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Opinion: Why is IFC contributing to poverty in Guinea?

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While most of the world was sheltering in place due to the COVID-19 pandemic in March, a hundred families were uprooted from their lush, centuries-old village in western Guinea and relocated to a barren hilltop to make way for a sprawling bauxite mine, backed by the International Finance Corporation.

Residents of the Hamdallaye village say the Compagnie des Bauxites de Guinée, or CBG, moved them to an unfinished resettlement site that lacks adequate housing, water, and arable land to replace the farmland that the company has taken from them over the past decade.

Three months later, World Bank President David Malpass responded to the Black Lives Matter movement by committing to tackle racial injustice and inequality, including within the World Bank Group. A banner reading “#EndRacism” was draped across the façade of the bank’s headquarters in Washington.

If these words are to be more than just a hashtag, the bank should take a hard look at how it is deepening inequality by contributing to the plunder of African resources, at the expense of African lives, to help some of the wealthiest corporations accumulate more wealth.

One of the world’s largest bauxite miners, CBG is a joint venture of the Guinean government and three multinational mining companies — Rio Tinto, Alcoa, and Dadco — and supplies the raw material for aluminum in an array of consumer products, from Ford trucks and BMW luxury cars to Campbell’s soup and Coca-Cola cans.

In 2016, the company received a package of loans estimated at $795 million from IFC, the U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and a syndicate of commercial banks to expand its bauxite production. The German government guaranteed a portion of the financing through its untied loan guarantees program.

Last year, the residents of Hamdallaye joined 12 other villages in filing a complaint with IFC’s independent watchdog, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman, or CAO, saying CBG had grabbed their ancestral land, polluted their water sources, and caused long-term damage to their livelihoods with IFC’s acquiescence.

The company responded to the complaint, as well as others, by saying that it has adopted and adhered to IFC’s environmental and social performance standards over the past four years but that it “wishes to learn more about the concerns expressed in the complaint and initiate a process to resolve the disputes with the Complainants.”

The communities and the company were scheduled to begin mediations in April 2020 under the auspices of CAO. The people of Hamdallaye expected to have this opportunity to negotiate their resettlement terms on a fair footing. Mediations were postponed due to the coronavirus pandemic, yet CBG plowed ahead with the resettlement of the village regardless. The company has since issued a statement about this.

To help Hamdallaye and the other communities prepare for mediations, my organization, Inclusive Development International, supported them to conduct a participatory mapping exercise and to analyze Earth observation data from 1974 to 2019. This mapping documented and geolocated the impacts of CBG’s operations on 17 villages.

The results were staggering, suggesting that the residents of these villages — which make up only a small fraction of the roughly 230 villages affected by CBG’s expansion — collectively lost more than 100 water sources and more than 80 square kilometers of cropland to CBG’s mining activities. The company has yet to pay a cent in compensation for this land.

What’s worse, CBG is not rehabilitating most of the land it exploited. Bauxite mining strips vast areas of fertile topsoil to access the minerals underneath, creating “dead zones” that are useless for agriculture without proper rehabilitation. An analysis of satellite imagery indicates that over the lifetime of the mine, the company has rehabilitated only about 10% of the land that it has exploited, and large portions have been re-mined since the IFC-backed expansion began in 2016.

The land that CBG and other bauxite miners are destroying underpins the economic and food security of some 400,000 farmers in the Boké region. Far from bringing development to this corner of West Africa, this investment threatens to cause impoverishment on a massive scale.

So why is a member of the World Bank Group, along with the U.S. and German governments, fostering poverty in what is already one of the world’s poorest nations?

The project backers said that CBG’s expansion would benefit social development and stimulate economic growth in Boké. IFC acknowledged the investment’s significant risks but justified them on the basis of the environmental and social “additionality” that it would bring, pledging to “support the Company in areas such as biodiversity, resettlement and water management.” The loan package is predicated on CBG’s commitment to comply with its environmental and social performance standards.

CBG has not only failed to acknowledge and redress its 30-year legacy of harm, but it is still not complying with IFC’s standards as it expands its operations over vast new areas of land. That is not just our analysis but also the conclusion of the project’s independent environmental and social monitor.

CBG’s unwillingness to remediate and avoid further harm may have been tolerated by the lenders so far, but it is causing enormous frustration among the local population. In 2017, Boké saw large-scale riots by thousands of young people protesting bauxite mining in the region, resulting in multiple deaths of protestors at the hands of security forces. The protesters weren’t saying no to mining; they were simply demanding a fair share of the benefits.

CBG’s multinational owners do not actually need IFC’s advice on how to mine bauxite more responsibly. After a lengthy legal battle, Rio Tinto reached an agreement with Indigenous landowners to lease the site of its Gove mine in Australia’s Northern Territory. Rio agreed to pay the communities between $15 million and $18 million a year in rent over a 42-year period, along with a range of other development and employment benefits.

The people of Guinea deserve nothing less. And we expect no less from a “development” project that has benefited greatly from the largesse of our public tax dollars.

 Original Post: Devex

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East African lawmakers and CSO leaders are meeting in Uganda to draw up plans to promote Agroecology as an alternative to climate change mitigation.

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By Witness Radio team.

Mukono, Uganda — the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) members and Civil society organizations (CSOs) leaders in Uganda are convening in Nakisunga, Mukono district today, 28th November, to discuss how to promote agroecology at the regional level and inspire a collective commitment to regional resilience.

Agroecology offers a robust, holistic approach to combating climate change by enhancing the resilience of food systems and reducing their environmental impact.

Spearheaded by the Center for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT), the event emphasizes integrating agroecology into regional climate resilience strategies, especially as the East African Community (EAC) faces rising food costs, climate shocks, and declining soil health.

During the meeting, EALA members, together with CSOs, will explore how principles like crop diversification, soil regeneration, and community seed saving can directly improve smallholder farmers’ resilience and livelihoods, complemented by a hands-on field visit to the CEFROHT Agroecology Learning Center in Mukono.

The event has also occurred at a time when EALA is reviewing the East African Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025, which is being criticized for undermining the role of smallholder farmers in seed saving, conservation, and the management of seed systems to promote healthy foods.

Players from CSOs include: Participatory Ecological Land Use Management (PELUM Uganda), Eastern and Southern Africa Small-scale Farmers’ Forum (ESAFF), Seed Savers Network Kenya, TABIO Tanzania, the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), Slow Food Uganda, SEATINI, FIAN Uganda, and the Mukono District Local Government, among others.

The meeting will lay the groundwork for East Africa’s first Policy and Model Law on Agroecology, a long-awaited step toward sustainable and equitable agri-food systems that empower regional stakeholders to shape the future.

The event will be broadcast live on Witness Radio.

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Kenyan farmers secure right to share local seeds in court ruling

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A small-scale farmer works at his maize farm where he plants indigenous seeds at Kyeleni village of Machakos, Kenya December 13, 2022. REUTERS/Monicah Mwangi Purchase Licensing Rights

NAIROBI, Nov 27 (Reuters) – Small-scale farmers in Kenya sang and celebrated on Thursday after a court ruling secured their right to carry on the traditional practice of sharing local seeds.

Kenya’s High Court said that part of a law banning the practice was unconstitutional, a ruling that farmer Samuel Kioko called a “great victory”.

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“It will be a relief for us farmers because we will be planting seeds that are familiar to us. We know where they come from, they are drought resistant and they have been in our lineage all along for many years,” he said in Kenya’s capital Nairobi after watching the court give the verdict online.

Under the 2012 “Seed and Plant Varieties Act”, anyone who saved uncertified seeds from their crops, then sold or shared them, could face fines or jail. The state-run Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service argues on its website the legislation was meant to guarantee seed quality and maximise yields.

A group of smallholder farmers from across Kenya petitioned the High Court in 2022 asking it to declare that the parts of the law imposing those penalties were unconstitutional.

A lawyer representing the farmers said the court in Machakos town, about 60 km (40 miles) southeast of the capital, had ruled the law did not treat farmers and commercial seed producers equally.

Parts of the law “granted extensive proprietary rights to plant breeders and there was no corresponding right that was given to the farmers. So, it favoured big commercial and corporate interests over the rights of farmers,” Wambugu Wanjohi from the Law Society of Kenya said.

Campaign group Greenpeace called the ruling a victory for “food sovereignty”.

The verdict, it said, affirmed that “the ancient right of farmers to save and share seeds supersedes commercial interests, reshaping the legal balance of power between communities and agribusiness worldwide.”

Karoly Bus is the inventor behind the waste-based concrete.

Source: reuters.com

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Land for over 1000 families claimed to be a forest reserve and grabbed by NFA is now used for cattle keeping under heavy Army guardship – Witness Radio.

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By Witness Radio team.

In 2014, the NFA used force to evict thousands from what it claimed was a forest reserve, and 11 years later, the land is now privately used for cattle and crops, highlighting ongoing land injustice.  

The land-grab victims were residents of Buwaya and Nairambi sub-counties, and of Buvuma Town Council in Buvuma District. Buvuma is an island district in Uganda’s Central Region, comprising 52 islands on Lake Victoria.

The NFA claimed that the land was part of Kakonwa Central Forest Reserve.

Victims revealed that between 15th and 18th July 2014, security agencies’ personnel and NFA workers stormed their homes, fired tear gas, burned houses, looted valuable properties, and destroyed crops and other property, claiming they had unlawfully occupied forest reserve land.

Testimonies reveal families were displaced without consultation or compensation, leaving them devastated and struggling to rebuild their lives, urging urgent attention.

Many residents confirm that as soon as their land was grabbed, UPDF soldiers established a detachment to guard it and turned it into private property for some individuals.

“They said we were illegally occupying a forest reserve. Why is it that today the same land is used for grazing and by private farmers? We don’t know who benefits from this, but there is an Army detachment on the land guarding it, and we also see some rich farmers and cattle keepers using the same land. Why should other people benefit while we, the former owners, continue suffering?” Said Bwire Martin.

Bwire 42, one of the victims formerly of Mpolwe village, says he had lived and cultivated his land for many years before his home was demolished. “We were reduced to laborers from landlords, with the majority of my fellow victims now working on other people’s plantations, especially oil palm growers, just to survive.

The affected families say they have made numerous attempts to seek redress from various government offices, including the Ministry of Lands, but without success.

“We have tried all offices to get justice, but nothing is possible,” Wandera added. “People are suffering. Many are now staying in informal settlements, living as refugees because they were robbed of their livelihood.”

Residents insist that they will continue to demand what they believe is rightfully theirs. When contacted, NFA spokesperson Mr. Aldon Walukamba dismissed the renewed demands, describing the former residents as “illegal encroachers” allegedly being influenced by politicians and “self-seekers.”

He insisted that the contested area is part of the Kakwona Central Forest Reserve and denied the evictees’ claims of legitimate ownership of the land. Asked about residents’ claims of having land ownership documents, Walukamba responded, “If people can own land titles in wetlands or lakes, why can’t these also get such documents?”

Mr. Walukamba, however, requested Witness Radio to speak to the Permanent secretary, Ministry of Water and Environment, Mr. Alfred Okot Okidi for more information about the case. However, despite multiple attempts to speak to Mr. Okidi, his known contacts remained un answered by the time of publication of the article.

Mr. Wandera Alphonse, now living in Kiteredde village, is one of the thousands who lost their livelihoods during the evictions. He says he and his family had settled on the land in 2008 and were living on six acres when the eviction occurred.

“Police and soldiers destroyed my permanent house, and all my crops. I now rent in Kiteredde, so my family of eight can have somewhere to live. We were never consulted, compensated, or resettled. They call us illegal settlers, but this has been our home for years.” Wandera said in an interview with the Witness Radio team

Before the eviction, Wandera and his family were thriving well in Bukinarwa parish, using the land for agricultural purposes. “I was a farmer who depended a lot on seasonal harvests to support my family’s livelihood. I used to cultivate beans, rice, and bananas, and I earned more than a million (1,000,000/= Uganda Shillings), which was enough to take care of everything. But now, the NFA has rendered me hopeless,” he said.

Similarly, Nakagoro Hajira, who settled on the land with her husband in 2000, says her family was left devastated.

“This has been our home for years. We never settled in a forest reserve,” she said. “After the eviction, our ten children stopped going to school because we lost our only source of income. We now rent and survive by laboring on other people’s plantations.”

Victims have renewed their call for the return of their land, insisting they were unjustly displaced and need support to rebuild their lives.

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