MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
How food and water are driving a 21st-century African land grab
Published
6 years agoon

A woman tends vegetables at a giant Saudi-financed farm in Ethiopia.
An Observer investigation reveals how rich countries faced by a global food shortage now farm an area double the size of the UK to guarantee supplies for their citizens.
We turned off the main road to Awassa, talked our way past security guards and drove a mile across empty land before we found what will soon be Ethiopia’s largest greenhouse. Nestling below an escarpment of the Rift Valley, the development is far from finished, but the plastic and steel structure already stretches over 20 hectares – the size of 20 football pitches.
The farm manager shows us millions of tomatoes, peppers and other vegetables being grown in 500m rows in computer controlled conditions. Spanish engineers are building the steel structure, Dutch technology minimises water use from two bore-holes and 1,000 women pick and pack 50 tonnes of food a day. Within 24 hours, it has been driven 200 miles to Addis Ababa and flown 1,000 miles to the shops and restaurants of Dubai, Jeddah and elsewhere in the Middle East.
Ethiopia is one of the hungriest countries in the world with 2.8 million people needing food aid, but paradoxically the government is offering at least 3m hectares of its most fertile land to rich countries and some of the world’s most wealthy individuals to export food for their own populations.
The 1,000 hectares of land which contain the Awassa greenhouses are leased for 99 years to a Saudi billionaire businessman, Ethiopian-born Sheikh Mohammed al-Amoudi, one of the 50 richest men in the world. His Saudi Star company plans to spend up to $2bn acquiring and developing 500,000 hectares of land in Ethiopia in the next few years. So far, it has bought four farms and is already growing wheat, rice, vegetables and flowers for the Saudi market. It expects eventually to employ more than 10,000 people.
But Ethiopia is only one of 20 or more African countries where land is being bought or leased for intensive agriculture on an immense scale in what may be the greatest change of ownership since the colonial era.
An Observer investigation estimates that up to 50m hectares of land – an area more than double the size of the UK – has been acquired in the last few years or is in the process of being negotiated by governments and wealthy investors working with state subsidies. The data used was collected by Grain, the International Institute for Environment and Development, the International Land Coalition, ActionAid and other non-governmental groups.
The land rush, which is still accelerating, has been triggered by the worldwide food shortages which followed the sharp oil price rises in 2008, growing water shortages and the European Union’s insistence that 10% of all transport fuel must come from plant-based biofuels by 2015.
In many areas the deals have led to evictions, civil unrest and complaints of “land grabbing”.
The experience of Nyikaw Ochalla, an indigenous Anuak from the Gambella region of Ethiopia now living in Britain but who is in regular contact with farmers in his region, is typical. He said: “All of the land in the Gambella region is utilised. Each community has and looks after its own territory and the rivers and farmlands within it. It is a myth propagated by the government and investors to say that there is waste land or land that is not utilised in Gambella.
“The foreign companies are arriving in large numbers, depriving people of land they have used for centuries. There is no consultation with the indigenous population. The deals are done secretly. The only thing the local people see is people coming with lots of tractors to invade their lands.
“All the land round my family village of Illia has been taken over and is being cleared. People now have to work for an Indian company. Their land has been compulsorily taken and they have been given no compensation. People cannot believe what is happening. Thousands of people will be affected and people will go hungry.”
It is not known if the acquisitions will improve or worsen food security in Africa, or if they will stimulate separatist conflicts, but a major World Bank report due to be published this month is expected to warn of both the potential benefits and the immense dangers they represent to people and nature.
Leading the rush are international agribusinesses, investment banks, hedge funds, commodity traders, sovereign wealth funds as well as UK pension funds, foundations and individuals attracted by some of the world’s cheapest land.
Together they are scouring Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Malawi, Ethiopia, Congo, Zambia, Uganda, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Mali, Sierra Leone, Ghana and elsewhere. Ethiopia alone has approved 815 foreign-financed agricultural projects since 2007. Any land there, which investors have not been able to buy, is being leased for approximately $1 per year per hectare.
Saudi Arabia, along with other Middle Eastern emirate states such as Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi, is thought to be the biggest buyer. In 2008 the Saudi government, which was one of the Middle East’s largest wheat-growers, announced it was to reduce its domestic cereal production by 12% a year to conserve its water. It earmarked $5bn to provide loans at preferential rates to Saudi companies which wanted to invest in countries with strong agricultural potential .
Meanwhile, the Saudi investment company Foras, backed by the Islamic Development Bank and wealthy Saudi investors, plans to spend $1bn buying land and growing 7m tonnes of rice for the Saudi market within seven years. The company says it is investigating buying land in Mali, Senegal, Sudan and Uganda. By turning to Africa to grow its staple crops, Saudi Arabia is not just acquiring Africa’s land but is securing itself the equivalent of hundreds of millions of gallons of scarce water a year. Water, says the UN, will be the defining resource of the next 100 years.
Since 2008 Saudi investors have bought heavily in Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia and Kenya. Last year the first sacks of wheat grown in Ethiopia for the Saudi market were presented by al-Amoudi to King Abdullah.
Some of the African deals lined up are eye-wateringly large: China has signed a contract with the Democratic Republic of Congo to grow 2.8m hectares of palm oil for biofuels. Before it fell apart after riots, a proposed 1.2m hectares deal between Madagascar and the South Korean company Daewoo would have included nearly half of the country’s arable land.
Land to grow biofuel crops is also in demand. “European biofuel companies have acquired or requested about 3.9m hectares in Africa. This has led to displacement of people, lack of consultation and compensation, broken promises about wages and job opportunities,” said Tim Rice, author of an ActionAid report which estimates that the EU needs to grow crops on 17.5m hectares, well over half the size of Italy, if it is to meet its 10% biofuel target by 2015.
“The biofuel land grab in Africa is already displacing farmers and food production. The number of people going hungry will increase,” he said. British firms have secured tracts of land in Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria and Tanzania to grow flowers and vegetables.
Indian companies, backed by government loans, have bought or leased hundreds of thousands of hectares in Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and Mozambique, where they are growing rice, sugar cane, maize and lentils to feed their domestic market.
Nowhere is now out of bounds. Sudan, emerging from civil war and mostly bereft of development for a generation, is one of the new hot spots. South Korean companies last year bought 700,000 hectares of northern Sudan for wheat cultivation; the United Arab Emirates have acquired 750,000 hectares and Saudi Arabia last month concluded a 42,000-hectare deal in Nile province.
The government of southern Sudan says many companies are now trying to acquire land. “We have had many requests from many developers. Negotiations are going on,” said Peter Chooli, director of water resources and irrigation, in Juba last week. “A Danish group is in discussions with the state and another wants to use land near the Nile.”
In one of the most extraordinary deals, buccaneering New York investment firm Jarch Capital, run by a former commodities trader, Philip Heilberg, has leased 800,000 hectares in southern Sudan near Darfur. Heilberg has promised not only to create jobs but also to put 10% or more of his profits back into the local community. But he has been accused by Sudanese of “grabbing” communal land and leading an American attempt to fragment Sudan and exploit its resources.
Devlin Kuyek, a Montreal-based researcher with Grain, said investing in Africa was now seen as a new food supply strategy by many governments. “Rich countries are eyeing Africa not just for a healthy return on capital, but also as an insurance policy. Food shortages and riots in 28 countries in 2008, declining water supplies, climate change and huge population growth have together made land attractive. Africa has the most land and, compared with other continents, is cheap,” he said.
“Farmland in sub-Saharan Africa is giving 25% returns a year and new technology can treble crop yields in short time frames,” said Susan Payne, chief executive of Emergent Asset Management, a UK investment fund seeking to spend $50m on African land, which, she said, was attracting governments, corporations, multinationals and other investors. “Agricultural development is not only sustainable, it is our future. If we do not pay great care and attention now to increase food production by over 50% before 2050, we will face serious food shortages globally,” she said.
But many of the deals are widely condemned by both western non-government groups and nationals as “new colonialism”, driving people off the land and taking scarce resources away from people.
We met Tegenu Morku, a land agent, in a roadside cafe on his way to the region of Oromia in Ethiopia to find 500 hectares of land for a group of Egyptian investors. They planned to fatten cattle, grow cereals and spices and export as much as possible to Egypt. There had to be water available and he expected the price to be about 15 birr (75p) per hectare per year – less than a quarter of the cost of land in Egypt and a tenth of the price of land in Asia.
“The land and labour is cheap and the climate is good here. Everyone – Saudis, Turks, Chinese, Egyptians – is looking. The farmers do not like it because they get displaced, but they can find land elsewhere and, besides, they get compensation, equivalent to about 10 years’ crop yield,” he said.
Oromia is one of the centres of the African land rush. Haile Hirpa, president of the Oromia studies’ association, said last week in a letter of protest to UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon that India had acquired 1m hectares, Djibouti 10,000 hectares, Saudi Arabia 100,000 hectares, and that Egyptian, South Korean, Chinese, Nigerian and other Arab investors were all active in the state.
“This is the new, 21st-century colonisation. The Saudis are enjoying the rice harvest, while the Oromos are dying from man-made famine as we speak,” he said.
The Ethiopian government denied the deals were causing hunger and said that the land deals were attracting hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign investments and tens of thousands of jobs. A spokesman said: “Ethiopia has 74m hectares of fertile land, of which only 15% is currently in use – mainly by subsistence farmers. Of the remaining land, only a small percentage – 3 to 4% – is offered to foreign investors. Investors are never given land that belongs to Ethiopian farmers. The government also encourages Ethiopians in the diaspora to invest in their homeland. They bring badly needed technology, they offer jobs and training to Ethiopians, they operate in areas where there is suitable land and access to water.”
The reality on the ground is different, according to Michael Taylor, a policy specialist at the International Land Coalition. “If land in Africa hasn’t been planted, it’s probably for a reason. Maybe it’s used to graze livestock or deliberately left fallow to prevent nutrient depletion and erosion. Anybody who has seen these areas identified as unused understands that there is no land in Ethiopia that has no owners and users.”
Development experts are divided on the benefits of large-scale, intensive farming. Indian ecologist Vandana Shiva said in London last week that large-scale industrial agriculture not only threw people off the land but also required chemicals, pesticides, herbicides, fertilisers, intensive water use, and large-scale transport, storage and distribution which together turned landscapes into enormous mono-cultural plantations.
“We are seeing dispossession on a massive scale. It means less food is available and local people will have less. There will be more conflict and political instability and cultures will be uprooted. The small farmers of Africa are the basis of food security. The food availability of the planet will decline,” she says. But Rodney Cooke, director at the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development, sees potential benefits. “I would avoid the blanket term ‘land-grabbing’. Done the right way, these deals can bring benefits for all parties and be a tool for development.”
Lorenzo Cotula, senior researcher with the International Institute for Environment and Development, who co-authored a report on African land exchanges with the UN fund last year, found that well-structured deals could guarantee employment, better infrastructures and better crop yields. But badly handled they could cause great harm, especially if local people were excluded from decisions about allocating land and if their land rights were not protected.
Water is also controversial. Local government officers in Ethiopia told the Observer that foreign companies that set up flower farms and other large intensive farms were not being charged for water. “We would like to, but the deal is made by central government,” said one. In Awassa, the al-Amouni farm uses as much water a year as 100,000 Ethiopians.
• This article was amended on 22 March 2011. Owing to an editing error the original said that more than 13 million people in Ethiopia need food aid. This has been corrected.
Original Post: The Guardian
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Wakiso LCs warned against using official stamps to facilitate land grabbing
Published
7 hours agoon
September 5, 2026
Newly sworn-in village chairpersons in Wakiso District have been warned against colluding with land grabbers and wealthy individuals to facilitate illegal land transactions, with authorities threatening to arrest those who misuse official stamps.
The village leaders have also been told to stop looking at an official stamp as a source of income and instead find legitimate employment to support themselves.
Wakiso Deputy Resident District Commissioner, Ms Angel Namulimbe, said her office continues to receive numerous complaints related to fraud and land grabbing, many of which allegedly involve village leaders.
“Our office is always full of cases of fraud and land grabbing, and many of these cases involve LC leaders,” she said.
She warned that village leaders found colluding with land grabbers would be arrested.
The RDC made the remarks on Thursday while presiding over the swearing-in and commissioning of village chairpersons and the handing over of official stamps to them in Wakiso Town Council.
Eight of the 13 village chairpersons in the town council and one of the six LC II leaders in the area were sworn in and issued with official stamps.
Ms Namulimbe said she would take firm action against any leader found using the stamp improperly.
Wakiso Town Council Chairperson, Mr Fredson Mukalazi Kasiwukira, accused some village leaders of working with wealthy individuals to frustrate residents and facilitate questionable land transactions.
He warned the leaders against allowing their offices to be used by people seeking to deprive residents of their land.
“Security has been alerted. In case you are reported misusing the stamp, we shall recall it,” he warned.
He also urged village chairpersons to be their eyes on the ground to ensure locals participate actively in all the ongoing government programmes.
“Parish Development Model has been extended up to the village level with LC 1s responsible for identifying prospective beneficiaries,” he said.
Mr Atanansio Musambwa, the Wakiso District vice chairperson and district representative for the area, urged the sworn-in leaders to put the interests of residents first and avoid engaging in practices that could undermine public trust.
He also asked them to pay greater attention to children and other vulnerable residents in their villages.
Wakiso Town Council Clerk, Mr Jimmy Mabanja, while handing over the stamps and other tools of authority to the leaders, reminded them that the items are official tools meant to support the enforcement of laws and proper administration.
He warned the leaders against using the stamps for personal gain or authorising transactions that do not meet the required legal procedures.
The village chairpersons pledged to exercise greater caution in the use of the stamps and other official materials entrusted to them.
Led by Mr Twaibu Kafuuma, the chairperson for Kaasangombe Cell, chairpersons also raised their concerns to the town council authorities, including enhancing their pay from Shs10,000 to Shs1m a month.
They also asked for identity cards, noting that they find it hard to identify themselves in case of community events.
“For example, during the National Cleaning Day, some chairpersons are beaten up by security officers because they cannot identify themselves,” Mr Kafuuma said.
Source: monitor.co.ug
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Ten out of sixteen Rooted in Resistance activists now face charges and have been sent to Luzira Prison after standing up against Uganda’s oil development.
Published
4 days agoon
September 1, 2026
By the Witness Radio Team
Ten young members of the Rooted in Resistance Movement have been charged by a Buganda Road Court magistrate and sent to Luzira Prison after their arrest during a protest challenging Uganda’s oil projects.
On Monday morning, August 31, 2026, the activists joined more than 16 members of their youth-led movement in a bold attempt to deliver petitions to Parliament and TotalEnergies’ offices in Kampala, voicing strong opposition to Uganda’s ongoing investment in fossil fuel projects such as the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).
After a night in police custody, ten of the activists were brought before the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court on Tuesday, September 1.
They were charged with being a nuisance on a public road, contrary to Section 67(1)(c) of the Roads Act, Cap. 346.
The accused, Rahmah Namuddu, Dorothy Asio, Sharifah Nantongo, Sharon Shaluwatino, Nyamadri Lucky, Daniel Mugabe, Shakirah Kasoga, Isaac Akampurira, Ivan Ochola and Enock Opolot pleaded not guilty to the charges read to them.
The activists were represented by lawyers Counsel Peter Odur and Counsel Doreen Namara. The court subsequently remanded them to Luzira Prison until September 18, 2026.
The remaining six activists arrested during the protest were still being held at Wandegeya Police Station by Tuesday. They are Mukiibi Isaac, Mawanda Arafat, Mugerwa Nicholas, Opio Innocent, Friday John and Onyango Ronald.
The arrests followed a vivid demonstration in which activists, clad in orange T-shirts emblazoned with “Rooted in Resistance,” marched with banners and placards denouncing Uganda’s oil ambitions.
Among the messages displayed were “No to Oil,” “Oil is temporary, nature is permanent,” and “Uganda deserves an oil-free future.”
Rooted in Resistance, formerly known as Students Against EACOP, has become a persistent voice opposing fossil fuel expansion in Uganda, particularly targeting EACOP and the Tilenga oil project.
In a statement shared on social media, the movement emphasized its commitment to non-violence as Uganda nears oil production. The activists insisted that economic progress must not silence those who dare to question it.
The group demanded the immediate release of their fellow activists and condemned the government’s use of excessive force against peaceful demonstrators.
“We demand their unconditional release and call upon the government to refrain from further using lethal force against peaceful protesters amidst a societal climate and economic collapse in Uganda,” Rooted in Resistance said in a post on its X account.
These arrests are just the latest in a series for Rooted in Resistance, whose members have faced detention during earlier protests against Uganda’s oil ventures.
On August 10, 2026, four members of the movement were also arrested and charged with being a public nuisance, the group said.
In its latest petition, Rooted in Resistance urged Parliament to rethink what it sees as Uganda’s heavy reliance on petroleum for development.
“Rooted in Resistance calls upon Parliament to exercise its constitutional responsibility to protect the national interest and reconsider Uganda’s petroleum-dependent development model,” the statement reads.
The activists argue that their petition is based on citizens’ constitutional rights to participate in governance, express themselves and assemble peacefully, including the rights provided for under Article 38 of the Constitution.
They are urging Parliament to stop expanding oil infrastructure and to launch an open, transparent review of Uganda’s petroleum policies and agreements.
The movement also demands greater government investment in areas like agriculture, manufacturing, renewable energy, tourism, technology, education, innovation and homegrown enterprises.
The activists warn that tying Uganda’s future to petroleum extraction could trap the country in fossil fuel dependence and put communities and ecosystems at risk.
They have urged TotalEnergies to channel its investment and expertise into sectors that promise lasting benefits for Ugandans.
“We urge TotalEnergies to redirect meaningful investment and expertise towards renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, agro-processing, local manufacturing, tourism conservation, technology, skills development and youth enterprise which support livelihoods,” the group said.
This latest protest unfolds as Uganda edges nearer to commercial oil production, with major projects like TotalEnergies’ Tilenga and CNOOC’s Kingfisher set to shape the nation’s oil future.
EACOP, a 1,443-kilometer heated crude oil pipeline, is being developed to transport crude oil from Uganda’s oil fields in the Albertine region to the port of Tanga on Tanzania’s Indian Ocean coast.
The pipeline is expected to transport crude produced from Uganda’s upstream oil projects, including the Tilenga project operated by TotalEnergies.
Though the government and oil companies tout these projects as vital for Uganda’s economy, environmental and human rights activists warn of serious risks to communities, biodiversity and the environment.
Rooted in Resistance is now urging both Parliament and TotalEnergies to rethink Uganda’s current path toward petroleum expansion.
“Rooted in Resistance therefore calls upon Parliament and TotalEnergies to listen, engage and reconsider the current direction of petroleum expansion. Our demand is clear: an oil-free economy, economic freedom, environmental protection and development that leaves Uganda stronger, not more dependent, for generations to come,” the movement said in its petition.
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Civil society organizations are rallying for a robust grievance mechanism in the EAC Seed and Plant Varieties Bill.
Published
4 days agoon
September 1, 2026
By the Witness Radio team
In Uganda, civil society organizations are urging lawmakers to revise the proposed East African Community Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025, with a special focus on ensuring farmers have a clear path to seek justice and redress.
The organizations point out that although the proposed law prioritizes seed certification, regulation, and breeders’ rights, it leaves farmers without a clear way to seek justice when certified or commercial seeds fail and lead to losses.
This concern came to the forefront during public hearings in Uganda, where the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) gathered input from civil society organizations and other stakeholders before the Bill’s second reading.
Mr. Lubega Jonathan, a policy analyst at SEATINI Uganda, said farmers should not only be expected to comply with requirements under the proposed law but should also have clear avenues to challenge decisions and seek redress when they suffer losses.
He said the Bill should provide mechanisms for resolving disputes involving farmers, seed companies and breeders, particularly where farmers suffer losses after purchasing seed through the formal seed system.
“At least in such scenarios, there should be a mechanism for farmers to seek justice when the seeds provided by a breeder fail to germinate,” Lubega said.
He emphasized that the issue goes beyond seed certification; it is about what happens when seeds do not perform as promised. Farmers risk losing money, missing crucial planting seasons, or facing poor harvests. Yet, the Bill remains vague on who is accountable and where farmers can turn for compensation or support.
CSOs are demanding clear guidelines on how farmers’ complaints will be addressed, which bodies will resolve disputes, whether appeals are possible, and what remedies will be available to those who incur losses.
Beyond grievance and redress, the organizations warn that the Bill’s heavy focus on certification could put up barriers for farmer-managed seed systems, especially if the process becomes expensive or bogged down in bureaucracy.
Lubega cautioned that drawn-out certification processes and hidden costs could stifle local seed systems’ ability to operate across borders, threatening the EAC’s goal of eliminating non-tariff trade barriers.
“If we do not house the farmer market seed systems or varieties, there will be a barrier to trade, especially without clarity on certification costs and procedures. The lengthy bureaucratic processes will create a non-tariff barrier, which the community is ideally working to push against. Therefore, we could consider and reduce, or if we do not reduce, we factor in the farmer-managed seed systems,” he said.
The CSOs are urging the regional framework to honor both commercial and farmer-managed seed systems, highlighting that smallholder farmers have always been at the heart of selecting, saving, exchanging, and developing seeds in their communities.
Hakim Baliraine, National Chairman of the Eastern and Southern Africa Smallholder Farmers Forum (ESAFF-Uganda), said farmers should be recognized as important actors in seed development rather than being treated primarily as consumers of commercial seed.
“We want the law to define farm-managed seed systems, land races, community seed banks and farmers’ rights because this bill ties breeders to commercial seed production, forgetting that we, the small-scale farmers, have been the original breeders,” Baliraine said.
He further called for smallholder farmers to have a stronger voice in decisions about seed registration and regulation.
“Seed is tied to very many things, especially in Uganda. Seed is about our culture and inheritance, and therefore we shouldn’t look at it only for profit because, for us, seed is life and it’s part of us. That’s why we need to be at the decision-making table to see who is registering on this seed so we also give our input,” he said.
The organizations stress that acknowledging these systems is vital, as farmers still save, exchange, and share seeds. Community seed banks and indigenous varieties, in turn, are pillars of food security and biodiversity.
Agnes Kirabo, Executive Director of the Food Rights Alliance, said the debate should also address the broader challenges farmers face in accessing quality seed, including counterfeiting and the sale of grain as seed.
“The truth is that in our farming and agri-food systems in Africa and Uganda, farmers and consumers are constrained in accessing quality seeds because there is a lot of counterfeiting and trading in grain as seed. This impacts the productivity and investments of farmers, and this is a problem that is being addressed in the background of this instrument,” Kirabo said.
As a result, CSOs are urging that the final law strike a balance between regulating the seed sector and giving greater weight to farmers’ rights, with accessible ways for them to resolve disputes.
They are calling for the Bill to spell out exactly how complaints involving seed producers, breeders, and traders will be handled, who will have the authority to resolve them, and what options farmers have when they experience losses.
They also insist that farmers deserve a meaningful seat at the table in decisions on seed registration and regulation, instead of being sidelined by rules made solely for the commercial sector.
The EAC Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025 seeks to establish a harmonized regional framework for the regulation, testing, certification and marketing of seeds, while providing for the protection of plant breeders’ rights across the East African Community.
Public hearings where stakeholders submitted their views and recommendations on the Bill have now been concluded across the EAC partner states.
The submissions are expected to inform the East African Legislative Assembly’s report before the Bill proceeds to its second reading.
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