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Big Tech’s digital trade agenda is a danger for farmers and food systems
Published
6 months agoon

Criticism against Big Tech’s digital crusade is growing, along with demands for greater regulation. Yet, through underhand tactics such as trade deals, tech companies are blocking reform. Their recent focus on agriculture threatens our food systems. In order to rein in their growing power over them, it is crucial to expose what is happening behind the scenes and build movements to stop it.
It is not easy to evade the power and influence of Big Tech companies in everyday life, even for those living in rural communities in the global South where internet access is often limited.
Anyone searching for information on the internet, whether in Brazil, India or Kenya, will most likely use Google’s search engine.1 If they are in China, they will probably use Baidu’s. If they need to connect with their family or friends, they will probably use one of Meta’s social media or messaging platforms, like Facebook, which controls 75% of the global social media market, and 83% in Africa.2 When ordering food delivery in Brazil, they will most likely turn to the iFood platform (which holds 80% of the market), and if in Southeast Asia, they will almost certainly use Grab.3
Such digital monopolies enable tech companies to gather huge amounts of data from billions of people. This power is in turn being used to expand their control over developments in artificial intelligence (AI). Today, eight of the ten largest corporations in the world are tech companies. Each of them has a market value greater than the GDP of 93% of all countries.4
People around the world are waking up to the dangers of this corporate power. The Big Tech companies and their billionaire owners are taking over the media, backing far-right political parties, providing support to militaries committing war crimes, and collaborating with governments to curtail human rights.5 And they have an agenda for the food system too. Big Tech companies are converging with the largest agribusiness corporations, vacuuming up the data of small-scale food producers, workers and consumers with barely any oversight or limitations and then using that data against their interests.
Mass data grabbing across the food system
The world’s largest seed, pesticide and fertiliser companies have access to a constant stream of data from farms stretching across tens of millions of hectares– from Brazil to China– by way of digital apps installed on the smart phones and tractors of farmers. The information is stored on the clouds of Big Tech companies, like Microsoft’s Azure and Amazon’s AWS.
The clouds also store data from a growing number of government programmes collected to develop national digital databases and services for farmers. The Indian government’s new digital database, Agri Stack, for example, was developed with Microsoft and gives the company detailed information on 80 million Indian farmers, from land records to health histories.6 Agri Stack is the blueprint for other national digital farm registries that the Gates Foundation and the World Bank are pushing forward in several countries, beginning with Ethiopia and Kenya.7 Farmers increasingly have little choice but to hand over their data to corporations in order to access extension services, get loans and subsidies, or purchase inputs and machinery.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food and others have been raising concerns about how this corporate control over data can harm farmers.8 Agribusiness companies, for example, can use their chatbots and digital apps to push farmers into buying their seeds, pesticides and fertilisers. When the chatbot advice fails, there is little farmers can do to get compensation, and even just switching to another platform can be difficult. The clear overall trend is that corporations are using their digital platforms to entrench a top-down flow of information that gives farmers less and less autonomy over how they farm.
Companies can also sell data they collect on farmers to third-parties who may use that information in ways that harms the interests of farmers. This is what happened with the Bayer-Microsoft collaboration in India, where farmer data was sold to food companies who then used the data to squeeze farmers on prices.9
And it is not just on the farm. Mass data harvesting is happening at all points of the food system, with ever more integration. China’s largest online retailer, Alibaba, for instance, connects its newly created digital agriculture division with its e-commerce and food delivery platforms that generate data on the preferences and behaviour of over 800 million consumers.10 Retailers can use online and in-store sales data to build profiles of their consumers and then encourage them to buy certain products or adjust prices to what they determine each customer will be willing to pay– a practice called surveillance pricing.11 Online food delivery platforms are also notorious for using their access and control over data on their drivers to coerce them into working long hours for low pay.12
There is growing criticism and resistance to these and other tactics used by tech companies. So, to fight back against any measures that might restrain their ambitions, tech companies are investing big time in influencing politicians. In 2025 alone, they spent US$170 million on lobbying in the European Union and US$109 million in the US.13 They also rely on another less visible but equally important tool to entrench their agendas and shield themselves from public accountability: digital trade deals.
Unpacking Big Tech’s digital trade agenda
Digital trade gets addressed in the e-commerce or digital chapters included in free trade agreements (FTA), or directly in bilateral or regional digital trade agreements. These texts are heavily influenced by tech corporations, especially where it comes to ensuring their control over data, restricting the access of others to their source codes and algorithms, and limiting the ability of governments to tax digital services.
The corporate agenda is heavily backed by the US government, which is home to the majority of Big Tech companies. The industry’s demands are included in the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) and all other agreements negotiated by the US. But they are also included in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the negotiations for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), in which the US is not a party. With some nuances, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the European Union follow a similar path (see Box).
The tech company agenda embedded in these trade deals has important consequences for food systems. For instance, in order for governments to ensure farmers, consumers and food workers have rights and control over their data, it is necessary for that data to be stored in locations under their jurisdiction. This is key not only in terms of personal privacy, but also to prevent it from falling into the hands of those who could harm them. There have been some limited movements in this direction, such as laws to protect people’s privacy in the European Union, Argentina, Brazil, and Kenya.14 Unfortunately, data generated on farms (on land, seeds, plant and animal genetics, weather) is considered non-personal and not covered by the laws, even though personal information can be gathered when data on yields is combined with location, for example.
Such government initiatives, no matter how limited, are all being fiercely opposed by the industry, which wants to be able to exploit and sell data to third parties without restriction. Not having a local, physical presence in the countries where data is extracted is also a way for tech companies to evade liabilities for their workers, especially when it comes to delivery workers, where risks of work place injuries are high. These are some of the main reasons why tech companies are pushing for data to be able to move freely across borders. In digital trade jargon, this is known as “freedom for cross-border data flows” and aims to prevent “forced data localisation”.
Access to source codes (the lines of code written by programmers to instruct machines to perform a specific task) and algorithms (pieces of code that include the steps needed to solve a problem) is also an issue for food systems. Farmers around the world have always repaired their own tools. It is a traditional part of farming. But this has become much more difficult with the adoption of digital tools, such as agricultural drones and connected tractors. Repairing these requires access to the manufacturers’ source codes, which is strictly protected by intellectual property rights. In the US, farmers lose US$3 billion a year to tractor downtime and pay US$1.2 billion more in excess repair costs because of these restrictions.15 Food delivery workers also suffer because they are unable to access the opaque algorithms that decide how much they are paid or even if they’ve been terminated.16 Consumers also find algorithms that manipulate consumption to be a black box.
There are many important reasons why companies should have to make public their source codes and algorithms but digital trade agreements can pre-empt measures aimed at doing so. Most digital trade agreements restrict public or government access to company source codes and algorithms, and the few that include exceptions, tend to be weak and vague.17
Food systems are also impacted by Big Tech’s use of digital trade deals to avoid paying taxes.18 These corporations have long benefitted from a temporary moratorium on customs duties on electronic transmissions established in 1998 by the WTO. Under the moratorium, states are allowed to collect domestic taxes, but cannot use tariffs to tax products entering their territory. A study found that between 2017 and 2020 Global South countries, most of which are net importers of digital services, lost US$56 billion in tax they could not apply to those imports.19 It means governments have fewer resources with which to implement food and agriculture policies for the benefit of their populations and other essential services.
To reinforce tax avoidance, all digital trade deals signed to date have systematically prohibited taxes on electronic transmissions. Those pushed by the US with El Salvador and Guatemala have, more recently, included a commitment from both Central American countries to support the US’s push to make the WTO moratorium permanent. However, at the WTO, Brazil led an effort that succeeded in getting the moratorium dropped in March 2026.20 The big question now is whether governments will seize on this development to implement border taxes or bind themselves to similar restrictions under bilateral digital trade deals.
The need for a convergence of struggles
Fortunately, movements challenging the power of tech corporations are mushrooming around the world and starting to work together towards common objectives.
Some efforts are focused on digital justice and digital rights, such as the Just Net Coalition, the European network defending rights and freedoms online and the Global Digital Justice Forum, which includes digital rights networks, feminist groups, corporate watchdogs, communication rights campaigners, trade unions, and cooperatives.21 Groups such as Citizen Lab and AlgoRace are tackling digital surveillance and the impacts of AI on migrant and racialised communities. The People vs Big Tech movement aims to challenge the power of tech corporations on issues like digital policy, consumers’ rights, climate change, LGBTQ+ rights, and feminism.22
They are also many worker-led efforts to stop corporations from using digital platforms to exploit workers and violate their rights. These include actions by workers at Amazon warehouses in the US and India and food delivery drivers working for Ele.me (Ali Baba) in China.23 In both the European Union and the UK, 12 food delivery workers organisations have been speaking out against serious abuses on platforms such as Deliveroo, Just Eat and Uber Eats, and have called for a public register of the algorithms used.24 Facebook (Meta) content moderators in Colombia and Ghana have also been mobilising.25 And there is a growing movement fighting against the expansion of data centres because of their impacts on local communities and voracity for energy, water and critical minerals, which is causing an increasing number of social and environmental conflicts worldwide.26
People in the food sovereignty movement are also active on digital issues. For example, African farmers are speaking out against the privatisation and corporate capture of their data, arguing that data cannot be separated from its relationship to territories and communities.27 The European Coordination Via Campesina recently published a critique of corporate led digitalisation that calls for inclusive research and innovation to support the transition to agroecology.28 A growing farmers’ movement is also claiming the right to repair machinery and the right to build their own tools and share the information freely.29 During the pandemic, small farmers and vendors from Indonesia to Brazil showed their capacity to coordinate efforts with driver’s cooperatives and used their own digital tools to ensure people had access to food.
In order for the movements fighting Big Tech to challenge digital trade agreements, alliances are needed with those that have long been fighting against free trade agreements.
From their side, peasant movements such as La Via Campesina have been fighting free trade agreements across different regions.30 They have increasingly joined forces with other groups, including trade unions, environmentalists, women’s groups and indigenous peoples. A recent example of this is the broad coalition of sectors that fought intensely against the EU-Mercosur agreement. During the 3rd Nyeleni Forum, which brought together movements from a wide range of sectors (farmers, migrants, trade unions, healthcare workers, environmentalists and women), the digitalisation of food systems was identified as a new colonial frontier. Building on this, there could be greater convergence with groups to denounce the impacts of corporate digitalisation and to stop digital trade agreements that advance the interests of corporations.
The global advance of digital trade agreements
Academic and activist Jane Kelsey says the standard corporate demands in most digital trade negotiations can be traced back to the “Digital 2 Dozen” principles published by the US Trade Representative in 2014.31 These shaped the e-commerce chapters of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (later the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership -CPTPP), and became a model for later agreements.32 Even after leaving the CPTPP in 2017, the US pursued even stronger Big Tech protections in the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) in 2020.
The US Chamber of Commerce, whose members include large agribusiness and tech corporations, systematically promotes ‘high-standard’ digital trade agreements, particularly among the “Digital Dozen” countries (Australia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Taiwan, the UK and ASEAN members).33 Several major deals have followed, including agreements involving the US, Japan, Singapore, Australia, Chile, the UK- and the EU.34 China, the UAE and India, are also advancing digital trade negotiations, but with different priorities.
The USMCA guarantees cross-border data flows, including personal information, and bans data localisation. Its provisions have influenced other agreements, even those without US participation such as the CPTPP and African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) negotiations, sometimes conflicting with national laws, including those in Kenya and Nigeria.35
The European Union also supports free data flows and bans data localisation but insists on protections for personal data. Its legislation is actually regarded as one of the strongest data privacy laws in the world, which has put it in the crosshairs of Big Tech and the Trump administration.36 But implementation has been tortuous, and safeguards in international deals are often unclear.37 The EU’s data privacy body has acknowledged this in reference to the EU-Singapore deal, where there are no regulations on what corporations can do with people’s data.38
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which includes ten ASEAN member states, as well as Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea, includes similar provisions to CPTPP’s. 39 Its rules are not legally binding though, and allow more restrictions for national security interests. This is particularly relevant for China, who supports the freedom of cross-border trade in goods enabled by the internet rather than the freedom of all data flows. Some say this is a reflection of the interests of Chinese e-commerce platforms, like Alibaba.40
The USMCA, CPTPP and digital trade deals pushed by the European Union ban forced transfer of source codes and algorithms, while RCEP doesn’t include specific protection. Public-interest exceptions in these deals tend to be weak.41
In regards to taxes on electronic transmissions: the US continues pushing to make the WTO moratorium on custom duties on electronic transmissions permanent, while the EU, AfCFTA and RCEP allow room for internal taxation.42 Yet RCEP’s signatories are committed to adjusting their practices in line with any future changes at the WTO level.
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Nearly 90 mln displaced people face severe climate risks
Published
2 days agoon
November 10, 2026
According to UNHCR’s latest report, No Escape III: Displaced Voices on the Frontlines of the Climate Crisis, three in four forcibly displaced people globally face high to extreme exposure to climate-related hazards. Many have already fled conflict, violence and persecution, only to encounter further threats in places where resources to adapt are limited.
The report features the experiences of eight members of displaced communities, highlighting their resilience and the importance of including their voices in climate-related decisions.
“Refugees face a double injustice. Forced to flee conflicts they did not cause, they are now on the frontlines of a climate crisis they have contributed least to,” said Antón Leis García, UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Operations.
Climate change is also undermining the prospects for lasting solutions. More than two-thirds of refugees who returned home in the first half of 2026 did so to countries highly vulnerable to climate hazards, raising concerns about the sustainability of their return.
In Syria, where nearly 4 million displaced people have recently returned, declining groundwater levels and severe climate shocks are threatening recovery. Flooding along the Euphrates River in May 2026 damaged homes and forced thousands more people to flee.
Extreme heat poses another growing challenge. By 2050, one in three refugee settlements in sub-Saharan Africa could face at least 100 days of dangerous heat annually. In some settlements in Ethiopia, including Helaweyn, dangerous heat could persist for more than 200 days a year, threatening residents’ health and livelihoods.
Weather-related disasters have triggered more than 255 million internal displacements worldwide over the past decade, equivalent to approximately 70,000 movements a day. In East Africa, severe flooding associated with a very strong El Niño could displace up to 3 million people in Somalia, Kenya, South Sudan and Uganda by the end of 2026, depending on the severity of the floods.
Climate hazards also increase the risk of statelessness. Nearly 90% of the world’s 4.7 million reported stateless people live in countries facing high to extreme exposure to climate risks. Without legal recognition, many struggle to access disaster relief and adaptation support.
Despite these growing threats, fragile and conflict-affected countries receive only around 10% of global climate finance, even though many host large displaced populations and face severe climate impacts. UNHCR says greater investment in adaptation, particularly in areas of return, is essential to support reintegration and make returns safe, voluntary and sustainable.
Displaced people and host communities are already developing climate solutions, including solar-powered water systems in the Sahel, climate-resilient agriculture in Uganda, and land and mangrove restoration in Colombia.
At COP31, UNHCR will urge governments and climate finance institutions to include displaced people in national climate plans, increase long-term adaptation funding for fragile and displacement-affected areas, and support locally led solutions beyond short-term humanitarian assistance.
The agency says the conference, hosted by Türkiye, one of the world’s largest refugee-hosting countries, offers an opportunity to ensure that displaced people and host communities are included in global climate action.
Earlier, Qazinform News Agency reported that the year 2026 could become one of the four warmest years on record, as ocean temperatures continue to rise, glaciers lose ice and global sea levels reach new highs.
Source: europesays.com
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Negotiations are in motion to forge new international principles that will finally hold oil companies accountable for the scars they leave on people and the planet.
Published
2 days agoon
November 10, 2026
By the Witness Radio team
When oil companies pack up after years of drilling, the pollution, scarred landscapes, and shattered livelihoods often linger long after the last rig is gone.
Communities in oil-producing regions are often left to grapple with poisoned water, rusting skeletons of abandoned infrastructure, and lost income from farming, fishing, and other ways of life. Meanwhile, the question of who will foot the bill for restoring the environment hangs in the air.
Now, three international civil society organizations are raising their voices, demanding that oil and gas companies take real responsibility when they shut down operations or hand over their assets to new investors.
The Stakeholder Democracy Network (SDN), the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) and the Center for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO) have submitted the International Principles for Responsible Divestment from Fossil Fuels to the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights.
These principles arrive at a time when countries are under mounting pressure to break free from coal, oil, and gas in the fight against climate change. Yet the organizations warn that companies must not use this transition as an excuse to abandon communities or leave their mess behind.
“Rapid closure and responsible closure of the fossil fuel industry are not mutually incompatible agendas. Both are vital to achieve climate and environmental justice and a just energy transition,” the principles state.
The proposed standards lay out a clear roadmap for what companies must do before walking away from fossil fuel projects, and what governments should demand in return.
According to the principles, companies are expected to inform communities about plans to close operations or sell assets, including when the changes will happen and what environmental and financial obligations remain outstanding.
They should also involve affected people in decisions about their own future, rather than making choices in secret boardrooms.
“This information must include divestment timelines and modalities, as well as full disclosure of all outstanding environmental and financial liabilities. Companies should proactively create spaces for participation and dialogue, so that affected people, regulators and government authorities receive relevant information and can meaningfully influence corporate decision-making.” The principles further state.
Another key demand is that companies must pay for the harm they have caused, from cleaning up polluted lands and waters to safely dismantling infrastructure and restoring damaged ecosystems.
The organizations are also pushing for companies to compensate those whose livelihoods, health, culture, and communities have suffered. This could mean financial payments, restoring sacred cultural sites, and publicly admitting the harm they have done.
When companies sell off their assets, the principles insist they must ensure that new owners have both the resources and expertise to run operations safely and cover all future closure and restoration costs.
The principles also highlight the fate of workers and communities whose lives depend on oil. They call for new livelihood opportunities, job transition programs, and social safety nets for those facing job loss when the wells run dry.
The principles also place the onus on governments, urging them to ensure oil companies do not walk away from environmental damage or leave obligations unresolved when they shut down or sell off their assets.
They urge states to craft clear, transparent plans for phasing out fossil fuel extraction, with affected communities and workers at the table for every decision that could reshape their lives.
Governments are also expected to overhaul their laws and regulations, closing loopholes that let companies slip away from projects without cleaning up pollution, restoring ecosystems, or compensating those harmed.
“States should ensure that their existing legal and regulatory frameworks related to fossil fuel divestment, including investment laws and treaties, are aligned with these Principles and that these Principles are made obligatory for companies by enshrining them in law and effectively enforcing them.” The 4-page document reads
Before any asset sale or project closure gets the green light, the principles say governments should demand independent environmental and social assessments, plus thorough reviews of infrastructure and decommissioning costs.
They also urge states to ensure companies set aside enough money for environmental clean-up and infrastructure dismantling before approving any closure plans.
When assets change hands, governments should scrutinize whether the new buyers have the money, know-how, and management skills to run the facilities safely and meet all environmental obligations left on the table.
The principles sound the alarm against letting companies hand over assets to brand-new businesses or operators with no track record of safe management, which could leave governments and communities footing the bill when disaster strikes.
They also tackle cases where previous owners have already left a trail of environmental damage. Here, governments should ensure new owners handle the clean-up while protecting affected communities’ right to seek compensation and justice from those who caused the original harm.
The organizations are also pressing governments to publish yearly updates on all proposed, approved, and rejected oil and gas asset sales and project closures, including whether companies have kept their environmental and social promises.
These concerns are painfully clear in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, where decades of oil extraction have left communities battling pollution and the collapse of their livelihoods.
Oil spills have poisoned water sources, ruined farmland, and shattered fishing livelihoods, forcing many residents to bear the high cost of an industry that has reaped enormous profits.
A United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) assessment of Ogoniland in 2017 documented extensive oil contamination and recommended a long-term environmental clean-up.
Meanwhile, some international oil companies that once operated in the region are selling off their stakes to new investors, sparking urgent questions about who will shoulder responsibility for pollution and other lingering obligations.
In March 2025, Shell completed the sale of its Nigerian onshore subsidiary, the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), to Renaissance Africa Energy.
TotalEnergies followed with an agreement announced in January 2026 to sell its 10 percent non-operated interest in the Renaissance joint venture’s licenses to the Nigerian consortium Vaaris.
On October 27, 2026, TotalEnergies announced that it had completed the sale for US$800 million.
The company said it would retain its full economic interest in three gas licenses – OML 23, OML 28 and OML 77 – which currently account for 50 percent of Nigeria LNG’s gas supply. The transaction therefore covers its interest in the joint venture’s oil assets, rather than a complete withdrawal from its Nigerian operations.
Civil society organizations are raising doubts about whether these deals offer enough transparency on outstanding environmental damage, clean-up plans, and compensation for the communities left in the wake.
Dr Isaac ‘Asume’ Osuoka, Director of Social Action, said the people living in oil-producing areas should not be forgotten when companies negotiate the sale of their assets.
“This case is about people, not just oil assets. It is about children growing up with poisoned water, families breathing polluted air, and communities losing their health and livelihoods while international oil companies walk away with decades of profits,” Osuoka said.
He insisted that affected communities must not become corporate sacrifice zones and urged TotalEnergies to prove that its exit will not deepen existing human rights abuses.
Mr. Simon Taylor, co-founder of Hawkmoth, also questioned the transparency surrounding the transaction.
Taylor pointed to TotalEnergies’ previous involvement in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, arguing that the company should be transparent about the public-interest implications of its asset sale.
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Development finance faces growing scrutiny as industrial livestock farming rapidly spreads across Africa.
Published
3 days agoon
November 9, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
As investment in large-scale agricultural enterprises surges across Africa, the spotlight is turning to development finance institutions and their power to determine which farming systems thrive and which are left behind.
Multilateral development banks and other financial institutions are playing a bigger role in shaping Africa’s agricultural landscape, funding everything from business models to infrastructure and production systems. Industrial livestock farming stands at the center of heated debate, with experts warning that its rise could sideline smallholder farmers, pastoralist communities, and agroecological food systems.
These pressing concerns took center stage during a webinar hosted by the Stop Financing Factory Farming (S3F) coalition, where participants explored how financing industrial livestock farming in Africa impacts farmers, the environment, climate, and public health.
The S3F Africa Regional Coordinator, Mariann Bassey-Olsson, said financial decisions made by development institutions have consequences beyond the businesses receiving the money.
“Since public money shapes food futures, what banks fund today decides what people eat and their livelihoods,” she said.
She pointed out that Africa’s livestock production is a tapestry of pastoralism, mixed crop-livestock farming, and commercial ventures. She urged that agricultural investment should honor this diversity instead of pushing industrial production as the default path.
“We must strengthen our diverse, locally appropriate and sustainable livestock systems, not replace them with industrial models,” she said.
Miriann also challenged the surge in support for agribusinesses, highlighting the stark contrast with the limited financing that reaches agroecological and community-led food systems.
“Factory farming is a finance story that depends on capital, infrastructure and policies that enable its expansion, yet public and private finance increasingly support agribusinesses while far less reaches agroecological community-led food systems,” she said.
Ms. Lizah Makombore of the University of Vermont said existing patterns of industrial production and consumption are pressuring ecosystems and making it difficult to achieve sustainable development goals.
“Because our food systems play such a monumental role in this crisis, they are now undeniably a growing cause for deep transformation,” she said.
Makombore called for a stronger embrace of agroecological farming, emphasizing that agricultural approaches must be rooted in local cultures, wisdom, and environmental realities.
She also highlighted the alarming decline in soil health and stressed the importance of weaving indigenous knowledge and cultural values into sustainable food systems.
“We therefore need to think about how we can shape the context using our cultural values and how we can reclaim our cosmovision, such as Ubuntu,” she said.
Citing an assessment by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on financing for agroecology through the Green Climate Fund, Makombore said 79% of the funding assessed supported factory farming and other non-agroecological agricultural systems.
She added that agroecological systems received 10.3%, while agroecology received 10.6%.
Mr. Michael Farrelly of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) cautioned that investment figures alone cannot reveal whether farmers are truly gaining control over their production or reaping the rewards of funded businesses and programs.
“More finance doesn’t automatically mean more power or better incomes for farmers,” he
said.
Farrelly pointed to the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP), the African Union framework guiding agricultural development across member states, as an important influence on investment priorities.
He said the program’s 2026–2035 implementation period has a $100 billion investment target combining public and private financing.
He also referred to regional agricultural policy platforms and summits where governments are seeking to attract private investment into the sector.
Farrelly urged closer scrutiny of the fine print of these investments, especially when they fuel the growth of large commercial agricultural enterprises.
He warned that as corporate agribusinesses gain ground, small-scale producers risk becoming more dependent on commercial buyers, facing mounting debt, and losing their grip on livestock production and marketing.
“The World Bank is helping shape both the businesses and the rules under which they operate. The authors of the report warn that farmers can become more dependent on corporate buyers and debt with less control over their livestock. Some programs aim to reduce the share of people working in agriculture.” He said.
Ms. Nne Nelly Umoren of the Green Leaf Advocacy and Empowerment Center voiced concerns about the hidden social and environmental costs that often accompany large industrial investments, such as fertilizer production.
Citing the Nduruma fertilizer industry, she questioned whether the economic promises of industrial projects truly reflect the realities faced by surrounding communities.
She noted that while such investments are often touted as engines of job creation, increased production, and economic growth, it is crucial to weigh these benefits against the environmental and social burdens local communities’ shoulder.
“They make us believe that investment is for production and for economic growth, food security, and also for the future food of Africa, especially the Nduruma fertilizer,” she said.
“The question behind this is: does industrial growth genuinely improve people’s lives and strengthen food systems? Does it really create economic benefit for investors while transferring environmental and social costs to the local communities?” she asked.
Umoren called for a sharper focus on the lived experiences of communities impacted by industrial projects and a closer look at how the benefits and costs of these investments are shared.
The experts urged that agricultural and development finance should prioritize approaches that empower local food systems and uplift small-scale producers.
They argued that Africa’s food security cannot be achieved through a one-size-fits-all model. Still, they must instead honor the continent’s rich tapestry of farming systems and ecological landscapes.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK1 week agoGovt tightens human rights protections in extractive industry
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK2 weeks ago149 CSOs and groups demand answers from banks over $3.7bn in EACOP financing
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK1 week agoUganda’s drive to expand oil palm farming is stirring unease among rural communities, who worry about the far-reaching effects on their lives and land.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK2 weeks agoStopEACOP Coalition demands disclosure of US$3.7 billion in pipeline financing
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK6 days agoThe African Union recognizes farmers’ vital seed rights, yet national laws can still get in the way, creating hurdles for those who depend on these traditions.
