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EACOP PAPs have started a private criminal proceeding against Army General, Hoima Police Commander and others over their criminal acts during illegal land evictions.

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By Witness Radio team.

The East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) Project-Affected Persons (PAPs) of the Kapapi community have started criminal proceedings at Hoima Chief Magistrates Court against the Hoima Rural District Police Commander, Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) General, and Hoima Deputy Resident District Commissioner (D/RDC) and others at large for the criminal and attempted offences committed while illegally evicting over 2500 locals off their land.

The evictees were residing in Waaki North, Kapapi Central, Waaki South, Runga, and Kiryatete villages in Kapapi and Kiganja sub-counties in Hoima district.

Brig. Gen. Peter Akankunda Nabasa, Gafayo Ndawula William, Kyakashari Micheal (Deputy RDC Hoima), Oketcha Micheal, Bogere Patrick (DPC, Hoima), Kiiza Nathan Byarugonjo, Oromo Luzira (Secretary LCI, Runga), Mukindo Bosco, Okethi Bosco, Oming Jacob, Muswa Micheal, Kawiya Henry, Ningaling Joseph and others still at large have been summoned to appear before Hoima Chief Magistrate court and show cause why they should not be prosecuted.

The 1st accused person is the Deputy Commander of Uganda People Defense Forces Police, First Division, Kakiri in Wakiso District; The 2nd Accused is a Businessman with Businesses in Hoima District; the 3rd Accused is Deputy RDC Hoima District. The 4th Accused is the District Police Commander, Uganda Police Force, Hoima District. The 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th & 13th Accused are residents of Kapaapi Village, Kapaapi Parish, Kapaapi Sub County, Hoima District.

Criminal case file no. 877 of 2023 opened at Hoima court contains various criminal offenses allegedly committed by the accused, such as criminal trespass, arson, looting property, sexually abusing and raping women, battering people, and forcefully evicting residents from their homes, which constitutes a violation of the non-derogable right to freedom from torture, cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment, as guaranteed under Article 23 And 44 of the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda.

According to complainants following the invasion, the accused persons perpetrated severe human rights violations against them and their families. These transgressions encompassed the discharge of tear gas canisters into the same, firing of live bullets, setting their houses ablaze, physical assaults, kidnap and the forced eviction from their land.

“During the raid, the accused persons came to my house at around 1 AM local time and set it on fire forcing us out. By the time I rescued the children who were deeply asleep, one of them was severely burnt. Upon forcing us out of our homes, I, my children, and my neighbors were tied up, severely battered, women raped, and forcefully evicted us from our land. Currently my family is rendered homeless, living at a church in Bulisa without any basics of life.” Said one of the witnesses in the case.

On February 10, 2023, at 1:00 AM local time, dozens of unidentified armed men, cladding Uganda Police Force (UPF) Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) uniforms and believed to be under the orders of DPC Bogere and Brigadier Nabasa together with armed guards from Magnum, a private security company dispossessed lawful land occupants without compensation, resettlement, or a court order.

Why Tirenga is mentioned in this illegal land eviction? In a February 2021 report from Total Energies Uganda, titled “Tilenga Project – Resettlement Action Plan 4,” it identified Kapapi, Runga, Waaki, and Kiryatete villages as areas that will be affected by the proposed Tilenga Feeder Pipeline Component (RAP 4).

The Tilenga feeder pipeline corridor is approximately 95 km long. It originates from the Tilenga Project Central Processing Facility (CPF), about 8 km northeast of Buliisa town in Buliisa District and 5 km south of the Albert Nile. The purpose and the need for the Tilenga feeder pipeline, according to Total Energies, is to deliver crude oil to the planned refinery in Kabaale and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

According to Witness Radio – Uganda findings, the individuals named in the case file have been in correspondence with the Total Energies before and after the illegal land eviction with the motive to benefit from the community’s grabbed land.

The case is yet to be fixed for hearing.

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Govt sues 41 people for shunning sh711m EACOP compensation

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The East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline Affected Persons (PAPs) from Lwengo, Kyotera and Rakai districts at Masaka High Court where they were summoned over a compesation case.  The case is set for hearing on September 16 before Masaka resident judge, Justice Lawrence Tweyanze. (Credit: Dismus Buregyeya)

Prior. the Government also wants court to ensure vacant possession of 41 people on the said EACOP land and demanded demolition and eviction orders against them, among others.

MASAKA – A total of 41 people affected by the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline Program (EACOP) from Lwengo, Kyotera and Rakai districts have been dragged to court for allegedly shunning sh711m compensation allocation for them to pave way for the project implementation.

Earlier Wednesday (September 11), Masaka High Court was jammed with 41 Project Affected Persons (PAPs) accompanied by their families, relatives friends and others from Non-Government Organisations.

The case was adjourned to September 16, 2024, by High Court Deputy Registrar Justice Roy Karungi after the trial Judge, Justice Lawrence Tweyanze was reportedly on leave.
Court heard that Justice Tweyanze had been recalled from his leave to handle the case on September 16.

The Masaka Senior State Attorney Imelda Adong who represented the Attorney General said the state is ready to proceed with the case on Monday, informing the court that the Government of Uganda had filed a case against 41 landowners whose land was compulsorily acquired for the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline in Lwengo, Kyotera and  Rakai districts.

The government wants to be allowed to deposit the said EACOP Project Affected Persons’ (PAPs) compensation in court.

However, the PAPs rejected the said compensation (sh177m), citing low pay rates,  absentee landlords and disputes on their respective lands.

Prior. the Government also wants court to ensure vacant possession of 41 people on the said EACOP land and demanded demolition and eviction orders against them, among others.

Counsel Peter Arinaitwe who represents the PAPS said some of them had unresolved objection challenges pending the Administrator General Office since 2018 while others were still grappling with evaluation rates for their land.

He said the rights of the affected persons must be respected especially against evictions and displacement without consent.

Three legal firms including Counsel Jude Mbabali are offering free legal services to the 41 Project Affected Persons.

Source: New Vision.

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AGRA’s Silent Takeover: The Hidden Impact on Africa’s Agricultural Policies.

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By Witness Radio Team.

An investigative report commissioned by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) has revealed the concerning extent to which the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) is leveraging its significant influence to shape local, national, and continental agricultural policies across Africa raising serious questions about the future of the continent’s agriculture.

The briefing paper, “Pulling Back the Veil: AGRA’s Influence on Africa’s Agricultural Policies,” exposes how AGRA strategically uses its financial power to embed consultants within government institutions to entrench industrial agricultural models. Though marketed as advancements, these models often harm smallholder farmers and sustainable farming practices.

Initially aiming for its grassroots efforts to double farmer productivity and halve food insecurity, AGRA has recently shifted its focus. Following a donor-commissioned 2022 evaluation highlighting AGRA’s failure to meet its ambitious goals, the Gates Foundation-funded organization pivoted from direct interventions with farmers to influencing government policies.

According to the briefing paper, this new strategy involves placing external consultants within African government offices to steer policy development. AGRA’s efforts frequently promote the adoption of hybrid and genetically modified seeds, increased use of chemical fertilizers, and greater private sector involvement in agriculture.

While some African governments may welcome the support, there is growing concern that AGRA’s influence could undermine local policy initiatives, replacing homegrown solutions with external agendas.

AFSA’s investigation highlights AGRA’s policy interventions in countries like Kenya and Zambia, where its influence is pronounced. AGRA’s impact is evident at every level, local, national, and continental, shaping agricultural policies that often prioritize corporate interests over the needs of smallholder farmers.

The consequences of AGRA’s involvement are evident in its 13 focus countries, where its promotion of seeds and fertilizers still needs to deliver the promised productivity revolution, leading to increased deprivation. A recent report by the African Centre for Biodiversity (ACB) highlights the collapse of Zambia’s food system as a direct result of AGRA’s harmful interference.

At the continental level, AGRA’s involvement in critical African Union (AU) initiatives, such as the Fertilizer and Soil Health Summit, has significantly influenced African agricultural policy, particularly in shaping the direction of fertilizer policy for the next decade. However, AFSA, which also participated in the summit, advocated for funding and support for biofertilizers made from local materials, starkly contrasting AGRA’s approach.

AGRA’s role in the Post-Malabo process, which aims to define Africa’s agricultural policy for the next ten years, is particularly troubling. Critics argue that AGRA’s focus on synthetic fertilizers and corporate-led agendas threatens to marginalize indigenous knowledge and sustainable agricultural practices.

AFSA’s Million Belay aptly says, “They represent an attack on African food sovereignty.” Despite resistance from African farmers and civil society organizations, AGRA’s fingerprints are all over Africa’s agricultural policies. The inclusion of biotechnology in the draft Kampala Declaration, set for approval in January 2025, has sparked fears of increased dependence on multinational corporations for seeds and farming inputs. AGRA’s influence in regional policymaking, especially in harmonizing seed trade regulations, further illustrates its strategic positioning within African institutions.

AGRA’s involvement in developing Zambia’s National Agriculture Investment Plan (NAIP II) exemplifies its undue influence. Initially seen as a democratic and inclusive process involving a broad range of stakeholders, NAIP II was later reshaped by AGRA and the FAO. The introduction of the Comprehensive Agriculture Transformation Support Programme (CATSP) shifted the focus toward commercial value chains aligned with the Green Revolution model.

This new framework has faced significant opposition from farmer groups and NGOs, who argue that it promotes industrial agriculture at the expense of smallholder farmers, biodiversity, and sustainable practices. AGRA’s role in dismantling Zambia’s biosafety framework has also sparked fears of forced evictions, land grabbing, and the commercialization of water resources, further marginalizing local communities.

In Kenya, AGRA’s sudden involvement in a community-led effort to develop agroecological practices has raised alarms among locals. Stakeholders fear that AGRA’s entry into the process, which included funding and capacity-building initiatives, might derail their efforts to promote sustainable farming systems. AGRA’s use of terms like “climate-smart agriculture” to describe its support for chemical fertilizers and GMOs has led to skepticism about its true intentions.

Local farmers and agroecology supporters worry that AGRA’s involvement could dilute or undermine the original goals of the agroecology policy.

AFSA’s investigation calls for greater scrutiny of AGRA’s role in policymaking and re-evaluating external entities’ influence in shaping Africa’s agricultural future.

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Failed Green Revolution: African Leaders Demand Reparations from Gates Foundation.

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By Witness Radio team.

The much-hyped but ultimately failed agricultural model, the Green Revolution initiatives heavily supported by the Gates Foundation through the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), must catch up to its promises to improve African food security. Instead, it has exacerbated food insecurity, deepened poverty, and contributed to environmental degradation across the continent.

As this flawed model is to take center stage at the ongoing African Food Systems Summit in Rwanda, which concludes on September 6th, there is growing discontent. African faith leaders are now calling on the Gates Foundation to offer reparations for the extensive damage inflicted on Africa’s food systems by AGRA’s aggressive promotion of industrialized agriculture. They urge the Foundation to redirect its funding towards locally tested, sustainable agricultural practices that benefit the continent and the world.

For those who missed the live press conference addressed by African faith leaders and presented an open letter to the Gates Foundation, and released the latest research results by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa on AGRA’s extensive, undue policy influence at local, national, and continental levels and the devastation caused by the Green Revolution agenda in Zambia.

Witness Radio is rebroadcasting a program detailing the critical highlights of the press conference.

Tune in to hear firsthand accounts of how AGRA has impacted farmers and communities on the African continent and learn more about the urgent demands to shift toward more sustainable and equitable agricultural practices.

 

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