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Well connected: The resistance against the fossil industry in East Africa.

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Uganda and Tanzania have created facts about the promotion of the fossil industry by launch on the construction of the East African crude oil pipeline. At the same time, the internationally networked resistance of civilian actors towards the booming oil production in East Africa is growing. Judicial complaints are a central element in their fight to uphold the rule of law, human rights and environmental protection.

Last year, the beginning of the end of the fossil era was ushered in at the world climate conference in Dubai. Some countries interpret this as follows: it is necessary to get the last fossil fuels out of the ground. This means drilling, dredging, pumping – to earn crude oil, gas and coal once again.

One example is the fossil industry in Uganda, which is trying to feed its last fossil occurrences from the ground into the global economy. It wants to pump the petroleum down there to the surface and through a heated pipeline into a deep-sea port into the Tanzanian tanga. From there, it, together with the French energy giant TotalEnergies and Chinese participation, is being shipped for the global oil industry.

The oil project called the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) with a targeted running time of 25 years has been under construction since this April. In Tanzania and Uganda, the scope of civilian actors who are fighting against land seizures for the 1,443-kilometre-long pipeline corridor and defending human rights is severely restricted. In Uganda, the police have arrested farmers, journalists, human rights and environmental defenders who have spoken out against the oil projects. Reporters Without Borders once again stated in May that freedom of the press and civil say are strictly curtailed. At the end of May, eight environmental activists were arrested when a letter of protest to the Chinese Embassy was arrested by Ugandan security forces. Obviously, governments sacrifice freedom of expression, human rights and livelihoods for their fossil utopianism.

Bizarre oil shops

Uganda’s government is not only pursuing an export strategy for its crude oil, which is stored in the Albertgraben on the border with the DR Congo. It also wants to modify its own oil import infrastructure. For this purpose, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni initiated an old oil dispute with Kenya: In February, the neighbouring countries decided to resume the plan to expand the Mombasa-Eldoret-Kampala pipeline. This pipeline originates in the port of Mombasa/Kenya, on the Indian Ocean and currently leads via Nairobi to Eldoret in West Kenya. This part has been in operation since May 2014. For many years, plans to extend the pipeline have been circulating, first to Kampala on Lake Victoria, Ugandan, then on to Rwanda’s capital Kigali, possibly even to Lake Bujumbura Burundi around Lake Tanganyika.

This would mean that on the one hand, the export of crude oil is being produced, while at the same time the import of refined oil will be extended. This contradicts any economic logic that the finishing of a product is not outsourced as far as possible. While Uganda wants to transport its crude oil via the East African crude pipeleline EACOP to the port to Tanga and sell it from there on the world market, from Mombasa, 130 kilometres north of Tanga, refined oil via the Mombasa Eldoret pipeline to Kampala is to be pumped at the same time.

On the one hand, crude oil transport for the world market, on the other hand, import of refined oil – that is, of fishing-for fuels – for one’s own energy needs: this is an old pattern for asymmetric trade relations – or, as the Kenyan climate activist Omar Elawi said: business colonialism. Others will benefit from the refinement of the crude oil and transport. The oil, transported twice over thousands of kilometres, puts a heavy impact on the environment and undermines the social development of the adjacent municipalities. The economic dependence of the Global South is simply reproduced in terms of trade policy. And climate policy, the EACOP is also a disaster that undermines the fair energy transition in Uganda.

Problems and protest on the spot …

It is therefore not surprising that the sharpest critics of EACOP include many regional environmental and human rights defenders as well as initiatives affected. For example, Witness Radio Uganda documents land veins on an interactive map and has been providing legal assistance to people in rural areas affected by land expulsion for years. Tonny Katende from Witness Radio says: “We combine legal assistance and media work to mobilize the rural population. This is the only way she can protest with a strong voice against the injustices in land use and environmental destruction and advocate for equal access to resources in our country.”

Another activist is Christopher Opio, founder of the Oil Refinery Residents Association (ORRA). The NGO with over 7,000 members recently protested before the Court in Hoima in Western Uganda. This is where the pipeline is to start, and 42 households have recently been sued by the government, because they refused to accept compensation for their country: “This means that these people are now being driven out of their country,” said Opio. At the protest on the 15th April the landowners moved through the city towards court. They hold signs high with messages such as “Do not attach our rights” and “do not self-elige us for oil”.

TotalEnergies has been drilling in Tilenga on the northern shore of Lake Albert on Lake Albert since June 2023. Four hundred holes are planned, one third of which are in a natural park. In the Kingfisher area further south of the lake, the Chinese company CNCOOC is taking hold to light since January 2023. Fishing communities of both places turn to the companies with a protest letter in April 2024: the light from the drilling rigs violates and distributes the fish, and nitrogen- and phosphorous-containing wastewater is burdening the water quality. The risks documented by international environmental organizations such as Les Amis de la Terre, Natural Justice and Greenpeace, as well as Human Rights Watch and BankTrack, are concerned about water and the health of over eleven million residents at Lake Albert: 426 wells ensure that water is pumped from Lake Lake Lake. The water is then heavily heavy metal and poses a threat to the population as wastewater. A leak would be a disaster for which no one is sufficiently prepared.

… and anti-imperial rhetoric of the revolt

Local civilian actors in Tanzania and Uganda, including lawyers, students and stakeholders, are often discredited by their own governments as an extended arm of imperial Western environmental extremists. An environmental journalist and a community worker temporarily left the country for persecution and intimidation.

Governments sacrifice the environment for their fossil utopianism

Activism does not arise from a capitalist lobby, but scientifically proven risks to the environment, dangers to the health of neighbouring communities, concrete human rights violations such as land displacements and expropriations, and de facto violent attacks by the police and the military – including rape and massive bodily injury to the rural population. On the basis of research and witness reports, problems are combated, such as the inadequate compensation of the oil lobby or the authoritarian behavior of the project operators. Here the anti-imperial rhetoric of the government side is like a diversionary manoeuvre.

The Chinese CNCOOC and TotalEnergies are now feeling resistance from all over the world in addition to the local protest. This is the international (instead of imperial) dimension of the debate. More than 260 civil society organisations are demanding a stop from EACOP. The political forms of action and protest of the well-connected movement against the construction of the EACOP are manifold: an important lever is legal complaints against violations by companies and governments. Another strategy is divestment. Potential investors or insurance companies should be persuaded not to invest in environmentally harmful and anti-social projects, or to deduct their capital from such projects.

Complained, divestment and political pressure

In November 2020, four East African civil society organisations, including AFIEGO, Natural Justice Kenya and the Tanzanian Strategic Litigation Centre (SLC), filed a complaint against EACOP at the East African Court (EACJ). After an initial dismissal, the Appeals Division of the East African Court requested the plaintiffs at the beginning of the year, until 22. March submit written comments. By the end of April, the defendants were again allowed to react to them in writing. The civilian plaintiffs see legal principles violated by the state, including the environmental and human rights standards enshrined in the Treaty of East African Community for the benefit of current and future generations, as well as compliance with international treaties.

The consortium of lawsuits is an expression of a regionally and internationally well-connected NGO community, which takes legal action against the fossil fuels, including its financial and reinsurance companies, through legal action. This means that among the global civilian NGO networks is growing know-how to strategies for how to take several tracks against the land grabbing of the climate-damaging fossil industry. With the worldwide campaign “StopEACOP, 29 investors have now been discouraged to be part of the pipeline project, including the second largest German insurance group Talanx.

In the fight against the large-scale fossil-fuel project EACOP, the strategy of divestment is considered promising, especially in Europe: Public pressure on the suppliers from the construction, insurance, logistics and credit institutions sectors is to prevent the cash flow for the project, which is still not financially secured. Another great success of the international campaign alliance “StopEACOP” was the withdrawal of the Japanese Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group over a year ago. Meanwhile, 27 banks and 23 reinsurers as well as four export credit agencies have announced that they will not support EACOP. Therefore the mood on the Instagram account of the campaign alliance is sometimes euphoric.

The political pressure was also some success. International alliances confront politicians with studies such as “A Disaster in the Making” by Les Amis de la Terre or “Our Trust is Broken” by Human Rights Watch 2023. The European Parliament called on the governments of Uganda and Tanzania to comply with human rights standards in September 2022. In a decision on the COP27 climate conference, the German Bundestag spoke out against the financing of the EACOP in 2022.

Do the climate complain?

Lucien Limacher from the organisation Natural Justice from South Africa, one of the members of the plaintiffs against the EACOP before the East African Court, generally likes the effects of climate lawsuits. On the one hand, climate lawsuits are also increasing on the African continent. However, Limacher also says: “In the global North there is a misunderstanding about how we define climate processes. Africa will suffer massively from the consequences when global warming of more than 2.5 degrees is suffering.” In addition, in view of the 400 to 600 fossil projects that are up to 400 to 600, the climate cannot be saved solely through the route of the process. “So we need to think about how we proceed in legal disputes. A new way of thinking is emerging on the African continent: local climate lawsuits are no longer just about emissions, but about much more comprehensive risk factors such as access to food and water or land, because these areas that will be most severely affected.”

Despite the manifold resistance, the further construction of the EACOP is also progressing – and thus Uganda’s desire to become part of the ranks of the petrostate, half of which cover their economy from oil business. After the exit of European and Japanese banks from EACOP financing, the French energy giant TotalEnergies has signed a contract with China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering (CPP) for the construction and supply of line pipes. This means that the cross-border project has been relocated to Beijing, from where most of the still missing loans are likely to come from. During the recent visit of China’s head of state Xi Jinping to France in early May, there was no public talk of the oil shipping in Uganda. It is hardly conceivable that Macron and Xi of all people can silence the issue, because the resistance against the EACOP is great, especially in France.

The struggles for oil production in Uganda, with the words of the Ugandan anthropologist Paddy Kinyeras 1, show that pipelines as critical infrastructures represent physical manifestations of power geometry. The realization of the pipeline requires governmental power and strengthens it at the same time. Since the Paris Climate Agreement, the World Climate Summits have been a place to publicly confront this government and corporate power and to create political back pressure against the fossil industry. They also serve as an international networking area for the civilian actors.

At the end of 2024, after the United Arab Emirates in 2023, a fossil heavyweight will once again host the World Climate Summit: Azerbaijan. And thus for the third time in a row a country that plans to rely on fossil resources and revive oil and gas production before the agreed phasing-out. Once again, the summit will be headed by a long-standing employee of an oil company, Muchtar Babaiev. He is the Minister for the Environment of a host country that has little understanding for civilian engagement. It is not very promising to take place against the charged fossil lobby. This is one reason upon all, internationally networked environmental, research and human rights initiatives in the fossil industry. They are essential to open the oil business with protests, climate lawsuits, divestment campaigns and political pressure.

Source: www.iz3w.org

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Five years after Uganda’s National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, are local communities hosting land-based investment projects seeing change?

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By the Witness Radio team.

Five years after Uganda embraced its National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights, uncertainty remains about whether the policy has brought meaningful change to communities affected by business and development projects.

The plan’s final assessment spotlights some progress, such as rising human rights awareness among both communities and businesses. However, it also uncovers stubborn obstacles: inconsistent implementation, limited funding, fragile monitoring, and businesses lagging in embracing human rights practices.

Communities affected by land, agribusiness, mining, infrastructure, and other development projects continue to report being uprooted, excluded from consultations, and pushed to the margins of decisions that shape their land, livelihoods, and rights.

These clashing realities became the focus of a national stakeholder dialogue in Kampala on September 23, 2026, where government officials, civil society, development partners, and local voices gathered to take stock of Uganda’s National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights.

The Ministry of Gender, Labor and Social Development (MGLSD), alongside Witness Radio, convened stakeholders to reflect on five years of action, celebrate milestones, and spotlight the gaps demanding attention as Uganda prepares for the next chapter in its business and human rights story.

Uganda’s National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights is a national framework designed to address human rights concerns arising from business activities and strengthen the responsibilities of government and businesses to protect human rights and provide access to remedy. It was adopted in 2021 and is anchored in the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and their “Protect, Respect and Remedy” framework.

Yet as stakeholders looked back on five years of implementation and progress, grassroots stories kept bubbling up, raising doubts about how much life has really changed for those whose land, livelihoods, and rights hang in the balance.

For 43-year-old Samuel Ssenkinga of Kiyinja Village in Kiruuma Sub-county, Kasolokamponye Parish, Mubende District, the National Action Plan’s impact is not a distant policy debate—it is deeply personal.

Ssenkinga recounts how, in March 2017, he was attacked after being called by a manager from Formosa Farms, a tree-planting project in the area. He had lived on that land for over thirty years.

“I was born on the land and had spent over 30 years on it before being evicted. On 17th March of 2017, their [Formosa] manager called me asking where I was and requested that we meet up because he had something to tell me, which I agreed to,” he said.

On his way to the meeting, he says, workers from the company allegedly ambushed him.

“Before I could reach where I was going, I was attacked by 17 men; they all had knives, and they stopped me, and they beat me, which has caused injuries up to date,” he said.

Nearly a decade on, Ssenkinga still bears the scars of the conflict. Seventeen acres of his land have vanished, and justice remains a distant hope.

“We didn’t know about the project and were not consulted. Seventeen acres of my land were taken, and I was left with nothing,” he said.

Ssenkinga is just one among many Mubende residents raising alarms over land seized for Formosa Farms’ vast eucalyptus, pine, and macadamia plantations. The company has been accused by communities and civil society of evictions, aggressive land grabs, and violence. Formosa Farms is a subsidiary of Quality Parts, both owned by Taiwanese investor Martin Chang and Ugandan Anna Kyoheirwe.

His experience is just one of many that Witness Radio has chronicled while monitoring land evictions and human rights struggles across Uganda. The organization observes that concerns about consultation, participation, land rights, and access to remedy continue to echo through communities touched by development projects.

At the dialogue, Witness Radio’s Executive Director Jeff Wokulira Ssebaggala painted a picture of a nation wrestling with sweeping displacement and land loss linked to development projects, with smallholder farmers shouldering the heaviest burden.

He emphasized that many of these hardships stem from shallow consultations and the failure to genuinely involve communities in shaping the projects that transform their lives.

“The aspect of development tends to be lost along the way. Instead of bringing development, people see these projects as a curse. They do not speak well about these projects, which threatens their sustainability.” He added.

Mr. Ssebaggala added that this issue cuts across sectors such as agribusiness, mining, and infrastructure, where smallholder farmers’ voices are often faint and seldom heard in decision-making.

“Their voices are difficult to hear because they are remote and, as you know, we are NGOs and cannot reach everybody,” he said.

The government’s own assessment, however, highlights areas of progress. At the dialogue, Dekura Caroline, Principal Social Development Officer in the Ministry of Gender, shared findings from five years of the National Action Plan’s implementation. She noted that communities are now more aware of their rights when dealing with businesses.

She explained that communities increasingly understand their rights deserve protection, while businesses are beginning to recognize their duty to respect human rights in their operations and services.

During her presentation, she cited examples from different regions where communities were beginning to see results from efforts to strengthen their rights and access to remedies.

In the Busoga region, she observed that more people are growing sugarcane after earlier worries about fair payment discouraged them. She also highlighted the Albertine region, where workers and communities once faced frequent accidents and poor working conditions.

“In the Albertine region in Kikuube District, people used to get involved in accidents, and the work environment was unfriendly. But today, the community advocates for their rights, and business owners know they must protect people’s rights even while advancing businesses.” She added.

“We have built the capacity of existing structures at local governments. When cases arise, they are reported to local governments or our partners on the ground who report to the Uganda Human Rights Commission. The Equal Opportunities Commission also helps follow up when remedies are not concluded.” She further added.

Mr. Ssebaggala points to a major barrier: genuine participation. He notes some project implementers present agreements and documents in English, even when the intended signatories may not understand the language.

“We have experience where partnerships and MOUs are signed between out-growers and project implementers, but they are in English. When asked if they understand what they signed, they say they were told whatever is there is okay with them.”

He described this language barrier as a major spark for land disputes between communities and project implementers.

“The issue of language is very important because when communities do not understand these projects, they cannot support them or understand how the projects will benefit them,” he said.

The ministry insists it is working to boost community participation and accountability. Mr. Benard Mujuni, Commissioner for Equity and Rights at the MGLSD, said the ministry is crafting a national framework to ensure communities have a real voice in decision-making and that all actors can be held accountable.

He addedHe added that the government has created a community stakeholder engagement guideline to ensure communities move beyond token consultation and truly participate in development processes. The government has developed a community stakeholder engagement guideline to help ensure people aren’t just consulted. But they are effectively consulted to participate in the development process.” He mentioned.

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The Fight for Climate Justice: African Women at the Forefront

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By the Witness Radio Team.

Across Africa, women are the backbone of food systems, households, and rural economies. Yet the land, water, and natural resources they rely on face growing threats from climate change and relentless development.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), 76 percent of working women in sub-Saharan Africa are employed in agrifood systems, the largest share of any region in the world. In rural areas, women are four times more likely than men to engage in off-farm work. Their contribution goes beyond paid employment to unpaid activities like fetching water, caring for children and older people, and supporting household food security.

As development projects multiply and droughts, floods, land degradation, rising temperatures, and shifting rainfall patterns worsen, the foundations of these livelihoods are becoming alarmingly fragile.

For millions across Africa, climate change is not just an environmental concern. It is a daily struggle for food, land, water, income, health, and survival.

Yet women are not simply bearing the brunt of these impacts. Across the continent, they are mobilizing, crafting their own solutions, and demanding a seat at the table where decisions are made.

From 5–8 October 2026, more than 75 women community leaders, activists, civil society organizations and allies from across West and Central Africa will gather in Yaoundé, Cameroon, for the fourth regional Women’s Climate Assembly (WCA).

Co-hosted by Green Development Advocates, WoMin African Alliance, and partners, the event will unite women in their fight against exploitative industries and misleading climate solutions. Under the banner “Our lands, our voices: African women united for climate justice and reparations,” the Assembly aims to connect struggles over land, forests, water, seeds, food, and natural resources into a powerful movement for climate justice.

This gathering seeks to fortify a Pan-African ecofeminist movement, nurture women’s leadership, forge collective strategies for climate justice, defend food sovereignty and sustainable resource management, and amplify demands for climate reparations.

It will also open space for women to share grassroots solutions, from seed conservation and mangrove stewardship to processing natural products and safeguarding traditional ecological wisdom.

Bela Marie Victorine, a participant from Cameroon, says the Assembly offers women from different countries an opportunity to learn from the experiences of communities affected by major development projects.

“The Women’s Climate Assembly taking place in Cameroon will allow women from other countries to experience firsthand the realities of Cameroonian women’s lives impacted by major projects and how they overcome these challenges.”

The Assembly takes place in Cameroon, where communities have long faced the pressures of large-scale land grabs and sprawling industrial oil palm plantations.

Since the late 2000s, the Cameroonian government has supported the expansion of industrial oil palm cultivation as part of efforts to promote investment, employment and economic growth.

For rural communities where most arable land has been handed over to agricultural industries, these developments bring profound consequences. The loss of land threatens livelihoods and the cultural, social, and political bonds tied to their territories, while raising serious environmental concerns.

Several petitions to the Cameroonian government have reported concerns about the effects of industrial oil palm expansion on women, including abuse, sexual harassment, persecution, and destruction of livelihoods. These effects reach far beyond plantations. Across Africa, communities are grappling with large-scale mining, oil and gas projects, and other forms of resource extraction. For those whose lives depend on land, forests, and water, these projects add new burdens to communities already struggling with climate upheaval.

In Africa, climate impacts are already being felt. The World Meteorological Organization’s State of the Climate in Africa 2025 reported that climate- and weather-related hazards affected at least 13 million people. It caused more than 3,000 reported deaths across Africa in 2025.

The Assembly’s organizers challenge who should bear the financial and social burdens of the climate crisis. They insist African communities must not pay for a disaster they did little to cause. They call for climate finance that delivers real resources for loss and damage, adaptation, ecosystem restoration, and community-driven alternatives. This builds on the legacy of previous gatherings in Nigeria and Senegal. Organizers now envision transforming this platform into a lasting space for action at local, national, subregional, and Pan-African levels.

The goal is to ensure women on the front lines of climate and environmental struggles have a lasting space to organize, share experiences, and shape the climate conversation. The Assembly will feature discussions on the climate crisis and women’s resistance, food sovereignty and seed protection, defending the Congo Basin forests, feminist advocacy, climate debt and reparations, and the expansion of oil and gas.

The Assembly will also feature hands-on education and practical exchanges on seed conservation, mangrove management, processing natural products, and preserving traditional ecological wisdom.

According to Abbie Freeman from Liberia, bringing these lived experiences into climate decision-making is central to the Assembly.

“Participating in the Women’s Climate Assembly gives me a platform to share my community’s experiences and learn from other African women. I believe our voices and lived experiences must be part of climate decisions.” She added.

The Yaoundé gathering is not just about recording the impacts of climate change. It is about building connections among women facing diverse environmental and economic pressures and creating collective strategies for land, livelihoods, and natural resources.

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Young people and agriculture: Step into the world of Ugandan NGO ESAFF, where a new generation in schools is being inspired to reimagine farming, celebrate wholesome food, and become passionate advocates for food sovereignty.

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By the Witness Radio team

On September 17th, 2026, the Witness Radio team visited Namugongo Kyoto Foyers de Charite in Kampala, Uganda, where the grounds buzzed with excitement as schools set up camp. Pupils and students were passionately rehearsing for the grand finale of the Agroecology Poem Writing Competition, an event brought to life by ESAFF Uganda.

ESAFF believes that blending poetry, agroecology, and lessons on healthy food into school life helps students rekindle their bond with agriculture. This raises a bigger question: can Uganda ignite a passion in its youth to see farming as more than a traditional occupation, especially when agriculture pulses at the heart of the nation’s food system and sustains millions? All too often, the image of farming presented to young people misses the exciting opportunities and innovations transforming the field.

ESAFF observes that many still view agriculture as a last resort, missing its vital role as the backbone of most Ugandans’ livelihoods. Transforming how young people connect with farming begins by redefining what agriculture truly represents.

Fueled by this vision, ESAFF Uganda launched Agroecology Clubs in schools, inviting students to dive into sustainable food production, nurture soil health, celebrate biodiversity, and master the art of caring for the earth’s resources.

According to ESAFF Uganda, 245 poems were submitted before finalists from different parts of the country gathered for the national competition.

Among the sea of eager competitors from every corner of the country, one student shone brightly: Ssendawula Mesach, a Primary Six pupil from Lisa Junior School in Mukono district. Rather than gripping a hoe or tending a garden, he clutched a poem he had lovingly crafted, refined, and memorized over weeks of dedication.

For Ssendawula, the competition was more than a personal test; it was a chance to explore a topic blossoming in schools: the story of food’s journey from farm to table, agriculture’s impact on the environment, and the hope sustainable farming brings for tomorrow.

Before being crowned winner of the primary school category, Ssendawula spoke about the countless hours he poured into practice, encouraging his peers to pour their passion into future competitions. Meanwhile, Doreen Anzoa of St. Mary Asumpta Girls in Adjumani claimed victory in the secondary category.

This year’s competition celebrated the theme “Agroecology in Action: Promoting Healthy School Diets,” intertwining agriculture, nutrition, and environmental stewardship in the lively tapestry of school life.

“The poetry competition offers another way of bringing those ideas into the classroom. Rather than simply teaching learners about agriculture, it allows them to interpret and communicate what they are learning in their own words,” Nancy Mugimba, ESAFF Uganda’s National Coordinator, said. She added that involving young people is important to improve their knowledge about sustainable food production and ensure environmental protection is passed from one generation to the next.

“The young generation is needed because we need all ages to steward agroecology. It should not disappear with our forefathers,” Mugimba says.

She also challenges the perception that agroecology is primitive, arguing that indigenous seeds and local knowledge remain important to sustainable food production.

“Many people think that agroecology is primitive, but I beg to differ,” she says. “It is viewed as primitive because it seems like we are trying to keep things that everybody is trying to throw away, for example, indigenous seeds.”

According to Mugimba, the poetry competition is not simply about writing or winning. It encourages learners to think about the food they eat, where it comes from, and the relationship between farming and the environment.

“The poem is just an innovative way of helping the students to communicate their ideas on how best they understand agroecology and its benefits to the environment,” she says.

Government officials at the competition also wrestled with how young people perceive agriculture today.

Sande Bob George, the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries’ National Focal Point Person for Organic Agriculture and Agroecology, said students’ poems and demonstrations reflected a generational shift in how agriculture can be understood, away from seeing it as punishment and towards viewing it as a source of livelihood, income and technology.

This shift is crucial in a country where agriculture anchors both livelihoods and food security. Young people are now urged to explore a growing spectrum of careers. Agriculture stands as the backbone of national development, employing over 70 percent of the population, most of whom live in rural areas, according to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).

Mr. Hakim Baliraine, the National Chairperson of ESAFF Uganda, says the competition should therefore not be reduced to an extracurricular activity or a contest for trophies.

“This poem competition is not just for competition, but to widen and ensure we understand our food system and open our eyes to find solutions,” Baliraine said.

The national competition united over 30 school representatives, teachers, patrons, agroecology champions, and experts from districts such as Gulu, Fort Portal, Adjumani, Apac, Namisindwa, Mityana, and beyond.

The competition has grown remarkably since its inception. ESAFF Uganda shared that the Schools’ Agroecology Poem Writing Competition began in 2023 in Mbale with 10 participating schools. The second edition, launched in Mityana, drew 1,023 students from 32 institutions, including 18 secondary and 14 primary schools.

By the third edition, 41 schools joined in, with 19 secondary and 22 primary schools contributing over 570 poems.

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