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Fossil fuel opponents lobby Africans for support

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Proponents of a treaty to end fossil fuel drilling are lobbying African countries to support the legislation, which would essentially stop the continent from exploring its newly discovered resources.

The Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative was first introduced by the Pacific nations of Vanuatu and Tuvalu at the Conference of Parties (COP27) in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt in 2022, but even they realise they need global support to make it a reality.

On August 20, the anti-fossil fuel initiative announced that two Malawian cities, Lilongwe and Mzuzu, had become the first in Africa to endorse the treaty. The treaty aims to ensure that a proposed legal mechanism makes it more difficult for new fossil fuel projects to be launched.

It also calls for existing production to be phased out as the world races to keep global temperatures within 1.5°C to avoid the worst impacts of climate change.

So far, the proposed Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty has been endorsed by 13 countries, more than 110 cities and sub-national governments, 101 Nobel Laureates, 2,500 civil society organisations, more than 3,000 scientists and academics, and political leaders, including more than 600 parliamentarians from around the world.

But the treaty runs counter to the projects of countries in the region, including Uganda and Tanzania, which are trying to build an oil pipeline to export their crude from the Lake Albert region in Uganda. The two countries have struggled to find financiers after lenders, particularly in the West, backed away from funding the projects for fear of sanctions at home.

Ms Ruth Chingwalu, the deputy mayor of Lilongwe City Council, said her city was taking the opportunity to join others in calling for a phase-out of fossil fuels because of her country’s vulnerability to the current climate crisis. Fossil fuel emissions are now being blamed for a greater proportion of this change.

“To prevent climate catastrophes, urgent action at all levels and international cooperation are essential to ensure a safe and liveable future for us all. In line with this, Lilongwe City Council would like to use this opportunity to foster a fair transition to renewable energy,” Ms Chingwalu said.

In Malawi, climate change is already having a devastating impact on local communities. For example, an estimated 16 million Malawians depend on rain-fed agriculture, meaning a stable climate is crucial for the farming community to thrive. However, since 2019, increasingly erratic rainfall, prolonged droughts and the devastating five cyclones that have hit the country in the last five years alone have left the country’s food systems in a fragile state.

Aside from agriculture, Malawi’s recent history of frequent flooding has devastated the lives of many people, especially those living in cities like Lilongwe, where more than 76 percent of the population lives in vulnerable informal settlements. Residents have lost property and lives, and many have been displaced by flooding.

“As Malawi is the Chair of the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) group, the move by its capital city to advocate for a Treaty is critical to ensuring that the needs of the most vulnerable are prioritised in the global transition to a renewable-powered future,” The Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative said in a statement.

Kondani Nyasulu, the mayor of Mzuzu City Council, said his city’s endorsement of the treaty was a step in the right direction for his country as Malawi races to achieve its goal of economic and social transformation for its people.

“Mzuzu City Council would like to join others to phase out extraction of coal, oil and gas and thin plastic production through the endorsement of the proposal for a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty. City councils must pursue a faster, deeper and more ambitious approach to tackling climate change and emission of greenhouse gases that addresses the root cause of these intertwined crises: fossil fuels,” Mr Nyasulu said.

Of Malawi’s 501MW of operational grid capacity, 63MW comes from carbon-emitting diesel plants, according to 2023 local government statistics.

About 86 per cent of the country’s energy comes from wood, which is used for cooking and heating. About 10 per cent of the country’s total energy consumption comes from petroleum products, three per cent from hydropower and one per cent from coal, according to government statistics.

However, the country has no significant oil or natural gas reserves and is therefore heavily dependent on imports to meet its energy needs.

“There is far too much sun shining, wind blowing, and water flowing through our continent for us to continue deepening fossil fuel extraction, which has failed to power our continent or enrich our people.

“Lilongwe and Mzuzu’s call for a Fossil Fuel Treaty is one that should be echoed across Africa for a people-centred just transition to renewable energy, to achieve energy sovereignty and climate justice for our people and our continent,” said Seble Samuel, Head of Africa Campaigns and Advocacy, Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative.

Original Source: Monitor

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Inside Eastern DRC War: The untold story of grabbing land for local and indigenous communities.

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By Witness Radio Team

For millions in eastern DRC, the war is not an event; it is a daily reality that people have lived in for the past three decades.

After being dispossessed from his land, Moise (not the real name) fled to a displacement center he believed to be safer for temporary settlement.

“I was severely affected by the conflict, as it turned my entire life upside down. In our area, clashes, armed attacks, and insecurity have become frequent. We would hear gunshots and screams, and sometimes people would flee from their homes to seek refuge, as these incidents often took place at night or early in the morning. That is what happened to my family,” Moise told a Witness Radio journalist.

Moise, once reliant on his farmland for his livelihood, illustrates how land dispossession devastates small-scale farmers across the continent, highlighting the broader human toll.

“I owned land that I used primarily for agriculture. This land enabled me to feed my family and sell a portion of the harvest to cover other needs. We grew food crops there, such as cassava, beans, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas.” He added.

Before the escalation of conflict, Moise says, life—though difficult—had some degree of stability.

“We were able to work, farm, sell our produce, and organize our family lives with a sense of hope. During the conflict, everything changed: insecurity took hold, displacement became massive, economic activity plummeted, and the population now lives in fear.” The now-displaced victim revealed

To survive, Moise relies on aid and lives in difficult conditions, highlighting ongoing hardship and the urgent need for justice.

Like Moise’s story, these are the daily struggles, confrontations, fears, and threats faced by the majority of citizens in the Eastern region of DRC, a part of a conflict-affected country where war has persisted for decades. The cost of this prolonged violence has been immense, claiming countless lives and driving widespread dispossession.

Affecting the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, victims have endured decades of armed conflict, fueled by weak state control, regional tensions, and competition over mineral-rich land. Since its resurgence in 2021, M23 has seized large areas of territory, often in strategic and resource-rich zones.

The March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group operating in eastern DRC. According to observers, fighting has been concentrated in mineral-rich areas, many of which are now under M23 control. In an effort to protect its sovereignty, the Congolese Army, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has repeatedly defended its territory but has often been overpowered by rebel forces.

Over 7 million people are internally displaced in DRC, with hundreds of thousands losing their land amid escalating clashes.

Sources reveal that the seized land is intended to resettle landless Rwandans and to provide farmland for settlers.

The coalition “Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC) International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, in an interview with Witness Radio, explained that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups, further continuing dispossession.

“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out, and when victims return to their land, they often find it occupied by Rwandans,” Dr. Deborah revealed.

On the ground, Dr Deborah alleges that the land is grabbed for economic purposes, claiming that armed groups have developed sophisticated systems of economic control.

“Land is grabbed either for agriculture or resource exploitation. Armed actors also profit from natural resource extraction, including minerals, timber, charcoal production, and bushmeat. But in the big cities like Goma and Bukavu, the M23/AFC authorities impose taxes on goods, businesses, and transport.” She added.

Victims say harsh conditions in displacement camps often force them to return to their land once violence subsides, but what they find is deeply distressing: “their land occupied, sometimes by people they describe as non-Congolese”.

“When the situation became unbearable, where we had taken refuge due to lack of food, shelter, and the means to start over, I decided to return home. But when I got there, I found other people already settled on my land, working in the fields and living in my house. They made it clear that I could no longer reclaim it,” Moise told Witness Radio.

But how do these alleged non-Congolese settlers take over the land? Another conflict victim describes what appears to be an organized pattern—one in which forced displacement creates the opportunity for land seizure, often under armed protection.

“They move in when we are forced out and occupy our land without consent. In many cases, they are backed by armed men,” the victim told Witness Radio, adding that the situation has not only affected family heads but also their families.

“My family is currently living in precarious conditions. We have lost a large part of our means of subsistence. We are facing food insecurity, as well as difficulties in securing housing, accessing healthcare, and sending the children to school,” the victim further added.

To restore peace in the war-torn Congo, several initiatives have been introduced. Among the most recent is a deal coordinated by United States President Donald Trump, aimed at bringing peace efforts in the DRC. However, the peace agreements, which are still in their early stages, have already attracted criticism.

The recent acquisition of the Chemaf cobalt mine in the Congo by the U.S.-based firm Virtus Minerals is being seen as one of the first fruits of the deals, reinforcing what war watchdogs have long argued: that peace deals are only transactions that are primarily targeting Congo’s mineral wealth and land, rather than contributing to peace, especially as the conflict remains ongoing.

Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, Frederic Mousseau, recently told our journalist in an interview that the recent deals primarily benefit the United States and Rwanda, arguing that they are not aimed at ending the conflict but at formalizing access to Congo’s mineral wealth.

“The peace agreement gives access to the US and Rwanda to Congo’s mineral resources. Rather than securing lasting peace for the suffering Congolese people, it’s all about business and money.” Frederic told Witness Radio.

But beyond peace, which has not yet been achieved, Frederic says, the Congolese government should ensure minerals benefit all, and that land is returned to its rightful owners. “Lasting peace isn’t enough; the country’s wealth must ultimately serve its people. The government needs to ensure that any deals it makes benefit the broader economy and ordinary citizens, not just a small elite in the capital or provincial centers,” he added.

Victims continue to pray that peace prevails so they can once again live normal lives.

“My prayer for the future is for true and lasting peace to return to eastern DRC. I hope that the guns will fall silent, that displaced persons may return home, that everyone may reclaim their land and their dignity, and that justice may be served for the victims.” Moise concluded.

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More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.

“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.

In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.

On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.

Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.

Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.

Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.

Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.

“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.

Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.

“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.

However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.

He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.

“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.

“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.

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Kiryandongo farmer accuses minister of grabbing 100-acre land

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Farmer Edward Balikagira at Kinyara II Village in Kigumba Sub-county in Kiryandongo District during an interview with Monitor. PHOTO/DAN WANDERA

A Kiryandongo farmer accuses Minister for Karamoja Affairs Peter Lokeris of illegally occupying his 100-acre plot, sparking a decades-long dispute now under State House scrutiny. Despite interventions, the conflict remains unresolved amid conflicting claims and documentation. Source: https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kiryandongo-farmer-accuses-minister-of-grabbing-100-acre-land-5447308

Edward Balikagira from Kinyara II Village in Kiryandongo District alleges that Minister Peter Lokeris has forcefully taken over his 100-acre land, which he bought in 1996 from the late John Bitunda Bitagasa.

Balikagira holds a 1996 handwritten sale agreement in Runyoro, detailing payment of Shs170,000, 12 goats, a bicycle, and a blanket, witnessed by local land executives.

Lokeris rejects the accusations, stating he legally obtained the land in 1996 and has occupied it peacefully for over 20 years without issues. He questions Balikagira’s ownership documents.

Balikagira recounts that in 2007, as land committee chair, he negotiated with Lokeris for adjacent land at Shs500,000 per acre, but the deal fell through due to delays.

Tensions peaked in 2022 when Balikagira was arrested for alleged trespassing during the Covid-19 lockdown. A State House fact-finding meeting followed, where Lokeris reportedly admitted to applying for only 100 acres and agreed to return any excess.

A June 2022 State House letter to the Kiryandongo RDC, signed by Nathan Bwogi, halted all activities on the disputed land and noted ongoing fencing by Lokeris’s associates, warning of potential violence.

Despite this, Balikagira says the issue lingers without court action, citing the minister’s influence. Local leaders and the Deputy RDC confirm ongoing administrative reviews but no closure.

Land wrangles like this are rampant in Uganda, especially in Kiryandongo’s former ranch areas, with police reporting a surge in such cases.

Source: Daily Monitor

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