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A decade of displacement: How Uganda’s Oil refinery victims are dying before realizing justice as EACOP secures financial backing to further significant environmental harm.

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By Witness Radio team.

“Laws are like spider webs: they catch the weak and let the powerful go free,” said Anacharsis, a Greek philosopher. These ancient words still ring painfully true for thousands of residents from Kyakaboga Sub-county in Hoima District, Uganda, who were displaced over a decade ago to pave the way for the country’s first oil refinery project. Despite 13 long years of broken promises and unending court delays, these communities continue to fight for justice, their unwavering resilience a source of inspiration.

Recently, the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project secured financial backing, including both debt and equity. The project is estimated to cost around $5 billion, with the project owners contributing about $2 billion in equity and raising an additional $2.4 billion – $3 billion in external debt. Funds were secured from Standard Bank, Stanbic Bank Uganda, KCB Bank Uganda, and the Islamic Corporation for the Development of the Private Sector in Saudi Arabia, among the financiers backing the project.

Many people consider EACOP to be responsible for causing significant environmental harm in Uganda. The project is projected to impact numerous protected areas, including forests and national parks, and could potentially lead to the destruction of habitats and displacement of endangered species. Additionally, the pipeline’s construction and operation pose risks to water resources, including the Lake Victoria basin, which is a vital source of water for millions.

In 2012, the Ugandan government compulsorily acquired 29 square kilometers of land affecting over 13 villages in Buseruka Sub-county. More than 7,000 people, including 3,500 women and 1,500 children, were evicted to make way for the oil refinery. The project, touted as a symbol of national progress, instead left a trail of disrupted lives and systemic injustices —a stark reminder of the moral outrage that underlies this issue.

According to the Petroleum Authority of Uganda, the Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) for the refinery offered affected people two options: cash compensation or resettlement with new houses built by the government. However, to date, many remain uncompensated, and others who opted for cash claim that their land and property were undervalued.

“At the time of compensation, we realized that the government was not paying us fairly as promised,” said Abigaba Esther Mpabaisi, one of the displaced residents. “Some villages in the same locality were compensated using different rates.” She added.

In response to these over-arching concerns, the residents, through their organization, the Oil Refinery Residents Association (ORRA), filed a case at the High Court in Kampala in 2014, seeking redress for forced evictions and human rights violations. Their courage in the face of a decade-long pursuit of justice, frustrated by systemic delays, shifting court venues, and what they describe as deliberate obstructions by state agencies, is truly admirable.

Christopher Opio, the ORRA leader, said the Court of laws meant to protect the poor had let them down: “We went to court, just like we have tried many other things. But the court has let us down. Even today, over 47 families have never received houses as part of the resettlement.” Opio added.

Uganda’s oil development efforts have repeatedly come under fire for forced land takeovers, delayed and inadequate compensation, and coercion accompanied by gross human rights abuses and violations. Despite communities turning to courts as a last resort for justice and demanding accountability for the harm caused to them, they are often left disillusioned.

Uganda’s judicial system operates with a stark contrast in the treatment of cases. While cases filed by powerful institutions often move swiftly, those filed by people experiencing poverty against the state or investors are subjected to years of postponements. A glaring example is the case in Buliisa District, where the government sued 42 families who refused undervalued compensation for their land for the Tilenga project, part of Uganda’s oil development activities.

The Tilenga project, is a major oil development in Uganda’s Albertine Graben, specifically in the Buliisa and Nwoya districts and it has caused displacement of local communities. The courts delivered judgment just four days after the case was filed, upholding the eviction of the families, who were also the legal landowners.

Meanwhile, the Kabaale case continues to stall. 75-year-old Kato Phinehas, who is also among those affected, reveals that the transfer of the case from one court to another is another factor that victims see as a deliberate effort by the state and courts to deny them justice.

“We started from the High Court in Kampala. There, government officials who were party to the case kept dodging us. Many times, the case was scheduled, but they would be absent, and it would be adjourned for several months. Despite little progress, the case was, to our surprise, referred to the Masindi High Court.

We decided not to give up. We followed the case to Masindi, but it was bounced back to the Kampala High Court. In Kampala, they told us the case had been sent to Masindi. Then, in Masindi, after a long wait, the case was referred to the Hoima High Court. However, in Hoima, they informed us that the files could not be traced. We later learned the case files were still in Masindi allegedly because there was no transport to deliver them to Hoima.

The judicial delays have taken a personal toll on individuals like Kato Phinehas. At 75 years old, he wonders if he will live to see the end of these delays. “this shocked us. We asked ourselves: how can a whole government fail to transport case files from Masindi, which is nearby? I’m 75 years old now, you can see me. I wonder: if these judicial delays continue for another ten years, will I still be alive to pursue this case?”

In addition, the eviction took a toll on the socio-economic life of residents, as Wandera John Bosco explains.

“I have been so much disturbed by the displacement because they evicted us from Kabaale and brought us here in Buseruka, about 25 kilometers away. In Kabale, we were flourishing in our work, had good business, and people were carrying out their daily activities, including farming, which yielded a lot and allowed them to thrive. This is a different case here. Life is hard,” said Wandera John Bosco, one of the Oil Refinery Project Affected Persons.

The economic effects have been severe. Many families who relied on farming lost their livelihoods. With no land and no crops, they couldn’t pay school fees. Children dropped out in large numbers.

“I dropped out of school in 2012,” said Tumwebaze Innocent, who was in secondary school when the evictions happened. “The government imposed a cut-off date and banned cash crops that grow beyond six months. And parents, including mine, had no alternative source of survival, which caused many of us to stop education,” he added.

Despite Article 126(2)(b) of Uganda’s Constitution, which mandates that “justice shall not be delayed,” these communities are trapped in a judicial limbo.

Community leaders are now urgently calling on Parliament, the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, and the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development to intervene not only to expedite the court case but also to revisit the entire compensation process. The need for new, fairer valuations based on current land rates and appropriate compensation for families still residing in inadequate or temporary housing is immediate and pressing.

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Lands ministry rejects call to save over 300 Masaka residents facing eviction

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Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021. (Credit: Dismus Buregyeya)

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.

MASAKA – The lands ministry has dismissed a plea by over 300 residents of Kasanje village in Masaka district to halt their eviction from a 400-acre plot, despite a direct appeal to President Yoweri Museveni.

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.The conflict stems from a 2019 ruling by Masaka chief magistrate Deo Ssejjemba, which sided with landlords Joseph Matovu and Methodius Kasujja in their eviction bid against the locals.

The court’s decision, upheld after residents withdrew an appeal in 2021, set the stage for the current standoff.

Despite this, the affected families, many of whom lost homes, crops, and plantations, petitioned the President in 2021, prompting former Vice-President Edward Ssekandi and the State House legal teams to intervene.

However, Mayanja emphasised that all avenues for mediation had been exhausted.

“The matter has been conclusively resolved through legal and administrative processes. No further interventions are justified,” he stated in a letter dated October 28, 2025, rejecting a last-minute plea for a site visit.

Unresolved

Nabakoba confirmed that 105 families received compensation between shillings 300,000 and 12 million from the landlords in 2021 after signing agreements.

However, a ministry report revealed 215 families remain uncompensated, pending verification of their claims.

“We closed the mediation process when the majority accepted the settlement,” Nabakoba said. However, locals like Vincent Mugerwa, leader of the Kasanje Bibanja Owners Association, denounced the payouts as “peanuts,” citing offers as low as shillings 800,000 per acre.

The dispute has drawn high-level attention, including from legislator Joanita Namutawe, who petitioned Parliament, and Prime Minister Robina Nabanja, who met with security officials in Masaka last week. Despite these efforts, the lands ministry insists the case is closed.

Residents, however, contest the land’s ownership history, alleging irregularities in transfers from the original owners, the Masaka Jaggery Mills, to current landlords. Title documents show the land was registered under Freehold Volume 59 Folio 11, transferred to Joseph Bukenya in 2021, before passing to Methodius Kasujja.

Facing eviction

Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021.

The Prime Minister’s office received a fresh petition on October 31, detailing the residents’ grievances, including destroyed property and inadequate compensation.

Original Source: New Vision

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Report reveals ongoing Human Rights Abuses and environmental destruction by the Chinese oil company CNOOC

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By Witness Radio team.

Three years into the Kingfisher oil and gas extraction project, the situation in Kikuube District is dire. Despite repeated warnings and criticism from human rights and environmental organizations, the impact on the local population remains intolerable.

In 2024, the Environment Governance Institute Uganda (EGI) and Climate Rights International (CRI) independently published reports on the Kingfisher oil production project. A year later, in September 2025, these two influential organizations united their efforts to produce a follow-up report, which revealed even more alarming results.

The report titled “Extortion, Coercion, and Impoverishment. Human Rights Abuses and Governance Failures in the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) Kingfisher Oil and Gas Project” paints a grim picture. It shows that the hardships and abuses faced by residents of the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Uganda Ltd. are not isolated incidents, but an ongoing series of violations.

Alongside the larger Tilenga project and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), the Kingfisher project is a crucial component of the extensive fossil fuel extraction operation in Uganda, which has been ongoing since 2017. The most important players involved are the French company TotalEnergies, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), and the Chinese energy giant CNOOC. While a subsidiary of TotalEnergies is implementing the Tilenga project, CNOOC serves as the executing partner for the Kingfisher project.

Last year’s reports demonstrated the immense environmental damage caused by the Kingfisher project. The Climate Accountability Institute predicted that the entire Ugandan oil production project would increase the country’s emissions. All of the projects will contribute significantly to global warming and, like all new fossil fuel extraction projects, are incompatible with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 °C warming target.

In Kikuube district, oil drilling activities along the Lake Albert shoreline have allegedly resulted in the demolition of vegetation, increased sediment runoff, and chemical leaks over the last year, leading to the loss of breeding grounds for the local fish population, which is the basis of the livelihood for most local communities. Moreover, visible water pollution is an increasing threat to public health, as the lake is the only available water source for many residents.

Most households in villages bordering the project lack the funds to afford clean water or even medication, as they are experiencing a severe loss of income. Access to the area surrounding the project, including Nsonga, Nsuzu A, Nsuzu B, Kiina, and other nearby villages, is tightly controlled by security forces, like the Counter-Terrorism Police, the regular Traffic Police, and joint UPDF and Saracen Private Security company patrols. These enforce unannounced daily curfews by threatening and beating villagers encountered out of their homes after 6 or 7 pm, which results in a decrease in earnings for street vendors, whose main trading hours are often in the evening.

Fishing and fish trading – the primary sources of employment in the area – are also suffering greatly from the situation controlled by the company. Every two weeks, fishermen are required to pay 200,000 UGX in fishing fees. Fish traders – most of whom are women or youth – also must pay fees for their goods when passing through security checkpoints, which they often cannot afford. None of these fees levied by the security forces are receipted or even explained.

In addition to the physical restrictions, there is the ongoing loss of land. The company continues to take over communal land in the communities, forcibly evicting former residents without compensation.

Violent attacks for non-compliance with the new rules and fees are not uncommon and violate international human rights laws. In addition, there has been a disturbing increase in sexual and gender-based exploitation and abuse towards particularly vulnerable women. Many lose their sources of income due to the changed conditions and are forced into prostitution. The result is an increase in teenage pregnancies and school dropouts.

While the entire oil production project has been repeatedly criticized for human rights violations and illegal evictions, CNOOC’s actions are particularly egregious. Unlike other comparable projects, the company has never published a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) setting out compensation requirements and plans for restoring livelihoods. However, this is a necessary measure according to Ugandan and international standards. Although CNOOC has officially committed to developing an accessible grievance mechanism for community members, the residents interviewed for the report are not aware of any such mechanism.

Although arbitrary violence and sexual assaults against women have decreased since a new commanding officer of the local Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces (UPDF) was appointed, restrictive military control over the area and its inhabitants remains oppressive. Even under the new commander, Mubingwa Moses, residents continue to be restricted in their traditional way of life and work by opaque rules. The systematically imposed fees further exacerbate the situation of those affected and can only be described as exploitation.

The report by EGI and CRI makes a fundamental demand: “Uganda’s oil development is perpetuating climate, environmental, and human rights harms in violation of both national and international law and should be discontinued”. Furthermore, it explains in detail what is specifically needed to change the situation for those affected. The demands include conducting an independent and transparent investigation into the documented human rights violations, environmental degradation, and socio-economic impacts.

An independent body should examine all activities and suspend them until the situation is resolved. The primary demand is to ensure reparations and corporate accountability. CNOOC is expected to adopt a strict zero-tolerance policy regarding human rights violations, violence, and corruption, and to provide accessible and effective grievance procedures and compensation for those affected. In this regard, an appeal is made in particular to state and international institutions to monitor and enforce the promises made by the company.

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Seed Boot Camp: A struggle to conserve local and indigenous seeds from extinction.

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By Witness Radio team

Seed sovereignty, a concept that advocates for farmers’ rights to save, use, exchange, and sell their own seeds, is at the heart of the Seed Savers Network’s (SSN) mission.

Based in Kenya, SSN is holding an intensive learning and peer-to-peer knowledge-sharing exercise among farmers across Africa. The goal is to develop strategies for conserving and restoring traditional seeds, thereby ensuring food and seed sovereignty.

SSN is also targeting academia, policymakers, and researchers to champion and promote the conservation of local and indigenous seeds.

According to SSN, this is the third boot camp in a row, a testament to the growing unity among farmers from different parts of Africa who come together to learn from one another about how traditional knowledge is used to conserve traditional seeds. The camp has attracted farmers from over 30 African countries, highlighting the power of collective action in the fight for seed conservation and the global importance of their participation.

This year’s boot camp has been enriched by the participation of farmers from the Informal Alliance, who lost their land to land-based investments in Uganda. Their presence not only underscores the power of collective action but also highlights the remarkable resilience and determination of these farmers in the face of adversity, inspiring others to join the effort to conserve local seeds.

The boot camp idea stems from a research study conducted by the Seed Savers Network in some counties in Kenya, which found that over 50 seed varieties were at risk of extinction.

Tabby Munyiri, the Communication and Advocacy Officer at SSN, stated that the mission is to ensure other stakeholders are on board to join farmers in conserving agro-biodiversity by strengthening community food systems, thereby improving seed access and enhancing food sovereignty.

“SSN is working with over 120,000 farmers across Kenya, and they have already built community seed banks, which makes us the largest community seed banks in Africa,” Said Tabby.

She added that seed banks are repositories where communities conserve local and indigenous seeds. She revealed that the world is currently witnessing a significant loss of agrobiodiversity, with many crop and animal species on the verge of extinction due to factors such as climate change, industrial agriculture, and urbanization.

The boot camp will run for two weeks.

 

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