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Women environmental rights defenders in Africa are at the most significant risk of threats and attacks – ALLIED New report

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By Witness Radio Team

As land and environmental rights defenders face ongoing threats for protecting community land and territories affected by development projects, a new trend shows attacks increasingly targeting women defenders.

According to the latest research report by Natural Justice, based on data from the ALLIED Coalition, women land and environmental defenders accounted for 6% of all documented cases between 2022 and 2025.

In its recent report titled ‘The Situation of Women Environmental & Human Rights Defenders Across Africa,’ released in December 2025, a total of 261 attacks targeting land and environmental rights defenders across all countries since 2022 were recorded, highlighting the urgent need for policy change to protect women defenders better better better and sustain their vital roles.

“Across Africa, women environmental and human rights defenders (WEHRDs) are standing at the frontlines of the fight for land, water, and climate justice, and they are paying a steep price for their courage. From Kenya to the DRC, Uganda to South Africa, women activists confront not only repression but also deeply rooted patriarchal norms,” the report reads, aiming to inspire resilience and collective action.

Mary Mwangi, a land and environmental rights defender in Kenya, has been arrested more than eight times since 2020 for defending her community along Kenya’s coast against pollution, caused mainly by industries operating along the Mombasa highway in Nairobi.

“I’ve been facing numerous trumped-up charges since 2020 by the state on behalf of a private oil recycling company. The company is located right in the middle of a residential area where around 2,000 people live,” the woman defender reveals.

According to her testimony, the company began operations in 2019 without following due process and in violation of Kenya’s Environmental Management and Coordination Act. The company’s activities, including the delivery of used oil, its pre-treatment, and its refining into specific products, have had severe negative environmental impacts on residents.

“I was one of the residents who raised environmental concerns with company management, but no action was taken. The plant was operating against the will of the people, as there was no public participation in its development. Toxic gases were produced, endangering both human and livestock health and lives. The plant releases sulphuric acid, which is highly corrosive and has caused severe skin burns within the community,” she adds.

According to Mwangi, instead of addressing the concerns raised, the company’s response has been brutal, extending to her family and several community members through harassment, intimidation, arrests, and trumped-up charges.

“The company management conspired with local police in a series of harassment and intimidation campaigns that resulted in arrests and fabricated charges targeting residents, particularly families championing community rights. I was among the first to be targeted because I mobilised the community. There are currently four cases in court involving me, my family, my husband and children, and a few community members supporting this struggle.”

Beyond the legal harassment, Mwangi says her movements have been restricted, and she continues to face threats to her life.

“I cannot move freely because my movements are being monitored by company management. The biggest threat I face now is fear for my life and that of my family. There are compelling individuals within government who have openly shown they will stop at nothing,” she says.

Such conditions, once more commonly faced by male defenders, are increasingly affecting women as well. Mary is not alone; many other female defenders are falling prey to powerful multinational corporations and governments intent on grabbing community land for harmful projects.

Women defenders face disproportionate risks, including gender-based violence, criminalisation, intimidation, and exclusion from decision-making processes. Despite their critical contributions, their experiences of WEHRDs are often overlooked, their voices sidelined, and their struggles underreported.

“They endure smear campaigns, sexual violence, online abuse, and many other abuses for daring to challenge power. Many are targeted precisely because they are women, with their gender weaponized to silence their voices and discredit their leadership,” the report adds, emphasizing the threats women defenders face and the need for protective measures.

According to ALLIED Coalition data, of the 261 attacks reported, 18 targeted women, compared to 88 against men, with 70 cases categorized as unknown or unspecified, emphasizing the urgent need for protective measures for women defenders and a clearer understanding of the scale of the crisis.

Uganda—often referred to as the Pearl of Africa—has emerged as a hazardous zone. The report shows that 94 cases were reported from Uganda, followed by the Democratic Republic of Congo and Tanzania, each accounting for around 15% of attacks, with 35 and 34 cases, respectively.

“Environmental activists have been particularly targeted by the Ugandan government, with the most high-profile cases involving protests against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

Physical attacks and threats against environmental human rights defenders have escalated, with no indication they will subside. These acts are perpetrated by both government officials and representatives of oil companies,” the report notes.

The most frequent category of attacks recorded was “threats or other harassment” (33 cases or 18%), indicating sustained intimidation short of overt violence. Arbitrary arrest or detention accounted for 16 cases (9%), physical attacks for 15 cases (8%), and death threats for 13 cases (7%), underscoring the persistence of criminalisation and direct violence. A smaller number of entries (9 cases or 5%) involved non-violation-related support such as solidarity or medical aid, suggesting limited preventive or recovery-oriented interventions.

A third of the cases were linked to the fossil fuel industry (oil and gas), with mining and energy accounting for 25 and 23 attacks, respectively.

Across Africa, land continues to be targeted by corporate interests from the West, often branding themselves as developers or job creators. African governments, in turn, allocate vast tracts of land to these companies, much of it traditionally used by Indigenous or local communities.

For years, the continent has been shaped by the misleading narrative that Africa possesses vast, vacant, or underutilised land awaiting transformation into industrial farms or profitable carbon markets.

However, a 2025 report by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), Land Availability and Land-Use Changes in Africa, dismissed this narrative. Drawing on satellite data, field research, and interviews with farmers across the continent, the study revealed that Africa’s landscapes are far from empty.

“Much of the land labelled as ‘underutilised’ is, in fact, used for grazing, shifting cultivation, gathering wild foods, spiritual practices, or forms part of ecologically significant systems such as forests, wetlands, or savannahs,” the report stated.

In conclusion, the Natural Justice report calls on African states to recognise and protect WEHRDs by adopting national laws and policies that explicitly acknowledge their role and the state’s duty to protect them. This includes meaningful consultation with civil society and alignment with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

It further calls on African governments to tackle the drivers of harm against WEHRDs by protecting land and environmental rights, ending criminalisation and harassment, and preventing and addressing gender-based threats and violence. Ensuring the recognition and protection of women defenders and their communities remains critical.

Despite the stress and fatigue caused by her work, Mary Mwangi remains committed to the struggle.

“I will continue the work and try new strategies. We are considering organising and implementing projects around environmental rights as a tool for environmental justice. If communities are well sensitised and understand their rights, they may support the struggle. That would also help reduce the risks faced by my family,” she concludes.

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Communities once resettled by President Museveni in Kiryandongo now find themselves losing their land to a sugarcane investor, accusing the Uganda Land Commission of granting a leasehold behind their backs.

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By the Witness Radio team.

For over ten years, families in Ranch 11, Kiryandongo District, cherished the hope that they had at last found a true home.

Their path to Ranch 11 was paved with hardship and repeated displacement. Some families, as Witness Radio discovered, were forced out of conservation areas, while others lost their homes amid political turmoil. When the government finally allocated them land through the Office of the President, they dared to believe their long search for safety was over.

Yet now, the very land they say President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni gave them has become the heart of a fresh conflict, as a sugarcane company lays claim to it.

Residents now accuse the Uganda Land Commission of quietly leasing part of Ranch 11 to sugarcane investor M/S Muhazi Heritage, leaving out the very communities who had built lives there for over a decade.

For families like Fred Kangume’s, this so-called development feels like yet another eviction, carried out without the voices or consent of those who call the land home.

“We were resettled on this land on orders of the President. And now we are surprised that an investor was given the same land without our consent or being informed,” Kangume told Witness Radio.

A Witness Radio investigation reveals a troubling contradiction: while official documents show attempts to secure land for these communities, the Uganda Land Commission later handed over more than 1,000 hectares of that very land to Muhazi Heritage through a lease agreement.

This dispute now sparks a deeper question about land governance in Uganda: how can families settled by government order lose their land when another state body gives it away to a private investor?

Several correspondences reviewed by Witness Radio indicate that President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni directed the Ministry of Lands to allocate land in Kiryandongo to approximately 750 landless families, including the Nubian and Kibyama communities who had converged in Kigumba and were living in difficult conditions in makeshift settlements.

The affected groups included about 350 families who had been evicted from the Karuma Wildlife Reserve in 1999 and 404 Nubian families who had been displaced from different parts of Uganda during and after the 1978/79 political turmoil.

According to information obtained by Witness Radio from the office of the Minister of State for Lands, the history of displacement for some of these families dates back to the 1970s.

During the government of former President Idi Amin, authorities established the Palestinian Farm at Kiroko in Kiryandongo Sub-county, displacing hundreds of families from their land.

The documents indicate that the affected families were neither compensated nor resettled after losing their land. As a result, some moved to neighboring public land, which was later gazetted as part of the Karuma Forest Reserve.

Years later, these same families faced another displacement when the Uganda Wildlife Authority evicted them from the reserve, leaving many without homes, land for cultivation, or reliable sources of livelihood.

The second group comprised members of the Nubian community who, after returning from exile, found that their former homes and properties in places such as Gulu, Lira, Soroti, and other parts of Uganda had been taken over during insurgencies. They also faced a challenging social and political environment, forcing many to seek refuge among friends and relatives in Masindi District.

With both groups facing prolonged landlessness and uncertainty, they petitioned President Museveni in 2000, requesting government intervention and resettlement.

A 2001 correspondence from the Ministry of Lands to the Office of the President states that government officials identified Ranch 11, part of the former Bunyoro Ranching Scheme, as available land that could be used to resettle the landless families.

The document states: “Within Masindi District, currently Kiryandongo District, was a vacant Ranch No. 11… which according to the Ranches Restructuring exercise was allocated to the Office of the President and could in this circumstance be subdivided to settle the landless 750 families.”

In 2006, President Museveni directed that the communities be resettled on approximately 5.5 square miles of land in Ranch 11.

For these families, the directive represented a new beginning and what they hoped would be an end to decades of displacement. In 2013, with support from local leaders and officers from the Ministry of Lands, the affected communities were resettled on the land.

Over the years, residents had built homes, established trading centers, and invested in agriculture. But according to residents, the land was never fully surveyed, and individual ownership documents were never issued.

In 2023, the Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) of Kiryandongo District requested financial support from the Ministry of Finance to facilitate the resettlement process for these categories: “Nubian community and families displaced from Karuma Wildlife Reserve.”

A letter from Permanent Secretary Ramathan Ggoobi informed the district that Shs200 million (about $53,428 USD) would be provided for the exercise. The funds, according to the letter, were to be budgeted under the Transitional Development Grant for the 2023/24 financial year.

Yet as communities waited in hope for official land documents, a separate process was quietly granting the same land to an investor.

Documents obtained by Witness Radio show that the Uganda Land Commission, during the Commission’s meeting of 4 August 2023 under Minute 64/2023(a)(04), approved the allocation of 1,059.89 hectares of land, equivalent to four square miles, to Muhazi Heritage.

The company received a five-year lease, renewable up to 49 years. On 17 December 2024, the Uganda Land Commission issued a certificate of title to Muhazi Heritage.

This turn of events stunned residents, who insist they were never consulted despite being the rightful occupants. Instead of security, the allocation sparked another wave of violent evictions as the company pressed for full control and communities fought back against what they called blatant land grabbing.

Charles Kalakire, the chairperson of Kimogola B village, told Witness Radio that local leaders were not involved in the allocation process.

“I was never consulted when the Uganda Land Commission awarded land to the company, which had legally known sitting tenants,” Kalakire said.

He added that he only learned about changes in land allocation after receiving information from district security officials.

“I got this information from the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), a president’s representative in the district, and the District Internal Security Officer (DISO) that land had now moved from the hands of the people to the investor,” he added.

Residents say the investor’s deal left just 1.5 square miles for over 750 families. For many, the conflict has spilled from paperwork into daily life.

“The situation is worse; people are beaten and forced to receive compensation, a level of impunity which forced the state minister of lands, Hon Sam Mayanja, to intervene and cause harmony in the area.” Mr. David Bakundaki, another resident, said.

During his visit to Kimogora in 2024, Mayanja revealed that the investor had requested the commission to allocate his company the entire Ranch 11 measuring over 5.5 square miles.

Based on his guidance, through a 2024 letter to the commission, he ordered the commission to allocate 4 square miles, and the remaining 1.5 square miles be used to resettle the affected people. The company was also directed to compensate residents, support relocation, and provide infrastructure including schools, health facilities, and roads as part of corporate social responsibility.

However, residents and leaders say the remaining land is already occupied, making relocation difficult.

“The people who have been occupying the four-square miles are now being packed into the 1.5 square miles. They are being allocated a quarter acre. On top of that, the allocations are now creating land tensions with those they found in.”

“Also, those who have received compensation have got peanuts, 200,000, 300,000 Uganda shillings, which can’t afford to cater for their families or buy land elsewhere, and the responsibility that had to come along with resettling people was never fulfilled.” Mr. Godfrey Kiviri, former chairperson of Mutunda A village, told Witness Radio.

Meanwhile, those refusing to leave their land face violence from company workers, supported by security forces.

The Ranch 11 saga lays bare a deep contradiction in Uganda’s land management: a government meant to restore dignity to the displaced later hands their land to a private sugarcane investor.

For these communities, the fight has become about more than land. It is now a struggle for trust, accountability, and the hope that government promises to its most vulnerable will be honored.

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News: Kapapi Land dispute: Security investigate gunfire exch

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HOIMA — Security in Hoima district is investigating circumstances under which police personnel and Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officers deployed at the disputed Kapapi land in Kapapi sub-county, Hoima district, exchanged gunfire and left two vehicles damaged.

The incident occurred last Sunday at night as UPDF officers deployed on the disputed land attempted to arrest Capt. Rogers Karamagi, the manager of Brig. Gen. Peter Akankunda Nabasa on the land.

Brig. Gen. Nabasa got involved in the Kapapi land dispute after Moses Byangire, the administrator of the late Tito Byangire’s estate leased 700 acres of land to the general for 10 years in Kigorobya, Hoima District.

The deployment of UPDF soldiers on the land was after the 2,000 residents who were evicted from the land measuring about three square miles petitioned the former lands state minister, Dr Sam Mayanja (now Attorney General), seeking his intervention.

When Mayanja visited the land in October last year, he ordered the Commander of the Field Artillery Division based in Masindi, Maj. Gen. Daniel Kakono, to deploy security on the disputed land to protect the evictees and to disarm private security personnel who had deployed there.

Since then, UPDF soldiers have been deployed on the land and have not been allowing any agent to step on the land covering over four villages, including Waki South, Waki North, Runga, Kapapi Central and Kiryateete, all within Kapapi sub-county.

How it startedAccording to Brig. Gen. Nabasa, on the fateful day, Karamagi was coming from Kapapi sub-county driving a Toyota Mark X registration number UBR 117L when soldiers started trailing him.

Nabasa explained that when Karamagi realised that some people were following him, he drove off the main road and hid the car at the home of a one Nyakahara Mudede in Kapapi 1 village.

While in his hideout, Karamagi reportedly called police officers from Kigorobya police station to intervene and rescue him from the group, which wanted to arrest him.

However, shortly after police arrived at the scene in a Toyota Corolla XS, UAK 227D, one of the UPDF officers also showed up and attempted to grab Karamagi.

The Toyota Corolla (UAK 227D) used by police officers from Kigorobya sub-county to rescue Karamagi was also damaged during the scuffle. (Photo by Peter Abaanabasazi)

The Toyota Corolla (UAK 227D) used by police officers from Kigorobya sub-county to rescue Karamagi was also damaged during the scuffle. (Photo by Peter Abaanabasazi)

According to eyewitness, a scuffle ensued during which police and the UPDF officers exchanged gunfire. In the process, Karamagi’s car and another used by police officers had their tyres flattened.

“Karamagi was my manager before they had blocked us from this land. All along, they have been tracking him; I do not know what they need from him,” Nabasa said.

Mudede said that several bullets that were fired left the residents in the area in panic.

Authorities speak out

When contacted for a comment, Christopher Ayine, the Hoima deputy resident district commissioner, confirmed the incident.

Ayine said they have instructed the Hoima district police commander and the Albertine regional police commander to investigate the matter. “Whoever will be found in the wrong will be arrested.”

The Albertine Regional Police Spokesperson, Julius Allan Hakiza, declined to comment on the matter and referred New Vision to the UPDF.

Maj. Flavia Terimulungi, the UPDF 1st division public information officer, said that the army was following up on the issue.

Source: newvision.co.ug/

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Uganda is grappling with mounting land struggles as the needs of refugees collide with the rights and hopes of the communities that host them.

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By the Witness Radio team.

For more than ten years, hundreds of families in Kikuube District have fought to piece their lives back together after losing their land to the ever-expanding Kyangwali Refugee Settlement.

One such person is Mr. Ahumuza Busingye, a community leader who recalls how, in 2013, many families were uprooted when the government seized their land to make room for more refugees.

“We have been suffering since 2013 when we were evicted from our land to expand Kyangwali camp. “The problem is we are often displaced from fertile land which is given to refugees. That hurts us. Our families have grown, but we have no place to settle them. We now live in an informal settlement with no land to farm and sustain ourselves,” said Mr. Busingye.

Mr. Busingye’s experience mirrors a rising dilemma in Uganda, a nation celebrated worldwide for its welcoming approach to refugees. Unlike countries that restrict refugees to camps, Uganda offers land for settlement, freedom to move, opportunities to work and start businesses, and access to schools, healthcare, and public services. These progressive policies have transformed Uganda into Africa’s largest haven for refugees and one of the most significant hosts on the planet.

Yet, even as Uganda’s refugee policy draws global praise, tough questions linger about how the country can keep protecting refugees without sacrificing the land rights, livelihoods, and futures of its own people.

This challenge formed the central theme of an X Spaces discussion organized by UCOBAC (Uganda Community Based Association for Women and Children Welfare) in partnership with AWO International and co-hosted by NBS TV under the theme, “Understanding Land Governance: Issues Affecting Refugee and Host Communities in Uganda.”

The event brought together voices from government, academia, humanitarian groups, and the legal sector to tackle rising land governance issues in refugee-hosting districts and to seek ways for refugees and host communities to live together in harmony.

Uganda now shelters almost 1.9 million refugees and asylum seekers, most of them women and children escaping violence in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and nearby nations. As new arrivals pour in and families grow, the hunger for land intensifies, sparking fresh challenges for both refugees and the communities that welcome them.

Dr. Brian Makabayi, a lecturer in the Department of Geomatics and Land Management at Makerere University, argued that refugee settlements should no longer be viewed as temporary humanitarian interventions.

“The issue is not only humanitarian assistance where we are trying to solve the problem temporarily. These communities have stayed for long periods, and if these issues are not properly managed, they can become violent,” he said.

Citing research from districts like Adjumani, Makabayi pointed out that refugees now make up nearly half the population in some places. As families expand but land stays the same, the struggle for space grows ever more intense.

“Many refugees lease farmland from host communities to supplement the small plots allocated to them. However, conflicts often emerge when landowners decide to reclaim their land for personal use, sale, or lease to other people before previous agreements expire.” He further added.

Ms. Claire Birungi Agaba, the Information, Counseling and Legal Assistance Specialist at the Norwegian Refugee Council, said many of the land disputes her organization handles arise from informal and undocumented land agreements.

She explained that land transactions between refugees and host communities are frequently based on verbal agreements without written records specifying land size, duration of use, payment arrangements or responsibilities of each party. As a result, disputes over boundaries, crop destruction, unexpected evictions and changing rental terms have become increasingly common.

“Many host families themselves occupy customary land that has never been formally documented, making it difficult to prove ownership whenever disagreements arise.”  She said.

Responding to concerns about land acquisition, Agnes Baseera, Protection Officer (Legal) in the Office of the Prime Minister’s Department of Refugees, said the government does not allocate land for refugee settlements arbitrarily.

According to Baseera, establishing refugee settlements involves close collaboration between the Office of the Prime Minister, district local governments, line ministries, development partners and host communities.

She explained that before any land is designated, the government verifies ownership, assesses the suitability of the land and considers factors such as security, access to water, food availability and the capacity of social services.

“The host communities are always part of this process,” Baseera said, adding that consultation remains central to the government’s refugee settlement policy.

Eunice Nabakwa, Principal Land Officer at the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, argued that securing customary land rights is essential to reducing future conflicts.

She noted that more than 75 percent of Uganda’s land is held under customary tenure, much of it without formal documentation. Since many refugee settlements are located on customary land, uncertainty over ownership and boundaries often fuels disputes.

To address this, the Ministry is implementing systematic land adjudication, demarcation, mapping and certification programs, including the issuance of Certificates of Customary

Ownership (CCOs).

These initiatives are intended to formally recognize customary land rights, strengthen tenure security, clarify boundaries and improve local land administration.

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