by armed conflict.

Mwamba says his father, a traditional chief, farmer, and landowner in North Kivu, was targeted during the years of rebellion and that their family land, measuring approximately 240 hectares, was taken over.

Before the land was seized, the family ran a farm with livestock, including about 550 cattle, 250 sheep and goats, and 50 pigs.

According to Mwamba, the livestock were looted, houses were destroyed, and the farm was occupied by armed actors linked to the AFC/M23 movement during successive periods of conflict.

“My whole life, there has been conflict over our family’s property. Since the 1990s, we have never been able to use our land in peace,” he said.

The human cost has been greater than the economic losses, leading to the deaths of his family members. He recalls, “In 1997, my three older brothers were captured on the road and killed by the same group that had grabbed our land. When I later tried to organize my family to reclaim what belongs to us, I received death threats too. I had to flee because I believed I would be next.”

Today, his family lives in poverty while watching others profit from land they say has belonged to them for generations.

“All family members left to save their lives. The farm is still in their hands, and we cannot even approach it,” he said.

Also, human rights lawyer Ngoma, whose real name is withheld for safety reasons, says defending victims of land grabbing and other abuses became a threat to his own survival.

For more than a decade, Ngoma represented marginalized communities seeking justice for land seizures, killings, sexual violence, torture, and other abuses committed during the conflict.

But when M23 fighters took control of his area, his work put him in danger.

“I felt constantly at risk, to the point of receiving death threats from the very people against whom we were litigating. I faced numerous threats to my own safety and that of my family. I was forced to change my phone numbers, cut communication with people, and I could no longer move freely as a citizen,” he told Witness Radio in an exclusive interview.

Like many other human rights defenders, Ngoma eventually fled and went into hiding for safety, but the conflict and its far-reaching costs to victims remained. His departure disrupted his life and left many victims without legal representation when they needed it most. For communities whose land had been seized or whose relatives had been killed, lawyers and land defenders are often the only link to justice. When they are forced into exile or silence through threats and intimidation, victims are left with few avenues to challenge abuses, document violations, or pursue accountability.

“When the conflict escalated, that marked the beginning of my ordeal. My life was thrown into turmoil. I was forced to flee and constantly protect my family from possible attacks,” he added.

His experience reflects a wider pattern across eastern DRC, where attacks on lawyers, land defenders, and human rights activists have weakened community efforts to resist land dispossession and seek justice. As those documenting abuses are driven into hiding, armed groups tighten their control over contested territories, while many displaced families are left without the legal and human rights support needed to reclaim their land or defend their rights.

Residents say that when armed groups capture territory and civilians flee, abandoned properties can become vulnerable to occupation. Families who later attempt to return often face intimidation, threats, or the inability to reclaim their land.

Researchers widely agree that the conflict in eastern DRC has multiple overlapping drivers, including competition for political power, ethnic tensions, control of mineral resources, weak governance, and territorial control. Within this broader conflict, land remains a critical source of both livelihoods and strategic influence, making it a frequent point of contestation between armed groups and displaced communities.

Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, the International Outreach Coordinator for the coalition Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), told Witness Radio that, in her view, Rwanda’s involvement in eastern DRC is closely linked to territorial expansion.

According to Dr. Rogers, Rwanda’s limited land area and growing population have increased the importance of securing additional territory. She argued that in areas under the control of the AFC/M23, civilians are frequently driven from their homes through violence and intimidation. When displaced families later attempt to return, she said, many discover that their land has already been occupied by people she identifies as Rwandans.

Human rights organizations have repeatedly raised concerns about attacks against those documenting abuses and supporting affected communities.

Between November 2025 and February 2026, several human rights defenders in North and South Kivu were reportedly targeted because of their work, according to the United Nations.

In January 2026, UN human rights experts expressed concern over allegations of attempted killings, kidnappings, torture, sexual violence, and death threats targeting defenders and their families.

The attacks have forced many defenders to choose between abandoning their work and risking their lives.

Despite years of displacement and violence, many affected families still hope to return to their ancestral lands.

“The land belongs to our families. We have lost so much, but we have not lost hope. One day, we believe justice will allow us to return,” Mwemba told our team.

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Ugandan farmers take TotalEnergies’ pipeline to UK court

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Police apprehend a Ugandan activist during a protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) plans in Kampala, Uganda, on 15 September, 2023. © Reuters

Four Ugandan farmers filed a case against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) at the UK’s High Court on Tuesday, seeking to have Ugandan constitutional, environmental and climate law applied to EACOP Ltd, the UK-registered company financing the project

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Lawyers Move to Court to Stop New Luxury Tourism Projects in Maasai Mara

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A coalition of regional legal and environmental organisations has moved to court seeking to halt the approval and development of new luxury tourism facilities in the Maasai Mara National Reserve, arguing that the projects threaten one of the world’s most important wildlife ecosystems.

The petition, filed before the Environment and Land Court, seeks orders stopping further construction of high-end tourist accommodation within the reserve pending the determination of the case.

Those behind the petition include East Africa Law Society, Natural Justice, JustAct and Africa Centre for Peace and Human Rights, who have sued several government agencies and private investors involved in the developments.

Among the respondents are Marriott International, The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, Minor Hotels, National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) and the Narok County Government.

Narok Governor Patrick Ole Ntutu and the Maasai Mara National Reserve date in Narok County.
Photo| County Government of Narok / Maasai Mara National Reserve.

The petitioners contend that approvals granted for the tourism developments violated constitutional and environmental safeguards, arguing that the projects were allowed within ecologically sensitive areas meant primarily for wildlife conservation.

Court documents further claim that the developments sit close to critical wildlife habitats and migration routes linking the Maasai Mara ecosystem with Serengeti National Park.

This, according to them, potentially disrupts the annual wildebeest migration that attracts thousands of tourists every year.

They have asked the court to certify the matter as one raising substantial constitutional questions and refer it to the Chief Justice for the appointment of a five-judge bench to hear the case.

The latest legal challenge comes months after the planned opening of the luxury Ritz-Carlton safari camp sparked public debate, with conservationists raising concerns that the facility could interfere with wildlife movement near the Sand River.

At the time, the Kenya Wildlife Service dismissed claims circulating online that the camp had blocked the wildebeest migration, describing videos shared on social media as misleading.

“The Ritz-Carlton safari camp is situated within a designated tourism investment low-use zone, as provided for in the Maasai Mara National Reserve Management Plan, 2023-2032,” KWS said at the time.

The agency also maintained that camps established along the Mara, Sand and Talek rivers have historically coexisted with wildlife movements without obstructing migration.

Source: kenyans.co.ke

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