MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
How food and water are driving a 21st-century African land grab
Published
5 years agoon

A woman tends vegetables at a giant Saudi-financed farm in Ethiopia.
An Observer investigation reveals how rich countries faced by a global food shortage now farm an area double the size of the UK to guarantee supplies for their citizens.
We turned off the main road to Awassa, talked our way past security guards and drove a mile across empty land before we found what will soon be Ethiopia’s largest greenhouse. Nestling below an escarpment of the Rift Valley, the development is far from finished, but the plastic and steel structure already stretches over 20 hectares – the size of 20 football pitches.
The farm manager shows us millions of tomatoes, peppers and other vegetables being grown in 500m rows in computer controlled conditions. Spanish engineers are building the steel structure, Dutch technology minimises water use from two bore-holes and 1,000 women pick and pack 50 tonnes of food a day. Within 24 hours, it has been driven 200 miles to Addis Ababa and flown 1,000 miles to the shops and restaurants of Dubai, Jeddah and elsewhere in the Middle East.
Ethiopia is one of the hungriest countries in the world with 2.8 million people needing food aid, but paradoxically the government is offering at least 3m hectares of its most fertile land to rich countries and some of the world’s most wealthy individuals to export food for their own populations.
The 1,000 hectares of land which contain the Awassa greenhouses are leased for 99 years to a Saudi billionaire businessman, Ethiopian-born Sheikh Mohammed al-Amoudi, one of the 50 richest men in the world. His Saudi Star company plans to spend up to $2bn acquiring and developing 500,000 hectares of land in Ethiopia in the next few years. So far, it has bought four farms and is already growing wheat, rice, vegetables and flowers for the Saudi market. It expects eventually to employ more than 10,000 people.
But Ethiopia is only one of 20 or more African countries where land is being bought or leased for intensive agriculture on an immense scale in what may be the greatest change of ownership since the colonial era.
An Observer investigation estimates that up to 50m hectares of land – an area more than double the size of the UK – has been acquired in the last few years or is in the process of being negotiated by governments and wealthy investors working with state subsidies. The data used was collected by Grain, the International Institute for Environment and Development, the International Land Coalition, ActionAid and other non-governmental groups.
The land rush, which is still accelerating, has been triggered by the worldwide food shortages which followed the sharp oil price rises in 2008, growing water shortages and the European Union’s insistence that 10% of all transport fuel must come from plant-based biofuels by 2015.
In many areas the deals have led to evictions, civil unrest and complaints of “land grabbing”.
The experience of Nyikaw Ochalla, an indigenous Anuak from the Gambella region of Ethiopia now living in Britain but who is in regular contact with farmers in his region, is typical. He said: “All of the land in the Gambella region is utilised. Each community has and looks after its own territory and the rivers and farmlands within it. It is a myth propagated by the government and investors to say that there is waste land or land that is not utilised in Gambella.
“The foreign companies are arriving in large numbers, depriving people of land they have used for centuries. There is no consultation with the indigenous population. The deals are done secretly. The only thing the local people see is people coming with lots of tractors to invade their lands.
“All the land round my family village of Illia has been taken over and is being cleared. People now have to work for an Indian company. Their land has been compulsorily taken and they have been given no compensation. People cannot believe what is happening. Thousands of people will be affected and people will go hungry.”
It is not known if the acquisitions will improve or worsen food security in Africa, or if they will stimulate separatist conflicts, but a major World Bank report due to be published this month is expected to warn of both the potential benefits and the immense dangers they represent to people and nature.
Leading the rush are international agribusinesses, investment banks, hedge funds, commodity traders, sovereign wealth funds as well as UK pension funds, foundations and individuals attracted by some of the world’s cheapest land.
Together they are scouring Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Malawi, Ethiopia, Congo, Zambia, Uganda, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Mali, Sierra Leone, Ghana and elsewhere. Ethiopia alone has approved 815 foreign-financed agricultural projects since 2007. Any land there, which investors have not been able to buy, is being leased for approximately $1 per year per hectare.
Saudi Arabia, along with other Middle Eastern emirate states such as Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi, is thought to be the biggest buyer. In 2008 the Saudi government, which was one of the Middle East’s largest wheat-growers, announced it was to reduce its domestic cereal production by 12% a year to conserve its water. It earmarked $5bn to provide loans at preferential rates to Saudi companies which wanted to invest in countries with strong agricultural potential .
Meanwhile, the Saudi investment company Foras, backed by the Islamic Development Bank and wealthy Saudi investors, plans to spend $1bn buying land and growing 7m tonnes of rice for the Saudi market within seven years. The company says it is investigating buying land in Mali, Senegal, Sudan and Uganda. By turning to Africa to grow its staple crops, Saudi Arabia is not just acquiring Africa’s land but is securing itself the equivalent of hundreds of millions of gallons of scarce water a year. Water, says the UN, will be the defining resource of the next 100 years.
Since 2008 Saudi investors have bought heavily in Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia and Kenya. Last year the first sacks of wheat grown in Ethiopia for the Saudi market were presented by al-Amoudi to King Abdullah.
Some of the African deals lined up are eye-wateringly large: China has signed a contract with the Democratic Republic of Congo to grow 2.8m hectares of palm oil for biofuels. Before it fell apart after riots, a proposed 1.2m hectares deal between Madagascar and the South Korean company Daewoo would have included nearly half of the country’s arable land.
Land to grow biofuel crops is also in demand. “European biofuel companies have acquired or requested about 3.9m hectares in Africa. This has led to displacement of people, lack of consultation and compensation, broken promises about wages and job opportunities,” said Tim Rice, author of an ActionAid report which estimates that the EU needs to grow crops on 17.5m hectares, well over half the size of Italy, if it is to meet its 10% biofuel target by 2015.
“The biofuel land grab in Africa is already displacing farmers and food production. The number of people going hungry will increase,” he said. British firms have secured tracts of land in Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria and Tanzania to grow flowers and vegetables.
Indian companies, backed by government loans, have bought or leased hundreds of thousands of hectares in Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and Mozambique, where they are growing rice, sugar cane, maize and lentils to feed their domestic market.
Nowhere is now out of bounds. Sudan, emerging from civil war and mostly bereft of development for a generation, is one of the new hot spots. South Korean companies last year bought 700,000 hectares of northern Sudan for wheat cultivation; the United Arab Emirates have acquired 750,000 hectares and Saudi Arabia last month concluded a 42,000-hectare deal in Nile province.
The government of southern Sudan says many companies are now trying to acquire land. “We have had many requests from many developers. Negotiations are going on,” said Peter Chooli, director of water resources and irrigation, in Juba last week. “A Danish group is in discussions with the state and another wants to use land near the Nile.”
In one of the most extraordinary deals, buccaneering New York investment firm Jarch Capital, run by a former commodities trader, Philip Heilberg, has leased 800,000 hectares in southern Sudan near Darfur. Heilberg has promised not only to create jobs but also to put 10% or more of his profits back into the local community. But he has been accused by Sudanese of “grabbing” communal land and leading an American attempt to fragment Sudan and exploit its resources.
Devlin Kuyek, a Montreal-based researcher with Grain, said investing in Africa was now seen as a new food supply strategy by many governments. “Rich countries are eyeing Africa not just for a healthy return on capital, but also as an insurance policy. Food shortages and riots in 28 countries in 2008, declining water supplies, climate change and huge population growth have together made land attractive. Africa has the most land and, compared with other continents, is cheap,” he said.
“Farmland in sub-Saharan Africa is giving 25% returns a year and new technology can treble crop yields in short time frames,” said Susan Payne, chief executive of Emergent Asset Management, a UK investment fund seeking to spend $50m on African land, which, she said, was attracting governments, corporations, multinationals and other investors. “Agricultural development is not only sustainable, it is our future. If we do not pay great care and attention now to increase food production by over 50% before 2050, we will face serious food shortages globally,” she said.
But many of the deals are widely condemned by both western non-government groups and nationals as “new colonialism”, driving people off the land and taking scarce resources away from people.
We met Tegenu Morku, a land agent, in a roadside cafe on his way to the region of Oromia in Ethiopia to find 500 hectares of land for a group of Egyptian investors. They planned to fatten cattle, grow cereals and spices and export as much as possible to Egypt. There had to be water available and he expected the price to be about 15 birr (75p) per hectare per year – less than a quarter of the cost of land in Egypt and a tenth of the price of land in Asia.
“The land and labour is cheap and the climate is good here. Everyone – Saudis, Turks, Chinese, Egyptians – is looking. The farmers do not like it because they get displaced, but they can find land elsewhere and, besides, they get compensation, equivalent to about 10 years’ crop yield,” he said.
Oromia is one of the centres of the African land rush. Haile Hirpa, president of the Oromia studies’ association, said last week in a letter of protest to UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon that India had acquired 1m hectares, Djibouti 10,000 hectares, Saudi Arabia 100,000 hectares, and that Egyptian, South Korean, Chinese, Nigerian and other Arab investors were all active in the state.
“This is the new, 21st-century colonisation. The Saudis are enjoying the rice harvest, while the Oromos are dying from man-made famine as we speak,” he said.
The Ethiopian government denied the deals were causing hunger and said that the land deals were attracting hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign investments and tens of thousands of jobs. A spokesman said: “Ethiopia has 74m hectares of fertile land, of which only 15% is currently in use – mainly by subsistence farmers. Of the remaining land, only a small percentage – 3 to 4% – is offered to foreign investors. Investors are never given land that belongs to Ethiopian farmers. The government also encourages Ethiopians in the diaspora to invest in their homeland. They bring badly needed technology, they offer jobs and training to Ethiopians, they operate in areas where there is suitable land and access to water.”
The reality on the ground is different, according to Michael Taylor, a policy specialist at the International Land Coalition. “If land in Africa hasn’t been planted, it’s probably for a reason. Maybe it’s used to graze livestock or deliberately left fallow to prevent nutrient depletion and erosion. Anybody who has seen these areas identified as unused understands that there is no land in Ethiopia that has no owners and users.”
Development experts are divided on the benefits of large-scale, intensive farming. Indian ecologist Vandana Shiva said in London last week that large-scale industrial agriculture not only threw people off the land but also required chemicals, pesticides, herbicides, fertilisers, intensive water use, and large-scale transport, storage and distribution which together turned landscapes into enormous mono-cultural plantations.
“We are seeing dispossession on a massive scale. It means less food is available and local people will have less. There will be more conflict and political instability and cultures will be uprooted. The small farmers of Africa are the basis of food security. The food availability of the planet will decline,” she says. But Rodney Cooke, director at the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development, sees potential benefits. “I would avoid the blanket term ‘land-grabbing’. Done the right way, these deals can bring benefits for all parties and be a tool for development.”
Lorenzo Cotula, senior researcher with the International Institute for Environment and Development, who co-authored a report on African land exchanges with the UN fund last year, found that well-structured deals could guarantee employment, better infrastructures and better crop yields. But badly handled they could cause great harm, especially if local people were excluded from decisions about allocating land and if their land rights were not protected.
Water is also controversial. Local government officers in Ethiopia told the Observer that foreign companies that set up flower farms and other large intensive farms were not being charged for water. “We would like to, but the deal is made by central government,” said one. In Awassa, the al-Amouni farm uses as much water a year as 100,000 Ethiopians.
• This article was amended on 22 March 2011. Owing to an editing error the original said that more than 13 million people in Ethiopia need food aid. This has been corrected.
Original Post: The Guardian
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Rwot Acana, UPDF clash over evictions from govt ranches
Published
2 days agoon
July 29, 2025
The Acholi Paramount Chief, Rwot David Onen Acana II, has accused the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) soldiers of using excessive force during the eviction of his subjects from disputed land in Acholi and Aswa ranches in Angagura Sub-County, Pader District.
Rwot Acana, who visited the area on July 25, accused soldiers involved in the eviction of using unnecessary violence, beating locals and firing gunshots into the air. The eviction began last Monday in the villages of Juba, Gogwiri, Pabit, Aringobot, and Bira. The army aimed to remove about 700 households accused of illegally occupying the ranch land.
At a meeting held at Corner Ranch, Rwot Acana called on the UPDF to halt the ongoing eviction, urging authorities to first remove the Balalo pastoralists off land they occupy as per the Presidential Executive Order II of June 2025.
“Help us get the Balalo out of the region first. That is the priority according to the presidential directive,” he stated. The paramount chief said the security agencies ensured the pastoralists’ cattle were removed from the sub-region as part of enforcing the order. “First, remove the cattle from Acholi, then address land demarcation and acquisition issues. Understand the acquisition process and the parties involved,” he added.
Rwot Acana also accused the Pader Resident District Commissioner (RDC) and the UPDF of acting under “wrong orders fuelled by negative energy,” causing fear among his people. “The UPDF beat my subjects and fired gunshots. This is uncalled for,” he said. Local leaders in Angagura Sub-county reported theft of property, livestock, and foodstuffs during the eviction.
Mr Freddy Stephen Okello, Angagura Sub-County Chairperson and head of the sub-county security committee, alleged that soldiers stole food and chickens from residents. “Bullets were fired in the air, and food and chickens were stolen. This has created fear in the community. We later met with the 5th Infantry Division Commander and Dr Kenneth Omona, State minister for Northern Uganda Rehabilitation, to request a halt to the eviction,” he said.
The affected families reportedly settled on the land in 2011 following the end of hostilities in northern Uganda. Rwot Acana described the eviction as chaotic and harsh: “Beating my subjects, stealing their crops, destroying their homes, and forcing them to sleep outdoors in the cold is cruel. It brings back memories of the two-decade-long LRA war.” He warned that such actions would not be tolerated if repeated.
The communities appealed to the government to allow them to harvest crops before leaving. However, the UPDF dismissed the allegations of violence as attempts to sabotage their operation.
Capt Edrin Mawanda, the public information officer for 5th Division, told our reporter on Sunday that accusations against the army were false and meant to frustrate efforts to do their lawful duties. He insisted that no soldiers committed any abuses and praised the professionalism of the troops.
“The operation is proceeding smoothly. No one was injured as alleged. Misleading the public is dangerous. We urge politicians and leaders to be patient,” he said.
Capt Mawanda stated that the eviction would continue unless officially ordered to stop.
“Our men are committed to implementing the President’s directives fully. There is a lot of blackmail against the uniformed forces by politicians trying to disrupt our efforts. But no one will derail us. We will only stop if higher authority instructs,” he added. He also noted that while the troops are not well-equipped, they have received adequate briefings and support, including food supplies.
Source: Monitor
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
The Court nullifies the Lake Katwe Surface Rights formerly granted to the Chinese-Ugandan Consortium due to a violation of community rights.
Published
2 days agoon
July 29, 2025
By Witness Radio team.
The High Court of Uganda at Fort Portal has overturned the grant of surface rights over Lake Katwe to Rwenzori Shining Star Limited, a salt mining company affiliated with a Chinese-Ugandan multi-million-dollar venture, Witness Radio has learned.
The Court’s decision is a testament to the power of collective action. It follows a case filed in the High Court of Fort Portal by the Tweraneho Listeners Club and 10 other applicants, representing over 6,000 people from Katwe Kabatoro town council, whose livelihoods depend on Lake Katwe. The applicants bravely challenged the illegal giveaway of Lake Katwe to an investor by the Town Council of Katwe Kabatoro.
The company, Rwenzori Shining Star Limited, is a multimillion-dollar investment in a Chinese-Uganda Consortium. According to the company documents, the company’s board Chairman is Captain Mike Mukula, who serves in one of Uganda’s top political positions.
In September 2020, Rwenzori Shining Star Ltd applied to the Katwe Kabatoro Town Council for surface rights over Lake Katwe to set up a salt mining project.
In less than three months, the town council granted the surface rights to the company without consulting the local miners or project-affected persons, a decision that led to adverse effects, including forced evictions, which altered the lives of many families and their livelihoods.
Under Miscellaneous Cause No. 007 of 2021, the applicants, who included those evicted from their workplaces, among others, claimed that the giveaway was made without consultation, thereby violating their constitutional rights.
In a court proceeding on July 14, 2025, presided over by Hon Justice Vicent Emmy Mugabo, it was made clear that both Katwe Kabatoro Town Council and the local government had no legal authority to grant surface rights.
In addition to not having the authority to grant surface rights, the honorable court also revealed that the actions of the surface rights giveaway violated the rights of the local communities.
“The applicants claim that the 1st respondent’s (Katwe Kabatoro) act of granting lake Katwe surface rights to 2nd Respondent (Rwenzori Shining Star Ltd) without consulting the local people and direct beneficiaries of the lake is inconsistent with and violates their rights.” The Court ruling, which Witness Radio obtained a copy of, reads.
The court’s decision not only nullified the surface rights but also issued a permanent injunction, providing a sense of security to the community. This injunction restrains Rwenzori Shining Star Limited, its agents, and any other persons from interfering with the ongoing activities of community members currently using the lake.
Mr. Simon Amanyire, the Executive Director of Twerwanko Listener’s Club, a Non-Governmental Organization that supports the affected victims, welcomed the significant milestone and the duo’s respect for the court ruling.
“TLC welcomes the decision of the high court and hopes the company will respect court decisions.” The Director wrote to Witness Radio’s team.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
20 witness to testify against ex-land registration commissioner Mugaino
Published
7 days agoon
July 24, 2025
Mugaino is battling charges of abuse of office and corruption over allegations of irregular cancellation of certificates of title for several pieces of land in Kampala city.
The Inspectorate of Government (IG) says about 20 witnesses are expected to testify against former Commissioner for Land Registration Baker Mugaino.
Mugaino is battling charges of abuse of office and corruption over allegations of irregular cancellation of certificates of title for several pieces of land in Kampala city.
The cancelled titles belong to Tropical Bank, Namayiba Park Hotel and businessman Gerald Akugizibwe.
The titles are for land comprising Kibuga Block 12 plots 658, 659, and 665 in Kisenyi; Kibuga Block 4 plot 152 in Namirembe, and Kyadondo Block 244 plot 2506 in Kisugu, Kampala district.
In a statement released on July 23, 2025, IG says the 20 complaints including Tropical Bank officials have recorded witness statements and are ready to give evidence against Mugaino in court.
The statement was released following an article published in the Independent Magazine titled, “IGG abusing her office”.
The IG said the article contains unfounded allegations against the person of the Inspector General of Government (IGG), Beti Kamya Turwomwe, questioning her decision to interdict, investigate and later prosecute Mugaino.
According to the IG, it is standard procedure for the IGG to issue orders to interdict a public officer if they have cause to believe that the officer might interfere with investigations.
The IG says the authority is derived from Article 230(2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and Section 13(6) of the Inspectorate of Government Act.
The IG states that the matter of Mugaino’s conduct while performing official duty is before court and, therefore, cannot be discussed in the public because it offends the sub judice law.
The IGG over the past four years has interdicted over 150 public officers, including six senior officers in the Office of the Prime Minister and many chief administrative officers.
Complaints
According to the statement, between December 2024 and April 2025, the IGG received 22 complaints against Mugaino alleging cancellation of certificates of title without following prescribed procedures under the law, removal of caveats without giving prescribed notices, double titling, issuing of special certificates of title while original ones exist, leading to multiple titling, cancellation of certificates of titles for disputes that would essentially be handled by courts with the intention of defeating Justice.
IG states that preliminary investigations found merit in the allegations and the IGG decided to launch a full-scale investigation in the office of the commissioner land registration.
Allegations
Prosecution alleges that between April 8 and 20 this year, Mugaino, while employed in the public service as commissioner of land registration, lands ministry in Kampala, abused his authority by arbitrarily performing acts prejudicial to his employer’s interests – the Government of Uganda, Tropical Bank Ltd, Akugizibwe and Namayiba Park Hotel.
He is accused of irregularly cancelling certificates of title his office had issued to Tropical Bank, Akugizibwe, and Namayiba Park Hotel.
The prosecution also alleges that Mugaino neglected his duties as stipulated in Section 88 of the Land Act and his schedule of duties as commissioner land registration, in April this year when handling a complaint about the land in question.
Background
Court documents indicate that on February 28, 2007, Businessman Mousa Lutwama Kizito obtained a credit facility of shillings 400 million from Tropical Bank using collateral constituting land at Kisugu in Kampala.
The documents further state that on August 18, 2007, Lweza Clays Ltd also obtained a credit facility from Tropical Bank using collateral consisting of land comprising Namirembe and Kisugu in Kampala and Lweza in Wakiso district.
Accordingly, Tropical Bank on September 25, 2007 registered the mortgages on the certificate of title.
However, Kizito and Lweza Clays defaulted on their loan repayments, prompting the bank to advertise the mortgaged properties after winning a court case.
Consequently, the bank on October 10, 2022, sold the mortgaged property at Namirembe to Akugizibwe for shillings 415 million. The bank also sold property at Kisenyi to Namayiba Park Hotel for shillings two billion.
The bank wrote to the Registrar High Court requesting the return of the mortgaged certificates of titles and bank guarantee as per the court order issued by Justice Stephen Mubiru.
The bank applied to the Commissioner Land Registration, requesting for special certificates of title upon failure to retrieve the mortgaged copies from the Registrar High Court (Commercial Division).
In a petition dated April 8, 2025, MBS Advocates, acting on behalf of Kizito and Luweza, requested the commissioner land registration to cancel the certificates of title for the land in question and Mugaino allegedly illegally removed court orders and caveats that had been lodged on the certificates of title, without any other orders from court.
Original Source: New Vision
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