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13 years after the refugee host community was forcefully evicted to expand a refugee settlement, thousands remain unsettled.

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By the Witness Radio team.

More than 60,000 people, evicted over a decade ago, remain landless, poverty-stricken, and without redress, highlighting the urgent need for authorities to be held accountable and address their concerns.

The violent evictions, which took place in September 2013, followed a controversial re-survey and boundary re-opening exercise linked to the expansion of the Kyangwali Refugee Settlement.

According to the 2021 report by the Committee on Presidential Affairs, a 2013 survey extended into land occupied by indigenous communities, an action believed to have directly triggered the violent land eviction.

Before being displaced, the local communities of Bukinda reportedly co-existed peacefully with refugees hosted in Kyangwali. Land boundaries were formally surveyed as early as 1998 by Makerere Technologies Consult, separating land designated for refugees from land belonging to host communities.

The survey allocated approximately 5000 hectares (50 square kilometers) to the refugee settlement, while 3600 hectares (36 square kilometers) to the more than 60,000 people who hitherto lived next to the refugee settlement camp.

Community leaders say the situation changed abruptly in August 2013, when officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), accompanied by police and Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) soldiers, arrived to enforce what residents describe as a sudden, violent land eviction that took place in September 013.

Ahumuza Busingye, Chairperson of the Internally Displaced Youth of Kikuube and a witness to the calamity, says they were given just hours to vacate the land they had occupied for generations.

“In 2013, it was an abrupt move when we saw OPM Officials coming to us and saying that we had been given 3 hours to leave this place. The group led by OPM official Bafaki Charles informed us that we had wrongly occupied our land and that we should leave immediately.” Ahumuza narrates.

28 villages, including Bukinda A and B, Bukinda II, Kavule, Bwizibwera A and B, Kyeya A and B, Nyaruhanga, Kabirizi, Nyamigisa A and B, Katoma, and others in Kasonga parish, Kyangwali sub-county, were forcefully evicted.

According to multiple accounts, security government forces arrived in pickup trucks, armed with guns and batons. People’s homes and gardens were destroyed, people were beaten, and people’s livestock scattered, as many fled to save their lives.

“They were using police and Army pickup vehicles and armed with guns, batons, and with threats, they paraded people, and one could think that there were rebels. And so, they started shooting and beating up people and breaking their houses, and the people dispersed.” Ahumuza said, adding that; Many families lost land titles, homes, food reserves, and livestock, which were their primary sources of livelihood.

Later, the displaced residents sought temporary refuge at the sub-county headquarters before a handful of victims were resettled at Kyeya Valley Farm in Kyangwali Sub-county around 2020. However, local leaders, including Kabulala and Ahumuza, say irregularities marred the resettlement process. They claim it sparked yet another violent eviction, as the land on which the government resettled the residents had itself been illegally acquired.

“The process was not fair at all. The government never settled many of us, which is why we are now camping in an internally displaced camp. Some people were settled on land belonging to private individuals.” Ahumuza added

“What is disheartening is that even the private individuals who had land titles on their land were evicted by the OPM to resettle evictees it had earlier evicted.”

Since then, families have lived in misery in IDP camps or as informal occupants on other people’s land, unable to farm or establish permanent homes, which continues to devastate their livelihoods and underscores the need for urgent intervention.

Several attempts to seek justice have yielded little progress, from government offices, such as presidential directives to investigate the matter, and promises of resettlement, yet, thirteen years later, they remain landless, destitute, and vulnerable.

Without access to land, they cannot engage in agriculture, their traditional means of survival, leaving households trapped in stinking poverty.

“The land was our life; without it, we are nothing.” Says Kabulala Oliver, one of the displaced persons.

Uganda continues to be praised internationally for its progressive refugee-hosting policies. However, the unresolved plight of Kyangwali’s displaced host communities shows the cost borne by citizens when land governance, accountability, and compensation mechanisms fail. Affected families say meaningful resettlement, restitution, or compensation remains long overdue.

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Ugandan farmers take TotalEnergies’ pipeline to UK court

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Police apprehend a Ugandan activist during a protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) plans in Kampala, Uganda, on 15 September, 2023. © Reuters

Four Ugandan farmers filed a case against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) at the UK’s High Court on Tuesday, seeking to have Ugandan constitutional, environmental and climate law applied to EACOP Ltd, the UK-registered company financing the project

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Lawyers Move to Court to Stop New Luxury Tourism Projects in Maasai Mara

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A coalition of regional legal and environmental organisations has moved to court seeking to halt the approval and development of new luxury tourism facilities in the Maasai Mara National Reserve, arguing that the projects threaten one of the world’s most important wildlife ecosystems.

The petition, filed before the Environment and Land Court, seeks orders stopping further construction of high-end tourist accommodation within the reserve pending the determination of the case.

Those behind the petition include East Africa Law Society, Natural Justice, JustAct and Africa Centre for Peace and Human Rights, who have sued several government agencies and private investors involved in the developments.

Among the respondents are Marriott International, The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, Minor Hotels, National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) and the Narok County Government.

Narok Governor Patrick Ole Ntutu and the Maasai Mara National Reserve date in Narok County.
Photo| County Government of Narok / Maasai Mara National Reserve.

The petitioners contend that approvals granted for the tourism developments violated constitutional and environmental safeguards, arguing that the projects were allowed within ecologically sensitive areas meant primarily for wildlife conservation.

Court documents further claim that the developments sit close to critical wildlife habitats and migration routes linking the Maasai Mara ecosystem with Serengeti National Park.

This, according to them, potentially disrupts the annual wildebeest migration that attracts thousands of tourists every year.

They have asked the court to certify the matter as one raising substantial constitutional questions and refer it to the Chief Justice for the appointment of a five-judge bench to hear the case.

The latest legal challenge comes months after the planned opening of the luxury Ritz-Carlton safari camp sparked public debate, with conservationists raising concerns that the facility could interfere with wildlife movement near the Sand River.

At the time, the Kenya Wildlife Service dismissed claims circulating online that the camp had blocked the wildebeest migration, describing videos shared on social media as misleading.

“The Ritz-Carlton safari camp is situated within a designated tourism investment low-use zone, as provided for in the Maasai Mara National Reserve Management Plan, 2023-2032,” KWS said at the time.

The agency also maintained that camps established along the Mara, Sand and Talek rivers have historically coexisted with wildlife movements without obstructing migration.

Source: kenyans.co.ke

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More than 17,000 people in the Philippines face eviction from their ancestral land for a multimillion-dollar energy project.

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By Witness Radio Team,

In the Visayas and Mindanao regions, in the Iloilo municipality on Panay Island in the central Philippines, thousands of Indigenous Tumandok people face forced displacement as a major energy project advances through their ancestral territories.

The Jalaur River Multi-Purpose Project, a state-backed dam and hydropower initiative, has triggered fears of forced evictions affecting more than 17,000 people and has already submerged ancestral land belonging to Indigenous communities.

The Tumandok have relied on the river basin as burial grounds, fishing sites supporting their livelihoods, and sacred landscapes preserved through oral history and cultural tradition for decades.

In 2012, the Korean Export-Import Bank provided a USD 260 million loan to the Philippine government for a multi-purpose project on the Jalaur River. Authorities present the project as a long-term solution for irrigation, flood control, and hydropower generation, designed to benefit agricultural production across thousands of hectares of farmland. However, host communities say the development has come at a high human cost.

The dam project, which began in the 1960s, entered a new construction phase in 2012, triggering new waves of human rights violations, from attacks and killings to arrests, and is expected to reach full completion in 2027.

As construction progresses, Indigenous ancestral domains within the project-affected watershed—covering approximately 16,780 hectares in the Calinog component—are being impacted by the Jalaur River Multi-Purpose Project Stage II. Community leaders say this is displacing Indigenous families from their homes amid concerns over inadequate consultation and potential violations of Indigenous land rights and free, prior, and informed consent standards.

Article 19 of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples requires states to consult and cooperate in good faith with the Indigenous peoples concerned, through their own representative institutions, to obtain their free, prior, and informed consent before adopting and implementing legislative or administrative measures that may affect them.

Article 32(b) of the same declaration urges states to make consent the objective of consultation before any projects that affect Indigenous peoples’ rights to land, territory, and resources, including mining and other uses or exploitations of resources.

John Ian Alecianga, coordinator of the Jalaur River People’s Movement, says opposition to the project has drawn allegations of intimidation, killings, arrests, and a heavy security presence in affected communities.

“Mobilizing these indigenous communities to fight for their rights has come at a cost. Indigenous leaders and activists have been subjected to surveillance, harassment, and red-tagging due to their resistance to the dam,” John said in an exclusive interview with our team.

According to John, tensions escalated in December 2020 when a police attack in Tumandok communities killed at least nine Indigenous leaders and elders and led to the arrest of 16 others.

“The military was deployed, human rights were violated, many elders were killed, and others were arrested, escalating into what we call a massacre. A fake search warrant was used in a staged operation to enter the houses of the Tumandok leaders. This is how much the government has ignored the rights of the indigenous peoples from the project conception until the project implementation,” he said. “The event remains one of the most traumatic moments in the ongoing conflict around the project,” John added.

Despite pressure, Indigenous communities continue to resist eviction through local and international advocacy networks, calling for justice for those killed in 2020, recognition of their land rights, and immediate protection from further displacement.

“The people are resisting because land is their life. Without it, there will be no community. There will be no identity,” he said.

The Jalaur River People’s Movement also seeks accountability through international mechanisms, including engagement with South Korean institutions linked to project financing.

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