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Opinion: Why is IFC contributing to poverty in Guinea?

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Market in Guinea

While most of the world was sheltering in place due to the COVID-19 pandemic in March, a hundred families were uprooted from their lush, centuries-old village in western Guinea and relocated to a barren hilltop to make way for a sprawling bauxite mine, backed by the International Finance Corporation.

Residents of the Hamdallaye village say the Compagnie des Bauxites de Guinée, or CBG, moved them to an unfinished resettlement site that lacks adequate housing, water, and arable land to replace the farmland that the company has taken from them over the past decade.

Three months later, World Bank President David Malpass responded to the Black Lives Matter movement by committing to tackle racial injustice and inequality, including within the World Bank Group. A banner reading “#EndRacism” was draped across the façade of the bank’s headquarters in Washington.

If these words are to be more than just a hashtag, the bank should take a hard look at how it is deepening inequality by contributing to the plunder of African resources, at the expense of African lives, to help some of the wealthiest corporations accumulate more wealth.

One of the world’s largest bauxite miners, CBG is a joint venture of the Guinean government and three multinational mining companies — Rio Tinto, Alcoa, and Dadco — and supplies the raw material for aluminum in an array of consumer products, from Ford trucks and BMW luxury cars to Campbell’s soup and Coca-Cola cans.

In 2016, the company received a package of loans estimated at $795 million from IFC, the U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and a syndicate of commercial banks to expand its bauxite production. The German government guaranteed a portion of the financing through its untied loan guarantees program.

Last year, the residents of Hamdallaye joined 12 other villages in filing a complaint with IFC’s independent watchdog, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman, or CAO, saying CBG had grabbed their ancestral land, polluted their water sources, and caused long-term damage to their livelihoods with IFC’s acquiescence.

The company responded to the complaint, as well as others, by saying that it has adopted and adhered to IFC’s environmental and social performance standards over the past four years but that it “wishes to learn more about the concerns expressed in the complaint and initiate a process to resolve the disputes with the Complainants.”

The communities and the company were scheduled to begin mediations in April 2020 under the auspices of CAO. The people of Hamdallaye expected to have this opportunity to negotiate their resettlement terms on a fair footing. Mediations were postponed due to the coronavirus pandemic, yet CBG plowed ahead with the resettlement of the village regardless. The company has since issued a statement about this.

To help Hamdallaye and the other communities prepare for mediations, my organization, Inclusive Development International, supported them to conduct a participatory mapping exercise and to analyze Earth observation data from 1974 to 2019. This mapping documented and geolocated the impacts of CBG’s operations on 17 villages.

The results were staggering, suggesting that the residents of these villages — which make up only a small fraction of the roughly 230 villages affected by CBG’s expansion — collectively lost more than 100 water sources and more than 80 square kilometers of cropland to CBG’s mining activities. The company has yet to pay a cent in compensation for this land.

What’s worse, CBG is not rehabilitating most of the land it exploited. Bauxite mining strips vast areas of fertile topsoil to access the minerals underneath, creating “dead zones” that are useless for agriculture without proper rehabilitation. An analysis of satellite imagery indicates that over the lifetime of the mine, the company has rehabilitated only about 10% of the land that it has exploited, and large portions have been re-mined since the IFC-backed expansion began in 2016.

The land that CBG and other bauxite miners are destroying underpins the economic and food security of some 400,000 farmers in the Boké region. Far from bringing development to this corner of West Africa, this investment threatens to cause impoverishment on a massive scale.

So why is a member of the World Bank Group, along with the U.S. and German governments, fostering poverty in what is already one of the world’s poorest nations?

The project backers said that CBG’s expansion would benefit social development and stimulate economic growth in Boké. IFC acknowledged the investment’s significant risks but justified them on the basis of the environmental and social “additionality” that it would bring, pledging to “support the Company in areas such as biodiversity, resettlement and water management.” The loan package is predicated on CBG’s commitment to comply with its environmental and social performance standards.

CBG has not only failed to acknowledge and redress its 30-year legacy of harm, but it is still not complying with IFC’s standards as it expands its operations over vast new areas of land. That is not just our analysis but also the conclusion of the project’s independent environmental and social monitor.

CBG’s unwillingness to remediate and avoid further harm may have been tolerated by the lenders so far, but it is causing enormous frustration among the local population. In 2017, Boké saw large-scale riots by thousands of young people protesting bauxite mining in the region, resulting in multiple deaths of protestors at the hands of security forces. The protesters weren’t saying no to mining; they were simply demanding a fair share of the benefits.

CBG’s multinational owners do not actually need IFC’s advice on how to mine bauxite more responsibly. After a lengthy legal battle, Rio Tinto reached an agreement with Indigenous landowners to lease the site of its Gove mine in Australia’s Northern Territory. Rio agreed to pay the communities between $15 million and $18 million a year in rent over a 42-year period, along with a range of other development and employment benefits.

The people of Guinea deserve nothing less. And we expect no less from a “development” project that has benefited greatly from the largesse of our public tax dollars.

 Original Post: Devex

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More than 1.1 billion people worldwide face a risk of land eviction – Global report

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By Witness Radio team.

A global report released by the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) in collaboration with other organizations has reported that more than 1.1 billion people worldwide— about 23 percent of the global adult population—live under the constant fear of losing their land or homes within the next five years, threatening their livelihoods, food security, and resilience to climate change. 

“Too many people still live with the fear of losing their land and homes, with women and young people remaining among the most excluded—a reality that undermines food security, climate action, and biodiversity protection, and shows why secure land rights are foundational to achieving all three,” says Marcy Vigoda, Director of the International Land Coalition. 

The report, titled “Status of Land Tenure and Governance” (SLTG), was authored by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the International Land Coalition (ILC), and the French Agricultural Research Organization CIRAD. The report states that, despite progress over the past two decades, only 35 percent of the world’s land has formally documented ownership, tenure, or use rights. 

The report notes that commercial interests constitute a major driver of land insecurity. In addition to large-scale land acquisitions, corporate investments, and financialized shareholding, the report identifies factors such as weak land governance, inadequate recognition of customary tenure systems, and increasing demands for agricultural commodities as contributing to intensified land concentration. These dynamics, particularly evident in the aftermath of the 2008–2009 food and financial crises, have accelerated the transfer of land from smallholders and local communities, exacerbating vulnerabilities among populations lacking secure tenure. 

Lands once considered marginal investment opportunities are now highly sought after for industrial farming, conservation, carbon storage, and other climate-related projects. In some cases, climate mitigation projects such as renewable energy, carbon offset schemes, and biofuel plantations are also increasing pressure on these lands, especially where tenure rights are not legally recognized.

The new report is the first comprehensive global stock take designed to track how land is owned, used, and governed. It complements decades of guidance on implementing the Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries, and Forests (VGGT). It responds to the growing demand to integrate land rights with climate action, gender equality, biodiversity protection, and more.

While international and national policies on land tenure have expanded, the report highlights that implementation remains slow and uneven. Although global frameworks have been widely adopted, the uptake and application of responsible land governance principles remain limited.

Worldwide, governments legally own more than 64 percent of land, including areas under customary systems that often lack formal documentation. A little over a quarter of land is privately owned, while about 10 percent of global land has an unknown tenure status.

The findings also reveal that the top 10 percent of the largest landholders operate about 89 percent of all agricultural land, showing the high concentration of land ownership globally. Secure land tenure enables people to invest in land, improve productivity, protect ecosystems, and strengthen food security.

“Land insecurity is one of the most damaging forms of inequality, paid for in lower productivity, weaker resilience, and poorer nutrition. Secure land tenure enables sustainable investment and is the difference between short-term survival and long-term food security,” FAO Chief Economist Maximo Torero Cullen reveals.

The report highlights persistent gender inequality in land ownership. Globally, women are significantly less likely than men to own or hold secure land rights. In 2024, across 108 countries, 48 percent of men reported owning homes individually or jointly, compared to 40 percent of women. “While rural residents are more likely than urban residents to report ownership, women remain consistently disadvantaged in both settings,” the report notes.

In agriculture, the gender gap is even more pronounced. In 43 out of 49 countries with available data, men in agricultural households are more likely to own or control land. In nearly half of these countries, the gap exceeds 20 percentage points. Evidence from several countries also shows that the gap is particularly large in sole land ownership, while joint ownership arrangements often improve women’s access to land.

Despite growing global attention to land governance, data on land tenure remains limited and politically sensitive. Methodological challenges, capacity limitations, and political sensitivities often reduce the availability and transparency of land tenure data.

According to Sélim Louafi, Deputy Director for Research and Strategy at CIRAD, stronger data systems are essential for better policy decisions. “When we generate evidence with and for all stakeholders, we create the foundation for stronger, more transparent, and more equitable public policies, both nationally and internationally.”

Experts say stronger policies and political commitment are needed to secure land rights for all. The report concludes: “Progress on land tenure and governance requires a stronger, more comprehensive, and better-coordinated approach to change, both within the land sector and in conjunction with global efforts on economic recovery, climate action, biodiversity conservation, and open societies.”

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DR Congo crisis: Washington’s brokered peace agreement is rendered useless as fighting, forced land displacement, and mineral exploitation persist…

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By the Witness Radio team.

After the signing of the Washington Accords, a peace and prosperity deal between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda brokered by the United States, many Congolese hoped the agreement would finally bring stability to the country’s long-troubled eastern region.

Instead, persistent violence has continued, raising questions among civil society groups and citizens about whether the agreements can truly deliver peace.

According to the US State Department, the Washington Accords were intended to reaffirm both countries’ commitment to implementing the peace agreement signed in Washington, D.C., on June 27, 2025. The deal was also intended to advance a vision of regional cooperation through a Regional Economic Integration Framework (REIF), which aims to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.

Fighting continues in eastern Congo, involving the March 23 Movement (M23) and Congolese government forces (FARDC), with Rwanda and the DRC government each accusing the other of supporting violations of existing agreements.

Authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have long accused Rwanda of backing the March 23 Movement (M23) rebel group, allegations that Rwanda initially denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform based in Rwanda, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.

Now, Congolese civil society organizations reveal that the Washington Accords are failing to address issues of justice or Rwanda’s responsibility in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC.

The Mobilization to Safeguard Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), an ad hoc coalition of 81 Congolese civil society groups, formed to voice concerns about the occupation and to demand a lasting peace grounded in security, accountability, sovereignty, and justice in the DRC revealed in an interview with Witness Radio that these accords are taking Congolese back to the days of King Leopold, where a colonial resource grab is imposed, and might makes right.

“These agreements, pushed on the DRC by the Trump administration during the ongoing violent incursion, represent the results of a negotiation at gunpoint. It’s all about how they’re going to take the minerals and have all these business deals. There’s nothing in there that gives any detail on what they’re going to do to create peace.” MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, told Witness Radio.

The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and allows for collaboration in exploiting regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the United States to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.

But critics argue that, taken together, these agreements resemble what some observers have described as a “peace for minerals” arrangement, as both the United States and Rwanda see the DRC as a key hub for strategic minerals.

“Each of these three agreements has its own challenges. When viewed together, however, they are often framed as part of what is called the “Peace for Minerals” agreement. They are only targeting DRC’s resources, including land and minerals,” Dr. Deborah added.

Conflict in eastern Congo has persisted for decades and is deeply intertwined with regional politics and competition for natural resources.

The conflict dates back to the aftermath of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict.

The resulting violence sparked the First Congo War (1996–1997) and subsequent conflicts that have devastated the region. Since 1996, the wars in eastern Congo are estimated to have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people and the displacement of people.

Civil society groups say the violence has destroyed infrastructure, displaced millions, and caused widespread human rights abuses, including rape, targeting them to drive them off resource-rich land.

Eastern Congo is rich in natural resources, including gold, copper, diamonds, and coltan, minerals essential for global industries ranging from electronics to renewable energy.

Observers say the region’s mineral wealth has long fueled both local and international interests.

“We view this as a reward for Rwanda for having invaded and occupied these lands and seized the mine sites. They are being granted through an agreement what they initially took by force, effectively legalizing and normalizing the ongoing plundering of DRC’s minerals and their transfer to Rwanda. Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population, and in the territories,  it controls, it uses terror to drive people out,” she added.

Shockingly, civil society officials say that lands belonging to displaced Congolese are being taken over by Rwandan settlers. Families returning to their homes after temporary lulls in the violence often find their land and houses already occupied.

“Meanwhile, the people from Rwanda are coming in and settling on those farms and in those homes. So, when people come back, they discover that their lands and their homes have been taken over.” Dr. Deborah further revealed

These deals have drawn a lot of criticism from both international and National organizations, including civil societies. The Oakland Institute described the deals as ‘the latest US maneuver to control Congolese critical minerals” in its report, shafted: The Scramble for Critical Minerals in the DRC, published last year.

“US involvement in Congolese affairs has always been unequivocally tied to the goal of securing access to critical minerals. “The ‘peace’ deal comes after decades of US training, advising, and sponsoring foreign armies and rebel movements, and at a time when Rwanda and its proxy M23 have expanded territorial control in eastern DRC. This is a win-lose deal that serves US mining interests and rewards Rwanda for decades of pillaging Congolese resources,” Mr. Frédéric Mousseau, report co-author and Policy Director at the Oakland Institute, revealed.

MOSSAC also observes that the agreements do not address issues of justice or the culpability of Rwanda in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC, but instead reward Rwanda by presenting it a pathway to normalize and make legal its pillaging of Congolese land and resources.

“How can this be a proper agreement when people are being killed during the negotiation process? There’s no justice, no accountability for decades of invasion and resource theft. Lasting peace cannot happen without justice first.” Another Mossac representative told Witness Radio.

Despite the promises of peace and economic integration, violence continues in eastern Congo.

Civil society groups say M23 forces have expanded their territorial control in several provinces, including North Kivu, South Kivu, Ituri, and Maniema. They argue that ongoing attacks undermine the credibility of the agreements. “Every day since the accords were signed, there have been violations,” Dr. Deborah maintained

Efforts by Witness Radio to obtain a comment from the Congolese government were unsuccessful. Officials from the Ministry responsible for internal affairs did not respond to our calls/emails.

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Madi community accuses UPDF of fueling Zoka land conflict with Acholi settlers

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Residents of Ngoru West zone in Zoka parish, Itirikwa sub-county in Adjumani district have raised serious concerns over what they describe as growing tension between the Madi and Acholi communities.

They blame a Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officer stationed at Zoka Barracks for allegedly fueling the conflict.

Community members claim that the situation has escalated due to land disputes and alleged interference by security personnel in land management matters.

Adibaku Joseph, the secretary of the Madi community living in Zoka, said the situation has increasingly become tense as the community believes their land rights are being undermined.

“The land management situation in Zoka has been taken over by the UPDF in Zoka directed by the IO Captain Mohammed Mugeyi affecting both the central area, which is the centre and various zones of the Madi community farms,” Adibaku said.

According to him, the alleged involvement of the officer has led to displacement within the community.

“This has led to issues such as displacement where huts have been burnt down and replaced with the settlement for Acholi people from Amuru and other areas outside Amuru district,” he added.

Adibaku further claimed that attempts to report the matter to the police have not yielded results.

“Wherever such complaints are reported to the Zoka police, they failed to respond citing that the IO is above their rank and they are unable to resolve issues related to his actions,” he explained.

The community is also raising concerns about the sale of land in the area, which they say is worsening the conflict.

“Additionally, the sale of community land in Zoka is causing conflict within the community. As agreed, the resolutions the community have, the IO is directly involved in land management including overseeing land sales by Lomu Citiwell.

“While disregarding community land rights, given these circumstances, the community is calling for the IO to remove himself from his position,” Adibaku stated.

However, Captain Muhamad Mugeyi, the Intelligence Officer stationed at Zoka army barracks, strongly denied the allegations and insisted that he is only protecting government land from encroachers.

“I don’t have any plot here or even have cattle which belonged to me and here but I’m rather protecting the reserve areas which people want to encroach,” Captain Mugeyi said.

The district authorities have also weighed in on the matter, providing historical context regarding the disputed land.

Adjumani district land surveyor, Akuku Charles, explained that the land has long been part of protected areas.

“Previously this entire area was a protected land and it was referred to as East Madi Control Hunting Area. 875 km out of 1702 was the degazette and the remaining 827 square kilometres was now gazetted as East Madi wildlife reserve,” he said.

He further clarified that although part of the land was later degazetted due to increasing population pressure, it does not belong to individuals.

He added that the land remains under the jurisdiction of Adjumani district.

Meanwhile, the 501 Brigade Commander based in Zoka, Colonel Nathan Bainomugisha, called for calm among residents as the government works on finding a lasting solution.

“I would only want to request you to be patient and respect the resolutions and ideas discussed here by the district authorities of Adjumani,” he said.

“As your leaders in security we want to ensure peace particularly in this area of Apaa and Zoka we were promised a visit from the commission of inquiry from the government to come and visit Zoka and Apaa and advise the government on the way forward of this area,” he added.

Col. Bainomugisha also warned community members against selling or renting land in the disputed area.

“So, my advice to you community members is to stop renting the land under the court. Kindly don’t sell this land. Here, there is land for the National Forest Authority and land for Uganda Wildlife Authority under a game reserve and the land for the community and then the individual land. So, avoid transactions of any land or renting any land in this area that can cause conflict,” he said.

He further assured residents that allegations against the officer will be investigated.

“As for Captain Mugeyi, I’m going to sit down and investigate his movement, his actions. If I find he has any connection to what you have been alleging, I will punish him,” he stated.

However, he urged residents not to blame the entire UPDF institution for the actions of one officer.

“But don’t involve UPDF because of an individual. UPDF is your force. Is Uganda People’s Force to ensure that if one person in UPDF makes a mistake or makes a statement that is against the position of the institution, that person is taken to either the courts of law or put to disciplinary committee. The force is your force because you have your brothers in it. You have your sisters in it. Don’t generalise,” he said.

Adjumani Resident District Commissioner, Toko Swaib, also emphasised that security authorities are not taking sides in the conflict.

“I want to say security although some of you have your mind that we have taken side we can’t take side and then I also want you people to know that we don’t have power on land ownership,” he said.

“Our role is to guide you on how you can best use your land peacefully, harmoniously with other communities who are interested but they have also entered in a very rightful way and I want you people to know at the beginning that land in Uganda today belongs to the people since 1995,” he added.

He further explained that the law allows Ugandans to settle anywhere in the country.

“And the law also says any other Ugandan is free to settle in any part of the country. Our coming here is to create peace,” the RDC noted.

Despite these assurances from authorities, residents of Ngoru West said they are still hoping for urgent intervention from the government to address the land dispute and restore peaceful coexistence between the Madi and Acholi communities in Zoka and Apaa areas.

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