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African countries forced to extract fossil fuels to service external debt: Report

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These countries are trapped in an “economic architecture” designed to drain wealth and resources from the continent, shows report
  • African governments are expanding fossil fuel production to service mounting external debt.
  • This leads to compromising public services like health and education.
  • The debt-driven extraction exacerbates gender injustices and environmental degradation, with women bearing the brunt.
  • The report calls for a Fossil Fuel Treaty to support a just transition to renewable energy and alleviate the debt burden.

African governments are being forced to expand fossil fuel production at the expense of critical public services, including health and education, and with far-reaching consequences on food security, health and water. The governments are spending revenues earned from the fossil fuel on servicing debts, with external borrowing doubling since 2020 to over $1 trillion and interest on debt more than doubling over the last 15 years to an estimated $163 billion.

Due to the debt burden, the countries are also unable to invest in public goods such as infrastructure and social protection systems, all of which could benefit women and the marginalised enhance general wellbeing of the people.

The lack of expenditure on improving basic social services, makes the international community accomplices in violating the human rights of African people particularly women, “who subsidise social services through their unpaid labour”, according to a report by campaign groups-African Forum and Network on Debt and Development (AFRODAD) and the Fossil Fuel Treaty.

In part to blame for the crisis is the international infrastructure, including structural adjustment programmes, trade liberalisation and International Monetary Fund (IMF)-imposed austerity measures, that have forced African governments to prioritise debt repayments.

The report showed that the countries are trapped in an “economic architecture” designed to drain wealth and resources from the continent to the Global North, and are finding themselves adopting austerity measures and resource extraction.

“Climate change’s biggest drivers — fossil fuels — continue to enjoy investment under a narrative that they are necessary for Africa’s energy security and development. Yet, the evidence is emerging that coal, oil and gas extraction are not only contributing to the debt-based structural entrapment of Africa,” it warned.

Africa, the report noted, is paying for a climate crisis it did not create — first by being on the ‘frontlines’ of the devastating impacts of extreme weather, displacement, loss and damage, and secondly, through solutions to climate change that drive more debt, extract more than they restore and weakening countries’ economic resilience.

“For countries with the least historical responsibility and the greatest structural constraints, the proposed Fossil Fuel Treaty offers a pathway to pursue a planned and just transition away from fossil fuels in ways that strengthen economic sovereignty, public legitimacy, and socio-economic and environmental justice, it added.

The report Gender, Debt and Fossil Fuels: A Mapping of Key Insights from the African Continent asserted that climate change, fossil fuel extraction and debt all reinforce gender injustices on their own. As a result, Africa is at the frontlines of the global climate, fossil fuels and debt ‘polycrisis’ that is largely based on unjust systems perpetuating extraction of resources to the Global North.

The crisis, according to the authors of the report, was particularly disadvantageous to women and girls, wth the gender experiencing the worst impacts.

“Africa is being pushed to drill its way out of debt under a global economic model that treats debt service as sacrosanct. When governments cut health, education and social protection to reassure creditors, the strain does not disappear; it is displaced into women’s unpaid labour, dispossession and the violence through which fossil fuel extraction is enforced,” according to a statement by authors Bemnet Agata and Amiera Sawas on behalf of the organisations.

The document asserted that fossil fuel extraction imposes a “spectrum of violence” against communities, and women and girls are the most vulnerable.

“Whether in Mozambique, Nigeria, Uganda or Tanzania, women and girls are more at risk to the impacts of land dispossession and displacement by oil and gas projects. Militarisation aimed at securing extraction projects drive repression, persecution and sexual violence by corporate and state security forces,” the researchers wrote in the report.

“Africa is being pushed to drill its way out of debt under a global economic model that treats debt service as sacrosanct. When governments cut health, education and social protection to reassure creditors, the strain does not disappear; it is displaced — into women’s unpaid labour, dispossession and the violence through which fossil fuel extraction is enforced,” it noted.

Fossil fuels also cause environmental destruction that is linked to health and social crises due to pollution, food insecurity, land degradation and water contamination, all of which disproportionately peril women. This compels movements of women and Indigenous civil society to come to the frontlines of environmental defense, inevitably exposing them to state violence.

It is critical to explore how fossil fuels are intricately tied in with gendered identities and patriarchy and its expressions of violence through what it calls ‘petromasculinity’.

Scientists define petromasculinity as the fusion of authoritarian masculine identities with militarism, corporate fossil fuel interests, underpinning state violence, where “fossil fuel use can function as a violent compensatory practice in reaction to gender and climate trouble”.

The concept escalates gender-based violence and the social, economic and political exclusion of women, girls and gender minorities. “Despite the risk, women and Indigenous leaders have been at the forefront of calling for a just energy and economic transition rooted in feminist and principles of fairness, where all people, societies and nations have equal opportunities to lead and benefit,” said Amiera Sawas, co-author of the report and director of research for the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative.

“African feminists have long been calling our attention to the myriad ways that debt, fossil fuel extraction and climate change are impacting women’s and girls’ rights. It’s time the international community listened,” he added.
He called for international cooperation and solidarity via a Fossil Fuel Treaty to support nations to cancel and renegotiate debt repayments and to access fairer finance for renewable energy systems.

For the reason, any serious conversation about a just transition must begin by recognising the reality of the fossil industry in Africa, and its consequences on the wellbeing of the people.

It recommends that African countries can benefit from participating in an international treaty that supports a fair phase-out of fossil fuels, one in which the wealthiest and most responsible nations act first. and fastest, while enabling a financed, justice-based transition to a renewable energy future.

Nations participating in such a treaty could create a platform for renegotiating and cancelling some external debt to create space for an equitable transition.

Such a transition should move communities away from fossil fuels towards decentralised, accessible renewable energy for all, and phase out of oil, gas and coal while building diverse, resilient and “gender-just” economies.
Overall, the paper calls for new approaches to tackling the triple challenge of debt crises, fossil fuelled entrapment and gendered violence, warning that past proposals have failed to address the root of the problem.

Source: downtoearth.org.in

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The untold struggle of community land right defenders in eastern DRC’s three-decade war.

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By the Witness Radio team.

“My land is among the properties currently being used by rebels. I had purchased a plot right along Route 2, but an M23 officer is now renting it out to traders. He collects the fees for my own land while I suffer here in hiding. I cannot even call him, for fear of exposing myself to further danger.”

These are the words of a community land-right defender from North Kivu Province, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), living in hiding after becoming a target for defending community land rights.

According to the defender, defending land rights has come at an enormous cost. He has lost access to his property, his livelihood, and his freedom of movement. A piece of land he legally acquired is now under the control of others, and he remains unable to challenge their occupation because doing so could put his life at risk.

His story reflects a growing reality across eastern DRC, where decades of conflict have made land one of the most contested resources. As armed groups expand territorial control, communities say homes, farms, grazing areas, and commercial properties are being seized, leaving millions displaced and land rights defenders increasingly vulnerable.

Eastern DRC has endured armed conflict for more than three decades. The violence has involved government forces and multiple armed groups competing for political influence, territory, and control over valuable resources.

Since its resurgence in 2021, the March 23 Movement (M23), operating under the AFC/M23 coalition, has captured large areas of North and South Kivu, some of the country’s most strategic and resource-rich provinces.

According to the United Nations Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s July 2025 report, the control of large parts of North and South Kivu by AFC/M23 secured access to mineral-rich territories and fertile land, while increasing Rwanda’s influence in the DRC.

The report highlights the strategic importance of territorial control in the conflict, where access to natural resources, productive land, and key areas is closely linked to armed groups’ expansion and regional influence.

For communities living in these territories, territorial control has brought displacement, insecurity, and loss of ancestral land.

According to the United Nations, more than seven million people are internally displaced across the Democratic Republic of Congo, making it one of the world’s largest displacement crises.

Many displaced people who spoke to the Witness Radio team say that when fighting forces drive them from their homes, their property often becomes vulnerable to occupation.

“Many people are suffering in silence. Throughout the territory, homes, fields, and plots are being seized by force while people are being driven out so that others can settle in undisturbed. Rwandans are leaving their homes to occupy local owners’ properties. We are helpless and suffering in silence,” he said.

Another defender, whom Witness Radio identifies as Mwamba for security reasons, says his family’s struggle over land has lasted for generations and has been shaped by armed conflict.

Mwamba says his father, a traditional chief, farmer, and landowner in North Kivu, was targeted during the years of rebellion and that their family land, measuring approximately 240 hectares, was taken over.

Before the land was seized, the family ran a farm with livestock, including about 550 cattle, 250 sheep and goats, and 50 pigs.

According to Mwamba, the livestock were looted, houses were destroyed, and the farm was occupied by armed actors linked to the AFC/M23 movement during successive periods of conflict.

“My whole life, there has been conflict over our family’s property. Since the 1990s, we have never been able to use our land in peace,” he said.

The human cost has been greater than the economic losses, leading to the deaths of his family members. He recalls, “In 1997, my three older brothers were captured on the road and killed by the same group that had grabbed our land. When I later tried to organize my family to reclaim what belongs to us, I received death threats too. I had to flee because I believed I would be next.”

Today, his family lives in poverty while watching others profit from land they say has belonged to them for generations.

“All family members left to save their lives. The farm is still in their hands, and we cannot even approach it,” he said.

Also, human rights lawyer Ngoma, whose real name is withheld for safety reasons, says defending victims of land grabbing and other abuses became a threat to his own survival.

For more than a decade, Ngoma represented marginalized communities seeking justice for land seizures, killings, sexual violence, torture, and other abuses committed during the conflict.

But when M23 fighters took control of his area, his work put him in danger.

“I felt constantly at risk, to the point of receiving death threats from the very people against whom we were litigating. I faced numerous threats to my own safety and that of my family. I was forced to change my phone numbers, cut communication with people, and I could no longer move freely as a citizen,” he told Witness Radio in an exclusive interview.

Like many other human rights defenders, Ngoma eventually fled and went into hiding for safety, but the conflict and its far-reaching costs to victims remained. His departure disrupted his life and left many victims without legal representation when they needed it most. For communities whose land had been seized or whose relatives had been killed, lawyers and land defenders are often the only link to justice. When they are forced into exile or silence through threats and intimidation, victims are left with few avenues to challenge abuses, document violations, or pursue accountability.

“When the conflict escalated, that marked the beginning of my ordeal. My life was thrown into turmoil. I was forced to flee and constantly protect my family from possible attacks,” he added.

His experience reflects a wider pattern across eastern DRC, where attacks on lawyers, land defenders, and human rights activists have weakened community efforts to resist land dispossession and seek justice. As those documenting abuses are driven into hiding, armed groups tighten their control over contested territories, while many displaced families are left without the legal and human rights support needed to reclaim their land or defend their rights.

Residents say that when armed groups capture territory and civilians flee, abandoned properties can become vulnerable to occupation. Families who later attempt to return often face intimidation, threats, or the inability to reclaim their land.

Researchers widely agree that the conflict in eastern DRC has multiple overlapping drivers, including competition for political power, ethnic tensions, control of mineral resources, weak governance, and territorial control. Within this broader conflict, land remains a critical source of both livelihoods and strategic influence, making it a frequent point of contestation between armed groups and displaced communities.

Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, the International Outreach Coordinator for the coalition Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), told Witness Radio that, in her view, Rwanda’s involvement in eastern DRC is closely linked to territorial expansion.

According to Dr. Rogers, Rwanda’s limited land area and growing population have increased the importance of securing additional territory. She argued that in areas under the control of the AFC/M23, civilians are frequently driven from their homes through violence and intimidation. When displaced families later attempt to return, she said, many discover that their land has already been occupied by people she identifies as Rwandans.

Human rights organizations have repeatedly raised concerns about attacks against those documenting abuses and supporting affected communities.

Between November 2025 and February 2026, several human rights defenders in North and South Kivu were reportedly targeted because of their work, according to the United Nations.

In January 2026, UN human rights experts expressed concern over allegations of attempted killings, kidnappings, torture, sexual violence, and death threats targeting defenders and their families.

The attacks have forced many defenders to choose between abandoning their work and risking their lives.

Despite years of displacement and violence, many affected families still hope to return to their ancestral lands.

“The land belongs to our families. We have lost so much, but we have not lost hope. One day, we believe justice will allow us to return,” Mwemba told our team.

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Ugandan farmers take TotalEnergies’ pipeline to UK court

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Police apprehend a Ugandan activist during a protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) plans in Kampala, Uganda, on 15 September, 2023. © Reuters

Four Ugandan farmers filed a case against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) at the UK’s High Court on Tuesday, seeking to have Ugandan constitutional, environmental and climate law applied to EACOP Ltd, the UK-registered company financing the project

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Lawyers Move to Court to Stop New Luxury Tourism Projects in Maasai Mara

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A coalition of regional legal and environmental organisations has moved to court seeking to halt the approval and development of new luxury tourism facilities in the Maasai Mara National Reserve, arguing that the projects threaten one of the world’s most important wildlife ecosystems.

The petition, filed before the Environment and Land Court, seeks orders stopping further construction of high-end tourist accommodation within the reserve pending the determination of the case.

Those behind the petition include East Africa Law Society, Natural Justice, JustAct and Africa Centre for Peace and Human Rights, who have sued several government agencies and private investors involved in the developments.

Among the respondents are Marriott International, The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, Minor Hotels, National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) and the Narok County Government.

Narok Governor Patrick Ole Ntutu and the Maasai Mara National Reserve date in Narok County.
Photo| County Government of Narok / Maasai Mara National Reserve.

The petitioners contend that approvals granted for the tourism developments violated constitutional and environmental safeguards, arguing that the projects were allowed within ecologically sensitive areas meant primarily for wildlife conservation.

Court documents further claim that the developments sit close to critical wildlife habitats and migration routes linking the Maasai Mara ecosystem with Serengeti National Park.

This, according to them, potentially disrupts the annual wildebeest migration that attracts thousands of tourists every year.

They have asked the court to certify the matter as one raising substantial constitutional questions and refer it to the Chief Justice for the appointment of a five-judge bench to hear the case.

The latest legal challenge comes months after the planned opening of the luxury Ritz-Carlton safari camp sparked public debate, with conservationists raising concerns that the facility could interfere with wildlife movement near the Sand River.

At the time, the Kenya Wildlife Service dismissed claims circulating online that the camp had blocked the wildebeest migration, describing videos shared on social media as misleading.

“The Ritz-Carlton safari camp is situated within a designated tourism investment low-use zone, as provided for in the Maasai Mara National Reserve Management Plan, 2023-2032,” KWS said at the time.

The agency also maintained that camps established along the Mara, Sand and Talek rivers have historically coexisted with wildlife movements without obstructing migration.

Source: kenyans.co.ke

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