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DR Congo crisis: Washington’s brokered peace agreement is rendered useless as fighting, forced land displacement, and mineral exploitation persist…

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By the Witness Radio team.

After the signing of the Washington Accords, a peace and prosperity deal between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda brokered by the United States, many Congolese hoped the agreement would finally bring stability to the country’s long-troubled eastern region.

Instead, persistent violence has continued, raising questions among civil society groups and citizens about whether the agreements can truly deliver peace.

According to the US State Department, the Washington Accords were intended to reaffirm both countries’ commitment to implementing the peace agreement signed in Washington, D.C., on June 27, 2025. The deal was also intended to advance a vision of regional cooperation through a Regional Economic Integration Framework (REIF), which aims to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.

Fighting continues in eastern Congo, involving the March 23 Movement (M23) and Congolese government forces (FARDC), with Rwanda and the DRC government each accusing the other of supporting violations of existing agreements.

Authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have long accused Rwanda of backing the March 23 Movement (M23) rebel group, allegations that Rwanda initially denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform based in Rwanda, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.

Now, Congolese civil society organizations reveal that the Washington Accords are failing to address issues of justice or Rwanda’s responsibility in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC.

The Mobilization to Safeguard Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), an ad hoc coalition of 81 Congolese civil society groups, formed to voice concerns about the occupation and to demand a lasting peace grounded in security, accountability, sovereignty, and justice in the DRC revealed in an interview with Witness Radio that these accords are taking Congolese back to the days of King Leopold, where a colonial resource grab is imposed, and might makes right.

“These agreements, pushed on the DRC by the Trump administration during the ongoing violent incursion, represent the results of a negotiation at gunpoint. It’s all about how they’re going to take the minerals and have all these business deals. There’s nothing in there that gives any detail on what they’re going to do to create peace.” MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, told Witness Radio.

The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and allows for collaboration in exploiting regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the United States to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.

But critics argue that, taken together, these agreements resemble what some observers have described as a “peace for minerals” arrangement, as both the United States and Rwanda see the DRC as a key hub for strategic minerals.

“Each of these three agreements has its own challenges. When viewed together, however, they are often framed as part of what is called the “Peace for Minerals” agreement. They are only targeting DRC’s resources, including land and minerals,” Dr. Deborah added.

Conflict in eastern Congo has persisted for decades and is deeply intertwined with regional politics and competition for natural resources.

The conflict dates back to the aftermath of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict.

The resulting violence sparked the First Congo War (1996–1997) and subsequent conflicts that have devastated the region. Since 1996, the wars in eastern Congo are estimated to have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people and the displacement of people.

Civil society groups say the violence has destroyed infrastructure, displaced millions, and caused widespread human rights abuses, including rape, targeting them to drive them off resource-rich land.

Eastern Congo is rich in natural resources, including gold, copper, diamonds, and coltan, minerals essential for global industries ranging from electronics to renewable energy.

Observers say the region’s mineral wealth has long fueled both local and international interests.

“We view this as a reward for Rwanda for having invaded and occupied these lands and seized the mine sites. They are being granted through an agreement what they initially took by force, effectively legalizing and normalizing the ongoing plundering of DRC’s minerals and their transfer to Rwanda. Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population, and in the territories,  it controls, it uses terror to drive people out,” she added.

Shockingly, civil society officials say that lands belonging to displaced Congolese are being taken over by Rwandan settlers. Families returning to their homes after temporary lulls in the violence often find their land and houses already occupied.

“Meanwhile, the people from Rwanda are coming in and settling on those farms and in those homes. So, when people come back, they discover that their lands and their homes have been taken over.” Dr. Deborah further revealed

These deals have drawn a lot of criticism from both international and National organizations, including civil societies. The Oakland Institute described the deals as ‘the latest US maneuver to control Congolese critical minerals” in its report, shafted: The Scramble for Critical Minerals in the DRC, published last year.

“US involvement in Congolese affairs has always been unequivocally tied to the goal of securing access to critical minerals. “The ‘peace’ deal comes after decades of US training, advising, and sponsoring foreign armies and rebel movements, and at a time when Rwanda and its proxy M23 have expanded territorial control in eastern DRC. This is a win-lose deal that serves US mining interests and rewards Rwanda for decades of pillaging Congolese resources,” Mr. Frédéric Mousseau, report co-author and Policy Director at the Oakland Institute, revealed.

MOSSAC also observes that the agreements do not address issues of justice or the culpability of Rwanda in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC, but instead reward Rwanda by presenting it a pathway to normalize and make legal its pillaging of Congolese land and resources.

“How can this be a proper agreement when people are being killed during the negotiation process? There’s no justice, no accountability for decades of invasion and resource theft. Lasting peace cannot happen without justice first.” Another Mossac representative told Witness Radio.

Despite the promises of peace and economic integration, violence continues in eastern Congo.

Civil society groups say M23 forces have expanded their territorial control in several provinces, including North Kivu, South Kivu, Ituri, and Maniema. They argue that ongoing attacks undermine the credibility of the agreements. “Every day since the accords were signed, there have been violations,” Dr. Deborah maintained

Efforts by Witness Radio to obtain a comment from the Congolese government were unsuccessful. Officials from the Ministry responsible for internal affairs did not respond to our calls/emails.

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More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.

“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.

In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.

On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.

Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.

Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.

Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.

Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.

“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.

Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.

“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.

However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.

He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.

“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.

“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.

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Kiryandongo farmer accuses minister of grabbing 100-acre land

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Farmer Edward Balikagira at Kinyara II Village in Kigumba Sub-county in Kiryandongo District during an interview with Monitor. PHOTO/DAN WANDERA

A Kiryandongo farmer accuses Minister for Karamoja Affairs Peter Lokeris of illegally occupying his 100-acre plot, sparking a decades-long dispute now under State House scrutiny. Despite interventions, the conflict remains unresolved amid conflicting claims and documentation. Source: https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kiryandongo-farmer-accuses-minister-of-grabbing-100-acre-land-5447308

Edward Balikagira from Kinyara II Village in Kiryandongo District alleges that Minister Peter Lokeris has forcefully taken over his 100-acre land, which he bought in 1996 from the late John Bitunda Bitagasa.

Balikagira holds a 1996 handwritten sale agreement in Runyoro, detailing payment of Shs170,000, 12 goats, a bicycle, and a blanket, witnessed by local land executives.

Lokeris rejects the accusations, stating he legally obtained the land in 1996 and has occupied it peacefully for over 20 years without issues. He questions Balikagira’s ownership documents.

Balikagira recounts that in 2007, as land committee chair, he negotiated with Lokeris for adjacent land at Shs500,000 per acre, but the deal fell through due to delays.

Tensions peaked in 2022 when Balikagira was arrested for alleged trespassing during the Covid-19 lockdown. A State House fact-finding meeting followed, where Lokeris reportedly admitted to applying for only 100 acres and agreed to return any excess.

A June 2022 State House letter to the Kiryandongo RDC, signed by Nathan Bwogi, halted all activities on the disputed land and noted ongoing fencing by Lokeris’s associates, warning of potential violence.

Despite this, Balikagira says the issue lingers without court action, citing the minister’s influence. Local leaders and the Deputy RDC confirm ongoing administrative reviews but no closure.

Land wrangles like this are rampant in Uganda, especially in Kiryandongo’s former ranch areas, with police reporting a surge in such cases.

Source: Daily Monitor

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“We are facing increased violent land dispossessions and climate injustices” – African women.

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By the Witness Radio Team

 

Stories of displacement, land loss, and resilience filled the room as 45 women from six African countries gathered for the East Africa Women’s Land and Climate Justice Convergence in Nairobi, organized to raise awareness and explore resistance strategies against land dispossession and climate injustice.

 

Representing communities from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, the women came together not only to learn but also to speak, listen, heal, and feel the weight of their struggles, resisting destructive extractive projects and reclaiming what belongs to them, despite the immense impacts they have endured.

 

Africa is often described as having vast unused or underutilized land. This narrative has attracted investors, especially from the Global North, into large-scale industrial agriculture and other land-based investments. However, a 2025 report by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), PLAAS, and the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy challenged this claim, showing that such narratives have fueled large-scale land grabs, ecological destruction, and community dispossession across the continent.

 

In Uganda, the land eviction crisis has intensified due to increasing land-based investments that have dispossessed local communities with impunity, with oil development activities among them. According to human rights groups, this has led to more than 100,000 people in Uganda and Tanzania permanently losing their land to make way for the pipeline and related projects.

 

Jenniffer Kiiza, a resident of Hoima, is among those whose land was taken for oil development.

 

“The project has had severe negative impacts, especially on vulnerable groups like women,” she said, highlighting how delayed compensation, gender-based violence, and food insecurity disproportionately affect women and their families.

 

“We face dispossession, and sadly, we are paid very little money, which comes late and is no longer enough to buy land elsewhere. Hunger and malnutrition in adults and babies have increased, and this is affecting us as women and our families.” Kiiza added.

 

Kiiza has continued to speak out despite growing repression against dissent, advocating for justice for her community, especially women, even as opposing such mega-projects comes at a high cost.

 

“These developments have caused hunger, increased gender-based violence, family breakdowns, school dropouts, and early marriages. There has also been a rise in prostitution, as women struggle to provide for their children after losing their land.” She added.

 

Meanwhile, in Uganda alone, the Uganda Police’s Annual Crimes Report, 2025, released early April, recorded 663 cases of land fraud, an indicator of the country’s escalating land crisis.

 

In Zimbabwe’s Midlands province, particularly in Shurugwi, communities are facing similar challenges linked to mining activities, including land dispossession and environmental harm. Jecha Benenia a women’s rights defender from a community affected by Unki Mine, shared her experience during the convergence.

 

“We are facing many challenges from the miners. Chinese investors are coming into our area and evicting us. They tell us to leave, and if we refuse, they come with bulldozers and destroy everything, including our homes. We are left with no shelter and nowhere to go,” she said.

She added that abandoned open pits left by mining companies have become deadly hazards.

 

“When it rains, the pits fill with water. Our livestock fall into them, and even our children have fallen in. We are losing both animals and lives, and the danger is ever-present,” She added.

 

Communities in Zimbabwe also report water pollution from mining activities, which threatens their health and livelihoods. “The water we use is our source of livelihood, serving domestic needs, drinking, and our animals. However, after consuming it, we have experienced illnesses like cholera, and pregnant women face severe complications,” she added.

 

Her revelations echo concerns raised at the 2025 Zimbabwe Alternative Mining Indaba (ZAMI). The 14th edition of the Indaba, convened by the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Organization (ZELO) and partners in September 2025, highlighted multiple challenges within a sector that contributes about 12% to 13.3% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

 

In its December 2025 communiqué, ZAMI noted that unsustainable resource extraction is driving widespread environmental damage, including water pollution, habitat loss, soil degradation, and deforestation.

 

It further pointed to displacement, inadequate compensation, and the absence of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), particularly affecting marginalized communities whose exclusion from governance processes has resulted in violence, disempowerment, and the entrenchment of poverty in resource-rich areas, worsened by weak oversight that has enabled environmental violations and illicit financial flows.

 

Amid these challenges affecting their communities, the women shared, the convergence concluded with a renewed sense of solidarity, forming a network of resilient women committed to defending Africa’s commons—land, forests, water, and cultural systems—now under increasing threat.

 

According to the organizers, the meeting was particularly significant in creating a platform for women to share lived realities that are often excluded from formal land governance discussions. Participants exchanged insights on the challenges they face and identified collective strategies to strengthen their land rights.

 

“The convergence brought together women to reflect on their experiences with customary and communal land tenure systems. We will continue to build on this knowledge and strengthen solidarity plans at both national and regional levels with the women,” WoMin’s Sizaltina Cutaia told Witness Radio.

 

Participants described the gathering as a transformative learning space that not only exposed shared struggles but also equipped them with the skills and knowledge to defend their rights collectively.

 

“And a message I can give to a woman in the struggle is to keep fighting for her goal. She should not give up, but continue until she achieves what she wants. This cuts across countries and brings us together through networking. When we unite as women, we realize we share one goal—as mothers in our communities and countries—because land is our motherland,” said Sarah Osas from Nakuru in Kenya.

 

Despite powerful companies taking over their land, women defenders say they are determined to continue resisting and reclaim what is rightfully theirs.

 

“We are fighting back so that we can reclaim our natural resources, including land and water. Many women are facing serious health challenges, including stress and stroke, as a result of these struggles. But we are not going back. We are fighting to reclaim our commons through demonstrations, cultural resistance, and petitions led by marginalized communities.” Jecha mentioned.

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