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U.S. Peace Efforts in the DRC: Protecting Communities or Minerals?

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By the Witness Radio team.

 

A three-decade conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has affected millions of people. Some have been violently shot at and killed, while others have been dispossessed from what they called their homes, with many currently placed in Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs).

 

A 2025 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons to the DRC revealed that Armed conflict, accompanied by natural resource governance challenges, has collectively driven over 7 million internally displaced people from their homes, placing the DRC among the top five countries globally in terms of the number of internally displaced persons.

 

The conflict in the DRC dates back to the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, often driven by control over mineral-rich areas, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict. This triggered the First Congo War (1996-1997) and subsequent wars that have devastated the region. Since 1996, reports estimate that the conflicts in eastern Congo, fueled by competition over resources like coltan and cobalt, have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people.

 

Authorities in the DRC, along with numerous United Nations reports, have for so long accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebel group, allegations that Rwanda has denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.

 

Different reports and analysts attribute the unending conflict to mineral resources and, perhaps, land grabbing. In an effort to end the conflict that had lasted over 30 years, the US brokered agreements between the DRC and Rwanda in June 2025, later reinforced by the Washington Accords. These agreements are intended to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.

 

However, beyond the language of peace and cooperation, civil society groups and observers have raised concerns about who truly benefits from these agreements-whether local communities, foreign corporations, or political elites-and how these benefits impact human rights and resource control.

 

They argue that much of the content reflects ‘peace for minerals,’ underscoring the need for the audience to recognize the importance of human rights protections in resource exploitation and conflict resolution.

 

“There’s nothing in the deal about accountability, about justice, about holding the perpetrators of the violence and the conflict accountable. It’s all about business and money. This looks like awarding players like Rwanda, who have been accused of supporting M23 in committing atrocities in the DRC,” Oakland Institute’s Policy Director Frederic Mousseau told Witness Radio journalist, in an exclusive interview.

 

The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and enables collaboration on regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the US to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.

 

While Washington frames its role as a mediator, critics argue that the structure of these deals reveals a deeper pattern: US geopolitical and economic interests, especially access to strategic minerals like cobalt and coltan, often take precedence over genuine peacebuilding efforts, reflecting broader regional and international power plays that prioritize resource control over local stability.

 

A familiar pattern in US foreign policy.

In 2003, the US, under President George W. Bush, led the 2003 Iraq War, citing the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the need to promote democracy in Iraq. These claims were never substantiated.

 

But war Critics maintained that there were other motives behind the decision of the US government to invade Iraq aside from promoting peace and democracy, claiming the invasion was motivated largely by oil-related benefits to the US, including its interest in gaining control of the oil reserves in Iraq. This was confirmed by some US officials.

 

In a 2013 article by CNN, some military officials attested that oil was the central goal of the US-Iraq invasion. “Of course, it’s about oil; we can’t really deny that,” Gen. John Abizaid, former head of US Central Command and Military Operations in Iraq, was quoted in an article, which also quotes several other officials.

 

Today, Iraq remains deeply affected by the consequences of that intervention, even as global powers continue to benefit from its vast oil reserves. In contrast, many of its citizens continue to endure the resulting hardships.

 

The DRC: a global mineral powerhouse.

The DRC possesses some of the world’s most important minerals for contemporary industry, yet these resources have not translated into development or improved livelihoods for its citizens. Instead, ongoing conflict and resource exploitation have often marginalized local communities, exacerbating human rights abuses and economic disparities.

 

According to the International Trade Administration, DRC holds some of the World’s largest reserves of cobalt (about 50–70 percent of global supply), copper, coltan, lithium, and gold, which makes it a strategic epicenter in the global race for critical minerals. These resources are indispensable for electric vehicles, renewable energy technologies, and defense and aerospace industries.

 

The Washington Accords are a reward for an aggressor.

Questions remain about the intentions behind the US-brokered deal, particularly given its history of resource interests, its failure to ensure parties adhere to previous agreements, and ongoing concerns over Rwanda’s continued impunity.

 

 “The peace agreement signed in June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC under the auspices of the Trump administration raises serious concerns about whom it truly serves.” Oakland Institute’s featured report mentions, adding that the deal, “Rather than securing lasting peace for the Congolese people, it appears poised to benefit corporate and financial interests eager to access the country’s vast mineral wealth.”

 

Most mineral-rich areas are currently under the control of the M23 rebel group, including Rubaya, home to the largest coltan mine in the Great Lakes region. A 2024 report by a UN group of experts on the DRC stated that the AFC/M23 established a parallel administration that controlled mining activities, trade, transport, and the fraudulent taxation of minerals, which were then exported to Rwanda.

 

Rwanda has been a major exporter of tantalum (metallic ore derived from coltan) to the US over the last ten years, accounting for over 54% of US ore imports in certain years. A significant portion of this coltan, according to reports, was trafficked from the eastern DRC, and the problem has worsened since the M23 seized control of the Rubaya coltan mines in April 2024.

 

“Rwanda’s role as a refinery and export hub is of particular strategic interest to the United States, especially for securing reliable supplies of 3T minerals—tin, tantalum, and tungsten— critical to the US military-industrial complex.” Adds Mousseau.

 

Additionally, between 2017 and 2024, Rwanda’s mineral exports increased by nearly 500 percent –from US$373 million to US$1.75 billion – with gold the main export commodity, representing US$1.5 billion in 2024.

 

“The deal granted Rwanda privileged access to Congolese resources and a key role in their refining and reexport, especially for coltan and tungsten – a reward for an aggressor who has made hundreds of millions of dollars from the plundering of Congolese minerals. This impunity and injustice can’t bring peace to Congo,” added Mousseau.

 

In late 2025, Trinity Metals, Rwanda’s largest producer of “conflict-free” tungsten, initiated a historic direct supply chain of tungsten concentrate (WO3) to the United States with support from the US Development Finance Corporation (DFC) funds through its UK holding.

 

“DFC has financed Trinity Metals, and it started exporting tungsten to the US last year. And in October, there was a first shipment from this company to the US of tungsten, a critical mineral for the defense industry. Interestingly, the DFC doesn’t finance Trinity Metals directly, but through its holding company, the UK-based TechMEX, for a tune of $105 million.”  Mousseau reveals.

 

Missing accountability for harm

With this evidence of mineral collaboration, and Rwanda being accused of exploiting minerals in the DRC, critics argue that the deal may actually create more room for exploitation rather than contribute to ending the war.

 

According to the MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, what the Rwandan Army is perpetrating in the DRC amounts to a crime against humanity and deserves to be held accountable rather than being rewarded to take control of DRC resources. “It’s not a normal war, of one army against another. It’s a terrorist campaign by those who invaded the DRC and took over the government. They are attempting to make people too scared to fight back.”

 

She further added, “They are being rewarded with exactly what they tried to seize through armed conflict. They took it by force, and now there is an agreement that effectively legalizes and normalizes the ongoing theft and the pillaging of the minerals from the DRC into Rwanda,” Dr. Deborah S Rogers told Witness Radio.

 

She explains that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups. In contrast, others were forced into hiding, resulting in widespread dispossession.

 

“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out. Residents face torture, killings, and sexual violence, making it impossible to live there safely. Many are internally displaced, while others flee to neighboring countries as refugees,” Dr. Deborah highlighted.

 

As Congolese seek safety, Rwandan settlers, according to Dr. Deborah, are moving into these farms and homes. “When people do return after violence has decreased temporarily in their home regions, they discover that Rwandese have taken over their lands and homes.”

Instead of addressing these serious concerns, civil society groups and experts allege that the Trump-brokered agreements focus primarily on Congolese minerals.

 

“The main agreements brokered by President Trump and his administration do not provide any reparations or compensation,” Frederic Mousseau revealed.

 

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded some 600 summary executions, claiming more than 1,300 lives in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since October 2025.

 

“Nearly 1,500 people were abducted during the same period, and 1,200 others were subjected to physical violence, including torture, rape, and other inhumane treatment. The persistent use of sexual violence as a weapon of war inflicts unspeakable suffering on Congolese women and girls. Since October, our office has documented some 450 victims of sexual and gender-based violence,” said Nada Al-Nashif, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, on Wednesday, March 25.

 

Amid rising violent tensions, the Congolese population is being hit hardest, while the peace deals are showing no effort to provide redress. Beyond the continued violence, hunger is also spreading.

 

“The conflict is expanding beyond North and South Kivu into Tshopo Province, which lies far from the epicenter of the fighting,” revealed Vivian van de Perre, interim head of MONUSCO, adding that approximately 26.6 million people, about a quarter of the country’s population, face hunger as a direct result of the conflict.

 

While the Washington Accords are presented as a pathway to peace, they risk entrenching exploitation and rewarding those who have profited from violence. Lasting stability in the DRC will only be possible when justice, accountability, and the protection of local communities are prioritized over geopolitical and corporate interests.

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Breaking: Ugandan Court jails eight Anti-EACOP activists as crackdown on dissent deepens.

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By the Witness Radio team.

KAMPALA, Uganda—The Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court sentenced eight environmental activists to 11 months in prison for “public nuisance.” The court ruled that their protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline unlawfully disrupted traffic in central Kampala.

The group includes Akram Katende, Ismail Zziwa, Teopista Nakyambadde, Shammy Nalwadda, Dorothy Asio, Shafik Kalyango, Noah Kafiiti, and Keisha Ali. They were sentenced on Friday, April 17, 2026, by a Grade One Magistrate. The court convicted them of nuisance on the road, contrary to section 65(e) of the Road Act Cap. 346.

In a judgment delivered by Chief Magistrate H/W Achayo Rophine, the court found that the activists had “placed themselves on the road in a manner that caused danger or inconvenience to traffic.

The activists, operating under the umbrella of Rooted in Resistance, formerly Students Against EACOP Uganda, were arrested on August 1, 2025, while marching toward Stanbic Bank Uganda’s headquarters. They were protesting the bank’s alleged role in financing the controversial East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

They have been on remand for more than eight months after being repeatedly denied bail.

In her ruling, Magistrate Achayo relied heavily on police testimony and video evidence, which she said showed the activists standing and sitting in the middle of Hannington Road, holding

placards reading “Stop EACOP” and refusing orders to disperse.

The court concluded that the protest constituted an unlawful assembly, noting that the group had not notified authorities in advance and had failed to comply with police instructions to clear the road.

Citing Article 43 of the Constitution, she ruled that the activists’ actions prejudiced the rights of other road users and the public interest, particularly by causing a traffic jam in a busy section of Kampala.

“The accused persons… caused inconvenience on the road with their unlawful assembly,” the judgment reads.

Despite the relatively minor nature of the offense, which carries a maximum sentence of one year, the activists had already spent most of that time in detention before conviction.

Their prolonged remand has drawn criticism from legal observers and human rights advocates, who argue that the case reflects a broader pattern of punitive pre-trial detention.

Defense lawyer Kato Tumusiime condemned the ruling and announced plans to appeal to the High Court, describing the decision as an attack on fundamental freedoms.

He argued that the conviction is “intended to silence freedom of expression and speech in Uganda.”

“The judgment is unfair, and we intend to appeal it,” lawyer Kato Tumusiime said.

The case is part of a growing number of arrests linked to opposition to the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, a major regional infrastructure project.

In April 2025, another group of activists, commonly known as KCB 11, protesting against KCB Bank Uganda’s involvement in the project, were detained for three months under similar circumstances.

Campaigners say these cases point to a systematic use of the justice system to deter protest against powerful economic interests.

The East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) is a 1,443-kilometer heated crude oil pipeline designed to transport crude oil from western Uganda’s Lake Albert region to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. The project is being developed by a consortium led by TotalEnergies and China National Offshore Oil Company, alongside the governments of Uganda and Tanzania.

Supporters of the project say it is central to Uganda’s economic ambitions, expected to generate revenue, create jobs, and enable the country to become an oil exporter.

However, environmental groups and civil society organizations have raised concerns about its impact. Critics point to the displacement of communities during land acquisition, potential risks to ecosystems, and the project’s contribution to global carbon emissions.

Despite opposition, the project has already entered the implementation phase. Construction activities are ongoing in both Uganda and Tanzania, and land acquisition processes have largely progressed, although some disputes remain. Uganda continues to target its first oil production within the next few years.

These concerns have fueled a wave of protests, targeting financial institutions seen as backing the pipeline.

Campaigners have also criticized companies and financiers linked to the project for failing to speak out. StopEACOP Campaign Coordinator Zaki Mamdoo has argued that corporate silence in the face of arrests is not neutral, pointing to evidence of communication between project developers and Ugandan authorities.

“At COP28, when I confronted TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanné over the arrest of yet another group of anti-EACOP activists, he confirmed to me that the company was in direct communication with Ugandan authorities over the detention of those activists. That demonstrates that the companies behind EACOP are not passive observers of the repression meted out by the authorities”, said StopEACOP Campaign Coordinator, Zaki Mamdoo.

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Govt launches war on land fraud, illegal evictions

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The government has warned that the growing wave of land-related crimes across the country, caused by unscrupulous land agents, fraudulent transactions, and family inheritance disputes, is increasingly undermining investment confidence and tenure security.

Lands Minister Judith Nabakooba said the persistent rise in land offences is eroding public trust in the land administration system and slowing down wealth creation efforts, especially in both urban and peri-urban areas.

“The trend is mainly being contributed to by unscrupulous land agents, overzealous administrators of estates, forgeries of land transaction documents, absentee landlords and tenants who disregard their obligations, and this has hurt investment and wealth creation, necessitating immediate coordinated intervention,” Ms Nabakooba said.

She explained that many of the disputes occur in high-risk settings such as unregistered customary land, contested ownership, inheritance wrangles, and large-scale land transactions where verification systems are weak, bypassed, or manipulated by actors familiar with legal loopholes.

Despite Uganda’s existing legal safeguards, including Article 237 of the Constitution, the Land Act, the Succession Act, and the Mortgage Act, officials say enforcement gaps continue to be exploited.  Data from the ministry’s Sustainable Urbanization and Housing Programme report shows that the level of digitised land services has increased from 45 percent to 82 percent, significantly improving efficiency and reducing delays in service delivery.

 The same report indicates that the time taken to conduct a land search has reduced from five days to one day at physical offices, and to as little as five minutes through online platforms. Processing times for land transactions such as transfers and mortgages have also dropped from 15 days to about 11 days, marking progress in service delivery reform.

In addition, systematic land demarcation and certification efforts have expanded, with surveyed land parcels increasing from 66,148 to 469,656. Certificates of Customary Ownership have also risen significantly from 9,325 to 80,898, reflecting government efforts to formalise tenure systems and reduce disputes in customary land areas.

 To curb illegal evictions and related abuses, government introduced Administrative Circular No. 1 of 2025, which tightened procedures governing evictions nationwide. The directive requires that no eviction be carried out without the involvement of District Security Committees in consultation with the Ministry of Lands.

“Eviction or demolition shall only be carried out between 8am and 6pm, and no eviction or demolition shall be carried out during weekends or public holidays. Each demolition shall be carried out in a manner that respects and upholds human rights and dignity,” Ms Nabakooba said.

 Beyond enforcement measures, the ministry says it is pushing broader reforms aimed at strengthening governance and reducing fraud.  These include allowing tenants to deposit nominal ground rent (busuulu) with the Uganda Revenue Authority in cases where landlords are absent or refuse payment, alongside plans to deploy blockchain technology and artificial intelligence in land transactions.

Also mass land titling to resolve boundary disputes is being undertaken.  “Government remains committed to ensuring social justice and harmony in land ownership, and all stakeholders must comply with established legal procedures. All Resident District Commissioners should remain vigilant in maintaining law and order,” Ms Nabakooba added.

 However, concerns remain about enforcement at district level, particularly in high-conflict areas where vulnerable groups continue to face intimidation and forced evictions.  Mr Twaha Ssembalirwa, a legal expert from Atlas Advocates, said the rise in land-related crimes reflects weak enforcement rather than a lack of legislation.

“Uganda has a fairly robust legal framework on land, but the challenge lies in enforcement. Corruption in land transactions is mostly among the big wigs in most of the cases we handle, plus low public awareness, especially among people dealing with customary and unregistered land,” he said.

Original Source: monitor.co.ug

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Agroecological farming: EAC Bill moves to Parliament to establish a regional legal framework to protect and promote sustainable farming and food systems.

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Hon. Gideon Gatpan Thoar, Chairperson of the EALA Committee on Agriculture and Natural Resources, presenting during a plenary sitting of the Assembly.

By the Witness Radio team.

The East African Legislative Assembly has taken a critical procedural step toward introducing the EAC Agroecology Bill, 2026, as the Chairperson of the Committee on Agriculture and Natural Resources was formally granted leave from the House to draft and table the proposed law.

The move marks the Bill’s official entry into the legislative process, which could significantly impact regional farmers, policymakers, and civil society by reshaping food systems and governance across East Africa.

The Bill aims to empower smallholder farmers and promote inclusivity by embedding agroecology into law across the East African Community, fostering hope for a more sustainable future for these farmers.

In an interview with Witness Radio, the Chairperson of the Committee on Agriculture and Natural Resources in the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), Hon. Gideon Gatpan Thoar, described the Bill as a long-overdue effort to give legal backing to a system already practiced by millions of farmers across the region.

“The purpose of this bill is to establish a regional legal framework to mainstream agroecological farming,” the Chairperson said, emphasizing that the law seeks to move agroecology from policy discussions into enforceable regional commitments.

The proposed law draws from the 13 FAO principles, integrating indigenous knowledge, cultural practices, and scientific innovation to strengthen its regional relevance.

“We want to promote practices that are consistent with our people, that are known to our cultures and traditions, and integrate them with science. There must be co-creation and inclusivity, especially for smallholder farmers,” he explained.

This framing positions agroecology not just as a farming method, but as a knowledge system shaped by communities themselves, challenging dominant agricultural models often driven by external actors.

The Bill emerges amid the ongoing expansion of industrial agriculture supported by global corporations and financiers, which may resist the shift towards agroecology. Understanding how the Bill will navigate or counteract this resistance is crucial for stakeholders concerned about regional agricultural transformation.

Despite this well-developed narrative, smallholder farmers remain the highest food producers. Yet the Chairperson acknowledged this imbalance of power, noting that agroecology faces stiff competition.

“There is a big fight from conventional agriculture. Big corporations are sponsoring data; they have a lot of money, and they have subsidized it,” he said.

Rather than banning industrial agriculture, whose adverse impacts on both smallholder farmers and the environment are evident, the Bill introduces a different strategy, one centered on protection and choice. It seeks to create legal and economic space for agroecological farmers, many of whom have historically been marginalized.

“We are not forcing a transition. We are creating a situation where there is choice and support for those who have been left behind, mainly women, youth, and smallholder farmers,” He clarified. This approach aims to foster hope and confidence that the new law will support sustainable options for all farmers.

The proposed law will also avoid the usage of highly hazardous pesticides and synthetic fertilizers, instead relying on ecological processes.

“We are very keen on highly hazardous agrochemicals… agroecological farmers will not be using them,” the Chairperson stated, emphasizing that support systems will drive the transition, fostering optimism for farmers’ sustainable options.

Uganda recently ordered the phase-out and restrictions on several commonly used agricultural chemicals, citing risks to human health, the environment, and the country’s ability to compete in the export market. The Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry, and Fisheries (MAAIF) said the decision was made after its Agricultural Chemicals Review Committee reviewed the chemicals and their “safety, trade, and national interest concerns.”

The Ministry said in the letter, “The actions and decisions made by the government are based on concerns for safety, trade, and the national interest.” Alpha-cypermethrin, atrazine, butachlor, dimethoate, and propanil are some of the chemicals that will be phased out. Importation will be banned right away, and the chemicals will be completely removed by the end of 2026.

While several East African countries already have agroecology strategies, such as Uganda’s NAS and Kenya’s strategy, these lack enforcement mechanisms. The regional Bill aims to establish binding compliance measures that will guide and harmonize national laws, ensuring effective implementation across the region.

“The regional law will be an anchor, reflecting in national systems to foster trust and regional unity,” the Chairperson explained, encouraging confidence in the legislative process.

The legislative process is ongoing, with the Bill expected to undergo drafting, committee review, and public consultations before a final vote, likely within several months.

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