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Aswa-Lolim land: The brewing conflict between Acholi, Jonam

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Contested. Casual workers weed a maize plantation on one of the farms within the contested area at Obira East Village, Gotapwoyo Sub-county in Nwoya District on April 20. PHOTO | TOBBIAS JOLLY OWINY  

By TOBBIAS JOLLY OWINY

An upsurge in wrangles over land between the Jonam and Acholi communities in former Aswa-lolim Game Reserve in GotapwoyoSub-county, Nwoya District, has claimed at least 10 lives and left scores injured in the past one year.

On May 21, Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers shot dead Kerukadho Ocaka, Socrate Onenrach, Walter Piwun and Innocent Taban at Obira South Village, Gotapwoyo Sub-county in Nwoya.

The incident occurred when an unidentified number of locals armed with machetes, bows, arrows and spears allegedly attacked a UPDF detach on a disputed piece of land within the former game reserve owned by Lt Gen Charles Otema Awany, the UPDF Reserve Forces commander.

On June 8, police at Pakwach Central Police Station blocked a group of more than 100 demonstrators from crossing Pakwach Bridge as theyattempted to show grievance over the killings and mistreatment of their colleagues.

The district police commander, Mr Frank Muzura, said the demonstration was against the presidential directives on Covid-19, which prohibit gatherings of more than 10 people.

Efforts to reach Gen Otema via his known telephone contact over the issue have proved futile.

However, Mr Richard Todwong, Gen Otema’s brother, told Daily Monitor that his brother rightfully acquired the land.

“On behalf of the Awany family, we have never grabbed any land there, he (Gen Otema) has not even cheated any landowner of a penny, we paid for all we have there, including buying others’ interests there,” Mr Todwong said.

Mr Todwong claimed Gen Otema had leasehold titles from the district land board for the contested land including that at Obira Village where the shooting happened.

Although survivors claim they had gone to Gen Otema’s farm to negotiate for release of their properties that had been confiscated by the soldiers who ordered them to vacate the land, police said the victims were armed and intended to attack the soldiers.
The incident brings to 10 the total number of people killed over land contests within the area between May 2019 and May 2020.

Mr Ben Latim Openy, the Gotapwoyo Sub-county chairperosn, said of 14 incidents of attacks, members of the Jonam community that crossed from Pakwach District had committed 12.

Mr Openy said members of Jonam community strongly believe and treat the former reserve as their customary-owned land.

“The claimants ignore our offices and that of the sub-county land committee, and instead report to Pakwach authorities accusing Acholi of displacing them,” Mr Openy added.

Although Gen Otema reportedly possess at least 10,000 acres within the former game reserve, we could not independently verify this from the district land office.

“Several mediations in the past by the political and cultural leaders have not helped. The Lands ministry must come to the ground and declare the status of this land so that the matter is sorted out once and for all,” Mr Openy said.

In 2014, a meeting convened by Mr Todwong (then Minister without portfolio) to resolve the dispute between the Acholi community and Jonam people over ownership of land turned rowdy when the Jonam accused theleadership of Nwoya of threatening to evict them from an area they once occupied for decades before fleeing to West Nile for safety when the Lord’s Resistance Army war intensified.
Mr Todwong then prematurely closed the meeting.

Last year, the two tribes were embroiled in a heated conflict over a compensation scheme by Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL) for a 9sqkm stretch of land at Yagopino, in Gotapwoyo Sub-county, Nwoya.

UETCL assessed 45 project-affected persons reportedly of Acholi origin but a new group of 65 project-affected persons turned up fromPakwach demanding compensation since they are the rightful owners of the land.
Leaders speak out
Mr Ruoth Moses Ogenwrot Omach, the leader of Paroketo Parish in Pakwach, on Monday warned that unless the two tribes urgently sit and mediate the matter, the situation could get out of hand.

“We don’t want to be pulled into the situation of Madi or Acholi in Apaa because some parties failed to play their cards rightly. After the insurgency, people resettled there again and the land board needed to act impartially,” Mr Omach said.

On Tuesday, Mr Emmanuel Ongiertho, the Jonam County Member of Parliament in an interview with Daily Monitor, blamed the protracted conflicts over the land on the Nwoya District Land Board whom he said had failed to act impartially and objectively in issuing out the land.

“We have records of so many of our people whose application documents for the land have never been validated from the time whthe land was still under Amuru. That problem has persisted, the land board considers more those from the Acholi side,” Mr Ongiertho said.

Because of delayed consideration of their applications, Mr Ongiertho said many Jonam people settled on the land although it was never inspected.

He added that the same land was allocated by the district to other developers, sparking conflict.

“Unfortunately, the Acholi chief, Rwot David Onen Achana is still out of the country, otherwise we would have held a meeting to seek solutions” Mr Ruoth Ogenrwot said.

He added that thousands of Jonam people are peacefullysettled in Amuru District because their land board allowed them to apply for the land they previously occupied.
But Nwoya District authorities insist that there was no need to inspect the land priorto leasing whether occupied or not since the settlers encroached and settled there illegally.

“It is unfortunate that these victims are fronting customary claims over this land. Instead, our brothers and sisters from across the Nile (Pakwach or Nebbi) come with letters from their districts to claim land there, that is unacceptable,” Mr Zeru Abukha, the chairman Nwoya land board, said.

Mr Abukha said whoever does not have titles to justifyownership of land in that area is occupying it illegally.

“For example, the attackers who were shot dead trespassed into a property owned by Gen Otema. Fortunately, Gen Otema possess a title for the piece of land in question,” Mr Abukha said.

Land status
Aswa-Lolim Game Reserve
Nearly 95 per cent of Gotapwoyo Sub-county land falls under the former Aswa-Lolim Game Reserve (measuring approximately 46,000 hectares in size).

When the colonial government declared the area a game reserve in 1952, the evacuated people were compensated by relocation to safer areas in Gulu, Pader, Lamwo and Amuru while the Jonam were resettled insidePakwach and Nebbi districts.

The status remained so until 1972 when it was degazetted as a wild animal sanctuary and handed to the respective local governments (district land boards).

As early as 2008 following an end to the LRA war, people started to return to the area to settle or do farming, the same period wrangles began to escalate.

However, members of both Jonam and Acholi communities rushed to occupy plots or chunks of land within Aswa-lolim area basing on customary claims.

But any land deal done on a former public land without the involvement of the district land board becomes null and void since one must go through the board to process and possess a deed title, so that they can own the land.

Original Post: Daily Monitor

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Seed Sovereignty: Most existing and emerging laws and policies on seeds are endangering seed saving and conservation on the African continent.

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By the Witness Radio team

In Africa, farmers and civil society organizations are urgently warning about the adverse effects of existing policies on agrobiodiversity. These policies aim to erode centuries-old traditions of seed saving and exchange, effectively undermining seed sovereignty and intensifying dependency on commercial seed companies.

The struggle over seed sovereignty, particularly the rights of smallholder farmers, has become one of the most pressing issues for the continent’s agricultural future. As governments introduce new seed laws, such as the proposed East African Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill of 2024, the preservation of cultural seeds and the rights of smallholder farmers are at stake.

The Communications and Advocacy Officer at Kenya’s Seed Savers Network, Tabitha Munyeri, notes that this has heightened monoculture, thereby significantly reducing the focus on indigenous plant varieties.

“There’s a lot of loss of agrobiodiversity with people focussing on a few foods, a few crops, leaving out so many other essential crops that have sustained humankind for generations and it is also important because it is coming at a time where we are having a lot of also conversations around different seed laws that are coming up for example within the EAC  we see that there is the seed and plant varieties bill of 2024 and we are looking at it as a huge setback and there is need for us to create awareness around even the policies that exist.”

She further argues that there is a need to raise awareness and sensitise farmers to the existing policies so that they can understand their effects on agrobiodiversity.

“Even for Kenya we have been having punitive seed laws for the longest time but now we are happy that courts of law are reviewing the law, but we still think that there is need to create a lot of advocacy around the seed laws and what they really mean to farmers because some of them do not understand, some of them are not even interested but once they get to know what it means and the impacts that the laws have on them then they are also able to become more vocal and more involved in the process.” She says.

Farmers in Africa have been the custodians of agricultural biodiversity, developing and maintaining numerous varieties of crops that are suited to local soils and climates. However, over the last few decades, the focus on farming has drastically declined to a handful of “high-yield” crops and imported hybrid varieties, leaving out the diverse indigenous seeds that have sustained communities through droughts, pests, and diseases.

Munyeri warns that this decline in agrobiodiversity is accelerating, driven not merely by market pressures, but by restrictive laws that criminalise and discourage traditional seed-saving practices.

In Kenya, where smallholder farmers supply more than 80 percent of the country’s food, seed systems have long depended on the informal exchange of seeds within communities. Small-hold farmers have relied on these systems to share, adapt, and innovate with seeds suited to their local conditions. However, existing laws have tended to favour the formal sector, requiring seed certification, variety registration, and compliance with intellectual property protections that most small-scale farmers cannot afford.

The 2024 Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill, currently under discussion in several East African countries, has sparked significant controversy. It seeks to modernize agriculture and align national systems with international standards. However, smallholder farmers and critics contend that it allows corporate control over genetic resources, limiting farmers’ autonomy and threatening biodiversity. Under such a framework, only registered seed varieties can be legally traded or exchanged, effectively outlawing the informal seed networks that have sustained rural communities for centuries.

If smallholder farmers lose their rights to exchange and cultivate indigenous varieties, they may also lose control over their food systems. Dependence on improved seeds necessitates purchasing new stock each planting season, eroding self-reliance and increasing vulnerability to market fluctuations.

This awareness gap is what the Seed Savers Network hopes to address. Through training programs and advocacy initiatives, including its recently concluded regional boot camp, the organization equips participants from across Africa with knowledge about seed laws, biodiversity, and policy engagement.

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Lands ministry rejects call to save over 300 Masaka residents facing eviction

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Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021. (Credit: Dismus Buregyeya)

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.

MASAKA – The lands ministry has dismissed a plea by over 300 residents of Kasanje village in Masaka district to halt their eviction from a 400-acre plot, despite a direct appeal to President Yoweri Museveni.

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.The conflict stems from a 2019 ruling by Masaka chief magistrate Deo Ssejjemba, which sided with landlords Joseph Matovu and Methodius Kasujja in their eviction bid against the locals.

The court’s decision, upheld after residents withdrew an appeal in 2021, set the stage for the current standoff.

Despite this, the affected families, many of whom lost homes, crops, and plantations, petitioned the President in 2021, prompting former Vice-President Edward Ssekandi and the State House legal teams to intervene.

However, Mayanja emphasised that all avenues for mediation had been exhausted.

“The matter has been conclusively resolved through legal and administrative processes. No further interventions are justified,” he stated in a letter dated October 28, 2025, rejecting a last-minute plea for a site visit.

Unresolved

Nabakoba confirmed that 105 families received compensation between shillings 300,000 and 12 million from the landlords in 2021 after signing agreements.

However, a ministry report revealed 215 families remain uncompensated, pending verification of their claims.

“We closed the mediation process when the majority accepted the settlement,” Nabakoba said. However, locals like Vincent Mugerwa, leader of the Kasanje Bibanja Owners Association, denounced the payouts as “peanuts,” citing offers as low as shillings 800,000 per acre.

The dispute has drawn high-level attention, including from legislator Joanita Namutawe, who petitioned Parliament, and Prime Minister Robina Nabanja, who met with security officials in Masaka last week. Despite these efforts, the lands ministry insists the case is closed.

Residents, however, contest the land’s ownership history, alleging irregularities in transfers from the original owners, the Masaka Jaggery Mills, to current landlords. Title documents show the land was registered under Freehold Volume 59 Folio 11, transferred to Joseph Bukenya in 2021, before passing to Methodius Kasujja.

Facing eviction

Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021.

The Prime Minister’s office received a fresh petition on October 31, detailing the residents’ grievances, including destroyed property and inadequate compensation.

Original Source: New Vision

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Report reveals ongoing Human Rights Abuses and environmental destruction by the Chinese oil company CNOOC

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By Witness Radio team.

Three years into the Kingfisher oil and gas extraction project, the situation in Kikuube District is dire. Despite repeated warnings and criticism from human rights and environmental organizations, the impact on the local population remains intolerable.

In 2024, the Environment Governance Institute Uganda (EGI) and Climate Rights International (CRI) independently published reports on the Kingfisher oil production project. A year later, in September 2025, these two influential organizations united their efforts to produce a follow-up report, which revealed even more alarming results.

The report titled “Extortion, Coercion, and Impoverishment. Human Rights Abuses and Governance Failures in the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) Kingfisher Oil and Gas Project” paints a grim picture. It shows that the hardships and abuses faced by residents of the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Uganda Ltd. are not isolated incidents, but an ongoing series of violations.

Alongside the larger Tilenga project and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), the Kingfisher project is a crucial component of the extensive fossil fuel extraction operation in Uganda, which has been ongoing since 2017. The most important players involved are the French company TotalEnergies, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), and the Chinese energy giant CNOOC. While a subsidiary of TotalEnergies is implementing the Tilenga project, CNOOC serves as the executing partner for the Kingfisher project.

Last year’s reports demonstrated the immense environmental damage caused by the Kingfisher project. The Climate Accountability Institute predicted that the entire Ugandan oil production project would increase the country’s emissions. All of the projects will contribute significantly to global warming and, like all new fossil fuel extraction projects, are incompatible with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 °C warming target.

In Kikuube district, oil drilling activities along the Lake Albert shoreline have allegedly resulted in the demolition of vegetation, increased sediment runoff, and chemical leaks over the last year, leading to the loss of breeding grounds for the local fish population, which is the basis of the livelihood for most local communities. Moreover, visible water pollution is an increasing threat to public health, as the lake is the only available water source for many residents.

Most households in villages bordering the project lack the funds to afford clean water or even medication, as they are experiencing a severe loss of income. Access to the area surrounding the project, including Nsonga, Nsuzu A, Nsuzu B, Kiina, and other nearby villages, is tightly controlled by security forces, like the Counter-Terrorism Police, the regular Traffic Police, and joint UPDF and Saracen Private Security company patrols. These enforce unannounced daily curfews by threatening and beating villagers encountered out of their homes after 6 or 7 pm, which results in a decrease in earnings for street vendors, whose main trading hours are often in the evening.

Fishing and fish trading – the primary sources of employment in the area – are also suffering greatly from the situation controlled by the company. Every two weeks, fishermen are required to pay 200,000 UGX in fishing fees. Fish traders – most of whom are women or youth – also must pay fees for their goods when passing through security checkpoints, which they often cannot afford. None of these fees levied by the security forces are receipted or even explained.

In addition to the physical restrictions, there is the ongoing loss of land. The company continues to take over communal land in the communities, forcibly evicting former residents without compensation.

Violent attacks for non-compliance with the new rules and fees are not uncommon and violate international human rights laws. In addition, there has been a disturbing increase in sexual and gender-based exploitation and abuse towards particularly vulnerable women. Many lose their sources of income due to the changed conditions and are forced into prostitution. The result is an increase in teenage pregnancies and school dropouts.

While the entire oil production project has been repeatedly criticized for human rights violations and illegal evictions, CNOOC’s actions are particularly egregious. Unlike other comparable projects, the company has never published a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) setting out compensation requirements and plans for restoring livelihoods. However, this is a necessary measure according to Ugandan and international standards. Although CNOOC has officially committed to developing an accessible grievance mechanism for community members, the residents interviewed for the report are not aware of any such mechanism.

Although arbitrary violence and sexual assaults against women have decreased since a new commanding officer of the local Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces (UPDF) was appointed, restrictive military control over the area and its inhabitants remains oppressive. Even under the new commander, Mubingwa Moses, residents continue to be restricted in their traditional way of life and work by opaque rules. The systematically imposed fees further exacerbate the situation of those affected and can only be described as exploitation.

The report by EGI and CRI makes a fundamental demand: “Uganda’s oil development is perpetuating climate, environmental, and human rights harms in violation of both national and international law and should be discontinued”. Furthermore, it explains in detail what is specifically needed to change the situation for those affected. The demands include conducting an independent and transparent investigation into the documented human rights violations, environmental degradation, and socio-economic impacts.

An independent body should examine all activities and suspend them until the situation is resolved. The primary demand is to ensure reparations and corporate accountability. CNOOC is expected to adopt a strict zero-tolerance policy regarding human rights violations, violence, and corruption, and to provide accessible and effective grievance procedures and compensation for those affected. In this regard, an appeal is made in particular to state and international institutions to monitor and enforce the promises made by the company.

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