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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

Why Uganda, the World should protect Bugoma forest at all costs

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By Peter Babyenda

Bunyoro Kitara Kingdom is one of the lucky sub-regions in Uganda to still have at least two large natural rainforests. These are Budongo and Bugoma Rain Forests, although most of the auxiliary forests (small forests) to these two forests have since been degraded largely for settlement, agriculture, tobacco and sugar cane growing.

A case in point are the small forests that used to exist in Hoima, Kibaale and Masindi. The region is also blessed with large chunks of grassland along lake Albert shores and Murchison falls National Park.

On the global level, Uganda is one of the countries in Africa with the highest deforestation rate estimated at about 2.6 percent per annum. This rate is too high to be ignored by all Ugandans of goodwill on the future and sustainable utilization and management of natural resources given our constitution 1995, Uganda vision 2040, UNDP II and III, SDGs 2030 and African Union Agenda 2063. All these provide for the conservation and sustainable use and management of natural resources for economic growth and development, hence the need to protect the remaining natural forests, green cover and all-natural resources in the country for the future generation and for climate regulation.

A natural forest is a non-renewable resource implying that once destroyed, it cannot be recovered fully. That is, if a natural forest is destroyed, there are irreversible effects that come along with it such as the formal tourism attraction potentiality, regulation of climate, medicine, creeping plants and some wild animals such as snakes. birds and insects. Hence, converting a forest into a farmland such as sugar cane growing tantamount to destroying nature, biodiversity, biomass, ecosystem, future incomes and animal habitats including distorting the climatic conditions of the area.

“Humanity easily forgives and forgets but the mother nature neither – Pope Francis”. This quote from Pope Francis II reminds us that destroying the environment and nature has far-reaching effects that may follow us up even in our graves. This is because nature will always revenge against injustices committed to it. Just in May 2020, nature showed us what it can do if disturbed, hope you remember the floating island in Jinja near Owen falls dam and Nalubale dam that led to a total blackout in the country, displacement of people, submerging of recreational places such as beaches, markets, people’s homes, graves, roads and gardens including landing sites. The same problem is currently being experienced along lake Albert shores specifically Wansenko and Butiaba Town councils in Bulisa district and other areas in Pakwachi, Nebbi and Madi-Okollo districts.

As a country, we are also poor in effectively implementing environmental laws such as the 200m buffer zone, 30m from the wetland, the plastic and polythene bag act of 2009, these further accelerate deterioration in Uganda’s environmental quality.

The argument by NEMA that it only approved a grassland and not the forest does not hold water given the fact that the grassland near the forest acts as expansion area for the forest and the grazing and fertilization place for the animals and other inhabitants of the forest. It is also important for ecology and biodiversity conservation.

Secondly, NEMA did not involve the natives including the local community and the clan, the “Ababyasi” clan that is believed to have their ancestry and origin from that same place, “omuhangaizima” and the area local leaders. As NEMA and other agencies responsible for environmental protection and management in Uganda are failing to effectively and authoritatively perform their mandates, their counterparts in Kenya have been able to recover the once grabbed green cover in Nairobi metropolitan area.

Many malls and buildings some belonging to powerful politicians, business persons and former leaders that were constructed in wetlands and other protected areas were demolished to pave way for environmental protection and conservation. The presence of Bugoma contributes to many jobs and revenues both directly and indirectly such as forest officers, UWA staff, tourist guides, pilots, taxi drivers, boda bodas and companies that are involved in the hospitality and timber processing.

Like COVID-19, environmental issues should also be treated as emergency cases.  Although the effects of environmental destruction are not immediate, they could be worse than those of COVID-19.

Lastly, for sustainable environmental management and utilization in Uganda, there is need for effective implementation of the existing environmental laws; independent, capable, well facilitated, equipped and incorruptible environmental regulation authority, coordination among all the MDAs involved in environmental protection and management, sensitisation of Ugandans on the importance of the clean and sustainable use of the environment, adequate training of all environmental actors including media, environmental activists, environmental officers in central-local governments in environmental valuation, evaluation, accounting and other environmental issues, encouraging the use of environmentally friendly technologies, subsidisation of alternative energy sources such as gas, solar and electricity, encouraging agroforestry and eco-tourism activities, strengthening the law on the conversion of forests on private land among others.

There need for zoning and change in the settlement plans, building roads for the environment (roads that do not destroy biodiversity and ecology), alternative transport means such as riding to work, switching to electrified moto vehicles and moto cycles among others. No one should be allowed to build or farm in the wetland. There must be continuous monitoring and data updating on all environmental and natural resources in the country including those on private land. There is also a need to regulate bricklaying in the country, reforestation and afforestation programs in hilly and swampy areas top protect rivers and avoid floods in such areas such as Kasese, Kabaale and Elgon areas. Afforestation programs are not only good for protecting natural forests but also for income, timber and wood.

Source: New Vision

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

‘Food and fossil fuel production causing $5bn of environmental damage an hour’

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A farm worker ploughs fields overlooking Grangemouth petrochemical and refining plant in Scotland. Photograph: Murdo MacLeod/The Guardian

UN GEO report says ending this harm key to global transformation required ‘before collapse becomes inevitable’.

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

Britain, Netherlands withdraw $2.2 billion backing for Total-led Mozambique LNG

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LONDON, Dec 1 (Reuters) – Britain and the Netherlands are withdrawing a combined $2.2 billion in support for the TotalEnergies-led Mozambique LNG project, they said separately on Monday, after both hired firms to probe human rights concerns surrounding the development.
Britain’s government said it was rescinding its $1.15 billion backing for project after promising in 2020 a $300 million loan and insurance worth about $700 million for the $20 billion project via UK Export Finance.
The Dutch government also said on Monday Total had withdrawn a $1.1 billion export insurance request for the project.
Atradius Dutch State Business authorised $1.3 billion in export insurance via two policies, the larger of which has been rescinded at the company’s request, the Dutch finance ministry said on Monday.
TotalEnergies declined to comment. Mozambique’s government did not respond to a request for comment.

CONSTRUCTION HALTED IN 2021, BUT DUE TO RESTART

Mozambique LNG’s construction was halted in 2021 due to an Islamist insurgency. Total lifted force majeure on its development in November, but made restarting conditional on the Mozambican government’s approval of a new budget, which the president said he may dispute.
“In preparation to restart the project, UKEF was presented with a proposal to amend the financing terms it had agreed originally,” British business minister Peter Kyle said in a statement.
“My officials have evaluated the risks around the project, and it is the view of His Majesty’s Government that these risks have increased since 2020.” The interests of UK taxpayers “are best served by ending our participation in the project at this time,” he added.
Jihadist attacks have been back on the rise in Mozambique, with Total bringing in workers and equipment this year by air and sea for security reasons.

PROJECT CAN PROCEED WITHOUT UK, DUTCH FINANCING, TOTAL HAS SAID

In April TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanne told investors that project partners could move forward without UK and Dutch financing, using equity.
More than 70% of the project’s financing is secured, and about 90% of the future gas production is commercialized via contracts with buyers.
Kyle said UKEF would pay back the project for any premium paid. A UKEF spokesperson declined to name the amount.
The Dutch finance minister on Monday said TotalEnergies had asked to cancel part of its insurance via a letter dated November 24, just as an independent human rights review ordered by the ministry was being finalised.
“This means that the Netherlands will no longer be involved in financing the project,” the statement reads.
A $213 million policy insuring Dutch contractor Van Oord remains in place, a ministry spokesperson said.
TotalEnergies holds a 26.5% operating stake in Mozambique LNG. Japan’s Mitsui (8031.T), opens new tab owns 20% in the project and Mozambique state firm ENH 15%, alongside smaller stakeholders including India’s ONGS and Oil India.

CRITICISM FROM ENVIRONMENTAL, HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Human rights nonprofit ECCHR last month filed a criminal complaint against TotalEnergies, alleging it was complicit in torture and enforced disappearances allegedly carried out by government soldiers in Mozambique.
In April, UKEF hired law firm Beyond Human Rights Compliance LLP to investigate risks around Mozambique LNG following initial media reports of the alleged torture, three people interviewed by the firm told Reuters.
TotalEnergies has said those claims lack evidence.
The Dutch government said on Monday the two firms it hired to investigate — Clingendael and Pangea Risk — found the torture allegations credible, though they could not ascertain Total’s knowledge or role, if any.
A London court in 2023 dismissed a court challenge by environmental group Friends of the Earth against the British government’s funding for the project.

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

The secretive cabal of US polluters that is rewriting the EU’s human rights and climate law

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Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven large multinational enterprises has worked to tear down the EU’s flagship human rights and climate law, the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). The mostly US-based coalition, which calls itself the Competitiveness Roundtable, has targeted all EU institutions, governments in Europe’s capitals, as well as the Trump administration and other non-EU governments to serve its own interests. With European lawmakers soon moving ahead to completely dilute the CSDDD at the expense of human rights and the climate, this research exposes the fragility of Europe’s democracy.

Key findings

  • Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven companies, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc., has worked under the guise of a “Competitiveness Roundtable” to get the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) either scrapped or massively diluted.
  • The companies, most of which are headquartered in the US and operate in the fossil fuel sector, aimed to “divide and conquer in the Council”, sideline “stubborn” European Commission departments, and push the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament “to side with the right-wing parties as much as possible”.
  • Chevron and ExxonMobil were in charge of mobilising pressure against the CSDDD from non-EU countries. The Roundtable companies endeavoured to get the CSDDD high on the agenda of the US-EU trade negotiations and also worked on mobilising other countries against the CSDDD, in order to disguise the US influence.
  • Roundtable companies paid the TEHA Group – a think tank – to write a research report and organise an event on EU competitiveness, which echoed the Roundtable’s position and cast doubt on the European Commission’s assessment of the economic impact of the CSDDD.

While Europeans were told that their governments were negotiating a landmark law to hold corporations accountable for human rights abuses and climate damage, a secretive alliance of US fossil fuel giants was working behind the scenes to destroy it. Collaborating under the innocent-sounding name ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’, eleven multinational enterprises have worked closely to eviscerate several EU sustainability laws, including the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). This Competitiveness Roundtable may be unknown, but its members are a who’s-who of polluting, mainly US, multinationals, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Dow. The group seems to have run rings around all branches of the EU and the Trump administration to get what they want: scrapping, or at least hugely diluting, the CSDDD.

 

Leaked documents  obtained by SOMO reveal how, under the pretext of the now-near-magical concept of ‘competitiveness’, these companies plotted to hijack democratically adopted EU laws and strip them of all meaningful provisions, including those on climate transition plans, civil liability, and the scope of supply chains. EU officials appear not to have known who they were up against. But the documents obtained by SOMO show a high level of organisation and strategising with a clear facilitator: Teneo, a US public relations and consultancy company.

The documents indicate that many of the companies involved wanted to stay hidden from view. After all, if it were widely known that a secretive group of mostly American fossil fuel companies like Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc. was working as a coordinated organisation to dilute an EU climate and human rights law, that might raise questions and serious concern among the public and the policymakers they were targeting. Many of the companies in the Roundtable have never publicly spoken  out against the CSDDD.

Big Oil’s ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’

The Competitiveness Roundtable is dominated by fossil fuel companies, including three Big Oil companies (ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies) and three other companies with activities in the oil and gas sector (Koch, Inc., Honeywell, and Baker Hughes). Other members are Nyrstar (minerals and metals, a subsidiary of Trafigura Group); Dow, Inc. (chemicals); Enterprise Mobility (car rentals); and JPMorgan Chase (finance).

Teneo, the Roundtable’s coordinator, has a track record(opens in new window) of working with fossil fuel companies, including Chevron, Shell, and Trafigura, and was hired by the government of Azerbaijan to handle public relations(opens in new window) when it hosted the COP29 climate conference.

In February 2025, the European Commission published the Omnibus I proposal(opens in new window), which aims to “simplify” several EU sustainability laws, including the CSDDD. The documents obtained by SOMO reveal that the Roundtable companies, which have been meeting weekly since at least March 2025, worked on deep interventions within each of the three EU institutions to get the Omnibus I package to align exactly with their views. The EU institutions are expected to reach a final agreement on Omnibus I by the end of 2025.

The documents reveal that the Roundtable companies’ activities in the Parliament are far more significant than what is visible in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) Eight of the Roundtable’s lobbying meetings during the Strasbourg plenary sessions of May and June 2025, listed in the Transparency Register, show Teneo as the only attendee, thereby failing  to disclose the names of other Roundtable companies that participated in these meetings. Another three meetings the Roundtable held were not found in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) at all.

“Divide and conquer” the Council

In the European Council, the Roundtable plotted to “divide and conquer” EU governments to get the climate article in the CSDDD deleted. In June 2025, during the final weeks of negotiations in the Council on the Omnibus I proposal, the Roundtable discussed lobbying EU government leaders to “intervene politically” to ensure its priorities were included in the Council’s negotiation mandate. Subsequently, German Chancellor Merz and French President Macron reportedly(opens in new window) personally intervened(opens in new window) in the Council’s political process, leading to a dramatic dilution(opens in new window) of the texts(opens in new window) negotiated in the months before the intervention. Several of the changes made to the texts strongly align with the Roundtable’s demands, including delaying and substantially weakening the climate obligations, scrapping EU civil liability provisions, and limiting the responsibility of companies to take responsibility for their supply chains (the ‘Tier 1’ restriction).

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Additionally, the documents reveal that the Roundtable is still aiming to drum up a “blocking minority”  to overturn the Council’s negotiation mandate during the trilogue negotiations, which started in November 2025. By “tak[ing] advantage of the ‘weak’ Council negotiating mandate” and disagreements between EU Member States on “contentious articles”, the Competitiveness Roundtable companies hope to force the Danish Council presidency  to give up on including any form of climate obligations in the CSDDD – despite EU Member States’ agreement on this in the June 2025 Council mandate(opens in new window) .

To implement the divide-and-conquer strategy, the Roundtable assigned specific companies to “establish rapporteurships” with different EU governments. TotalEnergies would target the French, Belgian, and Danish governments, and ExxonMobil would target Germany, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Romania.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 16 May 2025.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Circumventing “stubborn” European Commission departments

The Roundtable also discussed working on “circumvent[ing]” two “stubborn” European Commission departments involved in the Omnibus political process, DG JUST and DG FISMA,  which, in their view, were “unlikely to be willing to see our side of the story”. According to the documents, DG JUST opposed deleting the climate article and restricting the Directive’s scope to only very large enterprises. The Roundtable aimed to diminish the role of these departments by pressuring President Von der Leyen and Commissioners McGrath (DG JUST) and Albuquerque (DG FISMA) by “organising letters from Irish and German business groups” and using an event held by the European Roundtable for Industry to “target” Von der Leyen and McGrath.

Read full report: Somo.nl

Source: Somo

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