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U.S. Peace Efforts in the DRC: Protecting Communities or Minerals?

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By the Witness Radio team.

 

A three-decade conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has affected millions of people. Some have been violently shot at and killed, while others have been dispossessed from what they called their homes, with many currently placed in Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs).

 

A 2025 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons to the DRC revealed that Armed conflict, accompanied by natural resource governance challenges, has collectively driven over 7 million internally displaced people from their homes, placing the DRC among the top five countries globally in terms of the number of internally displaced persons.

 

The conflict in the DRC dates back to the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, often driven by control over mineral-rich areas, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict. This triggered the First Congo War (1996-1997) and subsequent wars that have devastated the region. Since 1996, reports estimate that the conflicts in eastern Congo, fueled by competition over resources like coltan and cobalt, have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people.

 

Authorities in the DRC, along with numerous United Nations reports, have for so long accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebel group, allegations that Rwanda has denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.

 

Different reports and analysts attribute the unending conflict to mineral resources and, perhaps, land grabbing. In an effort to end the conflict that had lasted over 30 years, the US brokered agreements between the DRC and Rwanda in June 2025, later reinforced by the Washington Accords. These agreements are intended to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.

 

However, beyond the language of peace and cooperation, civil society groups and observers have raised concerns about who truly benefits from these agreements-whether local communities, foreign corporations, or political elites-and how these benefits impact human rights and resource control.

 

They argue that much of the content reflects ‘peace for minerals,’ underscoring the need for the audience to recognize the importance of human rights protections in resource exploitation and conflict resolution.

 

“There’s nothing in the deal about accountability, about justice, about holding the perpetrators of the violence and the conflict accountable. It’s all about business and money. This looks like awarding players like Rwanda, who have been accused of supporting M23 in committing atrocities in the DRC,” Oakland Institute’s Policy Director Frederic Mousseau told Witness Radio journalist, in an exclusive interview.

 

The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and enables collaboration on regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the US to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.

 

While Washington frames its role as a mediator, critics argue that the structure of these deals reveals a deeper pattern: US geopolitical and economic interests, especially access to strategic minerals like cobalt and coltan, often take precedence over genuine peacebuilding efforts, reflecting broader regional and international power plays that prioritize resource control over local stability.

 

A familiar pattern in US foreign policy.

In 2003, the US, under President George W. Bush, led the 2003 Iraq War, citing the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the need to promote democracy in Iraq. These claims were never substantiated.

 

But war Critics maintained that there were other motives behind the decision of the US government to invade Iraq aside from promoting peace and democracy, claiming the invasion was motivated largely by oil-related benefits to the US, including its interest in gaining control of the oil reserves in Iraq. This was confirmed by some US officials.

 

In a 2013 article by CNN, some military officials attested that oil was the central goal of the US-Iraq invasion. “Of course, it’s about oil; we can’t really deny that,” Gen. John Abizaid, former head of US Central Command and Military Operations in Iraq, was quoted in an article, which also quotes several other officials.

 

Today, Iraq remains deeply affected by the consequences of that intervention, even as global powers continue to benefit from its vast oil reserves. In contrast, many of its citizens continue to endure the resulting hardships.

 

The DRC: a global mineral powerhouse.

The DRC possesses some of the world’s most important minerals for contemporary industry, yet these resources have not translated into development or improved livelihoods for its citizens. Instead, ongoing conflict and resource exploitation have often marginalized local communities, exacerbating human rights abuses and economic disparities.

 

According to the International Trade Administration, DRC holds some of the World’s largest reserves of cobalt (about 50–70 percent of global supply), copper, coltan, lithium, and gold, which makes it a strategic epicenter in the global race for critical minerals. These resources are indispensable for electric vehicles, renewable energy technologies, and defense and aerospace industries.

 

The Washington Accords are a reward for an aggressor.

Questions remain about the intentions behind the US-brokered deal, particularly given its history of resource interests, its failure to ensure parties adhere to previous agreements, and ongoing concerns over Rwanda’s continued impunity.

 

 “The peace agreement signed in June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC under the auspices of the Trump administration raises serious concerns about whom it truly serves.” Oakland Institute’s featured report mentions, adding that the deal, “Rather than securing lasting peace for the Congolese people, it appears poised to benefit corporate and financial interests eager to access the country’s vast mineral wealth.”

 

Most mineral-rich areas are currently under the control of the M23 rebel group, including Rubaya, home to the largest coltan mine in the Great Lakes region. A 2024 report by a UN group of experts on the DRC stated that the AFC/M23 established a parallel administration that controlled mining activities, trade, transport, and the fraudulent taxation of minerals, which were then exported to Rwanda.

 

Rwanda has been a major exporter of tantalum (metallic ore derived from coltan) to the US over the last ten years, accounting for over 54% of US ore imports in certain years. A significant portion of this coltan, according to reports, was trafficked from the eastern DRC, and the problem has worsened since the M23 seized control of the Rubaya coltan mines in April 2024.

 

“Rwanda’s role as a refinery and export hub is of particular strategic interest to the United States, especially for securing reliable supplies of 3T minerals—tin, tantalum, and tungsten— critical to the US military-industrial complex.” Adds Mousseau.

 

Additionally, between 2017 and 2024, Rwanda’s mineral exports increased by nearly 500 percent –from US$373 million to US$1.75 billion – with gold the main export commodity, representing US$1.5 billion in 2024.

 

“The deal granted Rwanda privileged access to Congolese resources and a key role in their refining and reexport, especially for coltan and tungsten – a reward for an aggressor who has made hundreds of millions of dollars from the plundering of Congolese minerals. This impunity and injustice can’t bring peace to Congo,” added Mousseau.

 

In late 2025, Trinity Metals, Rwanda’s largest producer of “conflict-free” tungsten, initiated a historic direct supply chain of tungsten concentrate (WO3) to the United States with support from the US Development Finance Corporation (DFC) funds through its UK holding.

 

“DFC has financed Trinity Metals, and it started exporting tungsten to the US last year. And in October, there was a first shipment from this company to the US of tungsten, a critical mineral for the defense industry. Interestingly, the DFC doesn’t finance Trinity Metals directly, but through its holding company, the UK-based TechMEX, for a tune of $105 million.”  Mousseau reveals.

 

Missing accountability for harm

With this evidence of mineral collaboration, and Rwanda being accused of exploiting minerals in the DRC, critics argue that the deal may actually create more room for exploitation rather than contribute to ending the war.

 

According to the MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, what the Rwandan Army is perpetrating in the DRC amounts to a crime against humanity and deserves to be held accountable rather than being rewarded to take control of DRC resources. “It’s not a normal war, of one army against another. It’s a terrorist campaign by those who invaded the DRC and took over the government. They are attempting to make people too scared to fight back.”

 

She further added, “They are being rewarded with exactly what they tried to seize through armed conflict. They took it by force, and now there is an agreement that effectively legalizes and normalizes the ongoing theft and the pillaging of the minerals from the DRC into Rwanda,” Dr. Deborah S Rogers told Witness Radio.

 

She explains that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups. In contrast, others were forced into hiding, resulting in widespread dispossession.

 

“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out. Residents face torture, killings, and sexual violence, making it impossible to live there safely. Many are internally displaced, while others flee to neighboring countries as refugees,” Dr. Deborah highlighted.

 

As Congolese seek safety, Rwandan settlers, according to Dr. Deborah, are moving into these farms and homes. “When people do return after violence has decreased temporarily in their home regions, they discover that Rwandese have taken over their lands and homes.”

Instead of addressing these serious concerns, civil society groups and experts allege that the Trump-brokered agreements focus primarily on Congolese minerals.

 

“The main agreements brokered by President Trump and his administration do not provide any reparations or compensation,” Frederic Mousseau revealed.

 

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded some 600 summary executions, claiming more than 1,300 lives in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since October 2025.

 

“Nearly 1,500 people were abducted during the same period, and 1,200 others were subjected to physical violence, including torture, rape, and other inhumane treatment. The persistent use of sexual violence as a weapon of war inflicts unspeakable suffering on Congolese women and girls. Since October, our office has documented some 450 victims of sexual and gender-based violence,” said Nada Al-Nashif, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, on Wednesday, March 25.

 

Amid rising violent tensions, the Congolese population is being hit hardest, while the peace deals are showing no effort to provide redress. Beyond the continued violence, hunger is also spreading.

 

“The conflict is expanding beyond North and South Kivu into Tshopo Province, which lies far from the epicenter of the fighting,” revealed Vivian van de Perre, interim head of MONUSCO, adding that approximately 26.6 million people, about a quarter of the country’s population, face hunger as a direct result of the conflict.

 

While the Washington Accords are presented as a pathway to peace, they risk entrenching exploitation and rewarding those who have profited from violence. Lasting stability in the DRC will only be possible when justice, accountability, and the protection of local communities are prioritized over geopolitical and corporate interests.

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Smallholder farmers were excluded from the consultative process for the East African Community Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025: CSOs across the EAC call for a time extension and greater inclusion of smallholder farmers in shaping the bill.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Civil society organizations throughout the East African Community are raising their voices, urging that smallholder farmers and farmer-managed seed systems practitioners receive the recognition they deserve in the upcoming East African Community Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025.

This call to action follows public hearings held across EAC partner states from August 26 to 28, 2026. Diverse voices gathered to shape the future of regional seed legislation. However, participation by smallholder farmers and farmer-managed seed systems practitioners was limited.

These hearings united government officials, farmers, civil society groups, researchers, seed regulators, commercial seed sector representatives, and other stakeholders, all eager to share their perspectives and recommendations on the Bill.

The proposed legislation aims to create a unified approach to seed and plant variety regulation across the region. It covers seed certification, variety release, and the movement and trade of seeds across borders.

Civil society organizations from several countries argue that the proposed framework overlooks the vital role of smallholder farmers and farmer-managed seed systems practitioners who have sustained farming communities for generations.

They emphasize that although the formal and commercial seed sector is important, farmers must retain the freedom to save, exchange, multiply, and replant seeds within their communities.

In Kenya, civil society organizations participated in the public hearings, advocating for recognition of farmers, farmer-managed seed systems, traditional landraces, and community seed banks.

Tabby Munyiri of Seed Savers Network said the concern was not about rejecting the formal seed sector, but ensuring that farmers have a choice.

“We recognize the importance of the formal seed system, and we believe that farmers should be able to have an option; farmers should be able to have a choice, and that is why we are calling for an inclusive law,” Munyiri said.

She highlighted that traditional and indigenous seed varieties are crucial for preserving biodiversity and equipping farmers with more options as they adapt to shifting climate conditions.

In Uganda, civil society organizations echoed these concerns, stressing the need to explicitly recognize farmer-managed seed systems rather than relying on vague references to farmers in the proposed regional framework.

During the consultations, Dr. David Kabanda of the Center for Food and Adequate Resources Rights Africa (CEFROHT) urged lawmakers to safeguard farmers’ rights and ensure that commercial interests do not undermine farmer-managed systems.

“We need to critically and deeply think about this issue as East Africans. We can wake up to a very sad reality, and it has started happening, when a few corporate companies take over everything,” Kabanda said.

Kabanda also questioned whether the proposed Bill aligns with the international and African commitments that EAC partner states have pledged to uphold.

He cited the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture, particularly Article 9, which addresses farmers’ rights. Kabanda argued that the regional legislation should reflect these commitments and criticized the Bill for what he described as inadequate attention to farmers’ rights.

In Tanzania, civil society representatives described a consultation process that brought together a wide range of stakeholders. David Manongi of the Tanzania Alliance for Biodiversity (TABIO) noted that farmers, women, youth, civil society organizations, government officials, researchers, and seed regulators all took part in the discussions.

He added that civil society organizations held preparatory meetings before the public hearing to review the Bill and consolidate concerns and recommendations.

“The meeting provided us with an opportunity to review the Bill and consolidate the concerns and recommendations,” Manongi said.

According to Manongi, stakeholders advocated measures to safeguard farmer seed systems. They focused on ensuring that farmer-managed seed systems and community seed banks are recognized within the regional framework.

In Rwanda, civil society representatives voiced worries about the lack of awareness among organizations that work directly with smallholder farmers regarding the consultations.

Dieudonne Sindikubwabo, who works with the Rwanda Organic Agriculture Movement (ROAM), said many organizations working closely with farmers were unaware that the public hearings were taking place until the process had begun.

“I work with smallholder farmers daily. But when you look at how the Bill is designed, I feel very little involvement of smallholder farmers was done,” Sindikubwabo said.

He explained that his concerns went beyond participation to the substance of the proposed legislation.

Sindikubwabo pointed out that the Bill favors commercialization but falls short in clearly outlining farmers’ rights to keep, exchange, and multiply seeds.

“The Bill is not in favor of smallholder farmers, because they are just focusing on commercialization,” he said.

In Burundi, civil society representatives questioned the inclusiveness of the consultation process, noting they were not formally invited and that farmers were missing from the discussions.

Tusiime Pauline, a legal adviser assisting Burundian civil society organizations, stressed that the absence of farmers was especially troubling since the proposed legislation will directly impact them.

“We didn’t have the farmers there because farmers were not invited,” Pauline said.

She noted that civil society representatives still attended and presented recommendations after preparing submissions and proposed amendments to the Bill. However, she lamented that the discussions largely ignored concerns about farmers’ absence.

“We managed to attend the hearings despite lacking a formal invitation. Leaving out civil society and farmers without inviting them makes the process unfair,” she said.

In Somalia, civil society representatives voiced broader worries about whether rural communities have the awareness and capacity to understand and participate in policy discussions that directly affect them.

Mohammed Hassan from the Center for Dryland Development & Resilience Systems (CDDRS) emphasized the need to share information about the proposed legislation with rural communities, especially those relying on farming and traditional production systems.

“We need to make sure information about these policies reaches rural communities, so the people directly affected can understand what is being discussed and have an opportunity to participate.”

Hassan pointed out that public awareness is crucial because many rural communities may lack sufficient information about policy debates at national and regional levels.

The stories shared by civil society representatives from six of the eight EAC partner states reveal a patchwork of experiences with the consultations, bringing a range of perspectives into the ongoing debate over seed and plant variety regulation in East Africa.

Although the proposed law aims to establish a unified regulatory framework for the region, civil society organizations are urging lawmakers to ensure it also reflects the lived realities of farmers who rely on seed systems beyond the formal commercial market.

Their submissions raise broader questions about how the regional seed system can balance commercial interests, farmers’ rights, biodiversity, and the ongoing use of indigenous and farmer-managed seed systems.

The organizations are also calling for the concerns voiced during the consultations to be genuinely considered before the Bill moves forward in the legislative process.

For farmers, the outcome of this process could determine how they access, save, exchange, and use seeds for years to come. As the EAC weighs the recommendations from the consultations, all eyes are now on how these competing perspectives will shape the next version of the proposed law.

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Six other Anti-EACOP Activists remanded to Luzira over alleged unlawful assembly.

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By the Witness Radio team

The Law Development Centre (LDC) Magistrate’s Court has charged and remanded six youth activists attached to the Rooted in Resistance movement to Luzira Prison over alleged unlawful assembly.

The six are Mukiibi Isaac, Mawanda Arafat, Mugerwa Nicholas, Opio Innocent, Friday John and Onyango Ronald.

They are among 16 activists arrested on Monday, September 1, 2026, as they attempted to deliver petitions to Parliament and the offices of TotalEnergies in Kampala, calling for greater scrutiny of Uganda’s oil developments and opposing further investment in fossil fuels.

The activists were protesting against projects including the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and the Tilenga oil project, arguing that continued investment in fossil fuels threatens communities, the environment and Uganda’s climate commitments.

Their lawyer, Kakuru Tumusiime, said that the six had been detained for more than 48 hours before being brought before a magistrate.

He argued that the continued detention amounted to a violation of their constitutional rights and called on the government to listen to the concerns being raised by young people rather than responding to protests with arrests.

“Our Constitution is clear that if a person has been arrested, he should be presented before court within 48 hours after his detention or else he should be granted a police bond,” Kakuru said.

He further accused the authorities of violating the activists’ human rights and said the defense team had already taken steps to challenge the alleged violations.

“We had filed an application for mandatory bail that had not been fixed. I think when they heard about the application, they rushed to bring them before court,” Kakuru said.

The six were subsequently remanded to Luzira Prison until September 17, 2026.

According to Section 62 of the Penal Code, any person who takes part in an unlawful assembly commits a misdemeanor and is liable, on conviction, to imprisonment for a term of one year.

The activists say their opposition is rooted in concerns about the environmental and social consequences of Uganda’s decision to develop its oil resources.

At the center of their campaign is EACOP, the planned 1,443-kilometre heated crude oil pipeline that will transport crude from Uganda’s oil fields in Hoima to the port of Tanga in Tanzania.

The pipeline is expected to transport crude produced from Uganda’s upstream oil projects, including the Tilenga project operated by TotalEnergies and the Kingfisher project.

The activists argue that Uganda should be investing more heavily in renewable energy rather than expanding fossil fuel production at a time when countries around the world are under pressure to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Their position is that economic development should not come at the expense of people’s land, livelihoods and the environment.

Their demonstrations and petitions have called for Uganda to reconsider continued investment in fossil fuel infrastructure and instead accelerate the transition towards renewable sources of energy.

Rooted in Resistance was formerly known as Students Against EACOP and has become one of the youth-led groups consistently challenging Uganda’s fossil fuel development.

The group says young people have a stake in decisions being made today because they will live with the environmental and economic consequences of those decisions for decades to come.

During Monday’s demonstration, the activists wore orange T-shirts bearing the words “Rooted in Resistance” and carried banners and placards with messages including “No to Oil,” “Oil is temporary, nature is permanent” and “Uganda deserves an oil-free future.”

The demonstration ended with arrests as the activists attempted to deliver their petitions.

On Tuesday, September 1, ten of the activists were charged before Buganda Road Court with public nuisance and remanded to Luzira Prison.

The latest court proceedings involving the six activists have added another chapter to the increasingly tense debate over Uganda’s oil industry, which has led to the criminalization of more than 100 activists.

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Wakiso LCs warned against using official stamps to facilitate land grabbing

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Wakiso Town Council Mayor, Mr Fredson Mukalazi Kasiwukira (L), hands over an official stamp to an LC 1 chairperson.  PHOTO/NOELINE NABUKENYA

Newly sworn-in village chairpersons in Wakiso District have been warned against colluding with land grabbers and wealthy individuals to facilitate illegal land transactions, with authorities threatening to arrest those who misuse official stamps.

The village leaders have also been told to stop looking at an official stamp as a source of income and instead find legitimate employment to support themselves.

Wakiso Deputy Resident District Commissioner, Ms Angel Namulimbe, said her office continues to receive numerous complaints related to fraud and land grabbing, many of which allegedly involve village leaders.

“Our office is always full of cases of fraud and land grabbing, and many of these cases involve LC leaders,” she said.

She warned that village leaders found colluding with land grabbers would be arrested.

The RDC made the remarks on Thursday while presiding over the swearing-in and commissioning of village chairpersons and the handing over of official stamps to them in Wakiso Town Council.

Eight of the 13 village chairpersons in the town council and one of the six LC II leaders in the area were sworn in and issued with official stamps.

Ms Namulimbe said she would take firm action against any leader found using the stamp improperly.

Wakiso Town Council Chairperson, Mr Fredson Mukalazi Kasiwukira, accused some village leaders of working with wealthy individuals to frustrate residents and facilitate questionable land transactions.

He warned the leaders against allowing their offices to be used by people seeking to deprive residents of their land.

“Security has been alerted. In case you are reported misusing the stamp, we shall recall it,” he warned.

He also urged village chairpersons to be their eyes on the ground to ensure locals participate actively in all the ongoing government programmes.

“Parish Development Model has been extended up to the village level with LC 1s responsible for identifying prospective beneficiaries,” he said.

Mr Atanansio Musambwa, the Wakiso District vice chairperson and district representative for the area, urged the sworn-in leaders to put the interests of residents first and avoid engaging in practices that could undermine public trust.

He also asked them to pay greater attention to children and other vulnerable residents in their villages.

Wakiso Town Council Clerk, Mr Jimmy Mabanja, while handing over the stamps and other tools of authority to the leaders, reminded them that the items are official tools meant to support the enforcement of laws and proper administration.

He warned the leaders against using the stamps for personal gain or authorising transactions that do not meet the required legal procedures.

The village chairpersons pledged to exercise greater caution in the use of the stamps and other official materials entrusted to them.

Led by Mr Twaibu Kafuuma, the chairperson for Kaasangombe Cell, chairpersons also raised their concerns to the town council authorities, including enhancing their pay from Shs10,000 to Shs1m a month.

They also asked for identity cards, noting that they find it hard to identify themselves in case of community events.

“For example, during the National Cleaning Day, some chairpersons are beaten up by security officers because they cannot identify themselves,” Mr Kafuuma said.

Source: monitor.co.ug

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