MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Aswa-Lolim land: The brewing conflict between Acholi, Jonam
Published
5 years agoon

Contested. Casual workers weed a maize plantation on one of the farms within the contested area at Obira East Village, Gotapwoyo Sub-county in Nwoya District on April 20. PHOTO | TOBBIAS JOLLY OWINY
An upsurge in wrangles over land between the Jonam and Acholi communities in former Aswa-lolim Game Reserve in GotapwoyoSub-county, Nwoya District, has claimed at least 10 lives and left scores injured in the past one year.
On May 21, Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) soldiers shot dead Kerukadho Ocaka, Socrate Onenrach, Walter Piwun and Innocent Taban at Obira South Village, Gotapwoyo Sub-county in Nwoya.
The incident occurred when an unidentified number of locals armed with machetes, bows, arrows and spears allegedly attacked a UPDF detach on a disputed piece of land within the former game reserve owned by Lt Gen Charles Otema Awany, the UPDF Reserve Forces commander.
On June 8, police at Pakwach Central Police Station blocked a group of more than 100 demonstrators from crossing Pakwach Bridge as theyattempted to show grievance over the killings and mistreatment of their colleagues.
The district police commander, Mr Frank Muzura, said the demonstration was against the presidential directives on Covid-19, which prohibit gatherings of more than 10 people.
Efforts to reach Gen Otema via his known telephone contact over the issue have proved futile.
However, Mr Richard Todwong, Gen Otema’s brother, told Daily Monitor that his brother rightfully acquired the land.
“On behalf of the Awany family, we have never grabbed any land there, he (Gen Otema) has not even cheated any landowner of a penny, we paid for all we have there, including buying others’ interests there,” Mr Todwong said.
Mr Todwong claimed Gen Otema had leasehold titles from the district land board for the contested land including that at Obira Village where the shooting happened.
Although survivors claim they had gone to Gen Otema’s farm to negotiate for release of their properties that had been confiscated by the soldiers who ordered them to vacate the land, police said the victims were armed and intended to attack the soldiers.
The incident brings to 10 the total number of people killed over land contests within the area between May 2019 and May 2020.
Mr Ben Latim Openy, the Gotapwoyo Sub-county chairperosn, said of 14 incidents of attacks, members of the Jonam community that crossed from Pakwach District had committed 12.
Mr Openy said members of Jonam community strongly believe and treat the former reserve as their customary-owned land.
“The claimants ignore our offices and that of the sub-county land committee, and instead report to Pakwach authorities accusing Acholi of displacing them,” Mr Openy added.
Although Gen Otema reportedly possess at least 10,000 acres within the former game reserve, we could not independently verify this from the district land office.
“Several mediations in the past by the political and cultural leaders have not helped. The Lands ministry must come to the ground and declare the status of this land so that the matter is sorted out once and for all,” Mr Openy said.
In 2014, a meeting convened by Mr Todwong (then Minister without portfolio) to resolve the dispute between the Acholi community and Jonam people over ownership of land turned rowdy when the Jonam accused theleadership of Nwoya of threatening to evict them from an area they once occupied for decades before fleeing to West Nile for safety when the Lord’s Resistance Army war intensified.
Mr Todwong then prematurely closed the meeting.
Last year, the two tribes were embroiled in a heated conflict over a compensation scheme by Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL) for a 9sqkm stretch of land at Yagopino, in Gotapwoyo Sub-county, Nwoya.
UETCL assessed 45 project-affected persons reportedly of Acholi origin but a new group of 65 project-affected persons turned up fromPakwach demanding compensation since they are the rightful owners of the land.
Leaders speak out
Mr Ruoth Moses Ogenwrot Omach, the leader of Paroketo Parish in Pakwach, on Monday warned that unless the two tribes urgently sit and mediate the matter, the situation could get out of hand.
“We don’t want to be pulled into the situation of Madi or Acholi in Apaa because some parties failed to play their cards rightly. After the insurgency, people resettled there again and the land board needed to act impartially,” Mr Omach said.
On Tuesday, Mr Emmanuel Ongiertho, the Jonam County Member of Parliament in an interview with Daily Monitor, blamed the protracted conflicts over the land on the Nwoya District Land Board whom he said had failed to act impartially and objectively in issuing out the land.
“We have records of so many of our people whose application documents for the land have never been validated from the time whthe land was still under Amuru. That problem has persisted, the land board considers more those from the Acholi side,” Mr Ongiertho said.
Because of delayed consideration of their applications, Mr Ongiertho said many Jonam people settled on the land although it was never inspected.
He added that the same land was allocated by the district to other developers, sparking conflict.
“Unfortunately, the Acholi chief, Rwot David Onen Achana is still out of the country, otherwise we would have held a meeting to seek solutions” Mr Ruoth Ogenrwot said.
He added that thousands of Jonam people are peacefullysettled in Amuru District because their land board allowed them to apply for the land they previously occupied.
But Nwoya District authorities insist that there was no need to inspect the land priorto leasing whether occupied or not since the settlers encroached and settled there illegally.
“It is unfortunate that these victims are fronting customary claims over this land. Instead, our brothers and sisters from across the Nile (Pakwach or Nebbi) come with letters from their districts to claim land there, that is unacceptable,” Mr Zeru Abukha, the chairman Nwoya land board, said.
Mr Abukha said whoever does not have titles to justifyownership of land in that area is occupying it illegally.
“For example, the attackers who were shot dead trespassed into a property owned by Gen Otema. Fortunately, Gen Otema possess a title for the piece of land in question,” Mr Abukha said.
Land status
Aswa-Lolim Game Reserve
Nearly 95 per cent of Gotapwoyo Sub-county land falls under the former Aswa-Lolim Game Reserve (measuring approximately 46,000 hectares in size).
When the colonial government declared the area a game reserve in 1952, the evacuated people were compensated by relocation to safer areas in Gulu, Pader, Lamwo and Amuru while the Jonam were resettled insidePakwach and Nebbi districts.
The status remained so until 1972 when it was degazetted as a wild animal sanctuary and handed to the respective local governments (district land boards).
As early as 2008 following an end to the LRA war, people started to return to the area to settle or do farming, the same period wrangles began to escalate.
However, members of both Jonam and Acholi communities rushed to occupy plots or chunks of land within Aswa-lolim area basing on customary claims.
But any land deal done on a former public land without the involvement of the district land board becomes null and void since one must go through the board to process and possess a deed title, so that they can own the land.
Original Post: Daily Monitor
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Despite harsh repression, opposition to the EACOP pipeline in Uganda remains strong
Published
1 week agoon
June 12, 2025
On March 19, 2025, student members of the Justice Movement Uganda, including Ibrahim Mpiima (left), protest in the streets of Kampala against the EACOP oil project and its consequences for the climate and local populations. (Bruce Nahabwe)
“We will keep protesting until our demands are met. This project isn’t sustainable. The world is moving towards renewable energy, and Uganda should follow suit,” says Ibrahim Mpiima, team leader of Justice Movement Uganda, a student-led protest group of around a hundred members opposing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP)—the world’s longest heated oil pipeline.
“We protest whenever we can. The only thing holding us back is money. But as soon as we raise enough, we make banners, buy disposable mobile phones, secure safe houses in case things go wrong—and then we go.” This local group is part of a broader movement, StopEACOP, a coalition of international NGOs that joined forces “for greater solidarity, visibility and funding,” explains the student from Kyambogo University in Kampala.
Despite all the precautions taken by Ibrahim Mpiima and around 30 of his fellow students, he was arrested at the demonstration on 19 March. Taken by force with three other activists to the capital’s high-security prison, he was beaten and tortured before ultimately being released on 3 April. In a story published on social media, Mpiima also accuses security agents of raping him during his detention.
Martha Amviko, an activist with Extinction Rebellion, was also at the protest. “We wanted to march to Parliament to hand in our petition demanding an end to the project. But no sooner had we unfurled our banners than the police appeared. I managed to escape, but not everyone was so lucky. Once they take you away in the police vans, you know you’re going to be badly beaten. The violence is systematic.”
Although protests began several years ago, over the past year around 100 people have been arrested and threatened with prosecution in Uganda for taking part in peaceful demonstrations against oil projects backed by the government.
The EACOP pipeline is expected to stretch approximately 1,400 kilometres, running from Murchison Falls National Park in Uganda to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. It will transport oil from 400 wells in the Tilenga and Kingfisher fields to the coast, where it can be exported to international markets. An estimated 246,000 barrels of oil are expected to flow through the pipeline each day over its projected 25-year operational lifespan.
Presented to the public as opportunities for development, these projects are backed by the governments of Uganda and Tanzania, along with oil giants TotalEnergies and China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC). Initially estimated at US$3.5 billion in 2020, costs have continued to climb. Both countries hope the pipeline will generate substantial revenue and create jobs, both during construction and for ongoing maintenance of the infrastructure.
In a country like Uganda, where per capita income is around US$1,000 per year, the government is banking on oil wealth to lift the nation out of poverty. “We believe this will serve as a catalyst for economic growth,” said Robert Kasande, an official at Uganda’s Ministry of Energy, during the signing ceremony in 2021.
The human cost of pipeline construction
On the ground, however, some residents are facing serious disruptions to their lives and livelihoods. One of them is Geoffrey Byakagaba, a 45-year-old farmer and father of eight, who was stripped of part of his land to make way for the project. “In 2017, Total took ownership of our land in the village. There were several types of compensation on offer. I chose the ‘land for land’ option. They took my land, but to this day, I haven’t been compensated,” he says.
Byakagaba still lives in Kasenyi, in Uganda’s Buliisa district, where the town is currently preparing to host a processing plant for the Tilenga project. He says his standard of living has dropped significantly. “Before the project, I used to grow cassava and sweet potatoes. We ate what we needed and sold the rest. I had 20 to 25 animals—cows and goats. Today, I’m down to just about ten, and my harvest barely feeds the family.”
Due to this loss of income, Byakagaba had to move his children to different schools. “They’re still in school, but in neighbourhoods we’re not happy with.” Since then, he has been surviving by doing odd jobs and selling what he catches fishing. Still, compared to other residents of Kasenyi, he considers himself fortunate. “Luckily, I didn’t live on the land I farmed, so I still have somewhere to stay. That’s not the case for everyone.” He adds: “And I didn’t accept their money. Total’s compensation would never have allowed me to buy land. They offered just 3.5 million shillings per hectare [around €850], but today, buying a hectare around here costs between 10 and 15 million [€2,500 to €3,500]. I would have been ruined. Some people were.”
Geoffrey Byakagaba is the fifth generation of his family to live on this land. For him, it holds far more than just market value.
“This is where I grew up. I inherited nine hectares from my parents, but now I have less than half of that left. If I were to die today, my children would be landless. I’m not just fighting for my rights, but also to leave something behind for my children.”
In April 2021, frustrated by the situation, he decided to file a land-grabbing lawsuit in the High Court of Masindi, seeking fair compensation from the developers of the EACOP project. As he told Equal Times, he was soon labelled a saboteur—not only by the project’s backers but also by the Ugandan authorities—for daring to protest and for speaking to Italian journalist Federica Marsi. Marsi was arrested shortly thereafter, along with Ugandan human rights defender Maxwell Atuhura.
As of 2025, according to Geoffroy Byakagaba, the situation remains unchanged and he is still waiting for compensation. He is not alone. Byakagaba is one of an estimated 118,000 people who have been fully or partially displaced due to the Tilenga and EACOP projects.
One of them is the grandmother of activist Ibrahim Mpiima. “She was evicted from her land in Hoima, so she came to live with us in Kampala. With the compensation she received, she couldn’t afford to buy any land. Because of that, she never felt at peace. And now she has passed away,” says the young man. It was this experience that prompted him to get involved in the campaign against the project while still a student. “At the time, I didn’t know much about EACOP, but seeing what happened to my grandmother made me want to understand it better. Then I realised that most people know nothing about the project or its consequences. Some even believe it’s a development scheme that will lift Uganda out of poverty—when in reality, huge numbers of people have lost their land. We have to fight this misinformation,” he says angrily.
Opponents of the project face harsh repression
Even before the project was officially approved, anti-EACOP mobilisation had already begun to take shape nationally. The movement went global in 2018, coinciding with the major student protests led by Fridays For Future. The world began to take notice of EACOP and its alarming scale—the fifteen protected areas that it will cut through, its proximity to the Great Lakes (Lake Albert and Lake Victoria), one of Africa’s most important sources of fresh water, and its massive projected carbon footprint: 34 million tonnes of CO² per year, compared to Uganda’s annual emissions of just 5 million tonnes. All these reasons have led scientists to describe the project as a ‘carbon bomb’.
In Uganda, authorities have responded in a press release issued by the Ugandan oil authority by describing the international protest movement #StopEacop as a misguided opposition movement bordering on racism and colonialism. According to an investigation by the British media outlet DeSmog, TotalEnergies reportedly hired a South African public relations agency to “squash all the negative PR” surrounding the oil projects. To achieve this, a full-scale campaign has been launched both on the streets and across social media.
For Dickens Kamugisha, CEO of the non-profit AFIEGO (Africa Institute for Energy Governance), which has been tracking the EACOP case for years, this comes as no surprise. “Unfortunately, we have both a weak judicial system and a government that uses the police to punish community members who speak out. Many people have been arrested, intimidated and imprisoned.”
“Here, if you oppose what the government and the company (TotalEnergies, editor’s note) are doing, you become the enemy. And once you’re in their sights, you have to face the consequences.”
Ibrahim Mpiima has always been aware of the risks, having already been arrested once in 2023. “It’s our responsibility. I’m afraid of ending up in prison, of being beaten. I’m really afraid. But if we, the people who are informed, don’t protest, then we will have betrayed all those who believe in us,” he told Equal Times a few days before the demonstrations in March. Reached again by phone after his release from detention, where he endured torture, he said the ordeal had taken its toll: “I feel depressed. I haven’t fully recovered physically or mentally. The feeling is still fresh in my mind, as if it happened yesterday.”
Martha Amviko was also arrested in August 2024 and spent two weeks in prison. “They took us to Luzira, the high-security prison. They put me in the same cell as criminals, people who had committed murder, even though I was being charged with disturbing the public order,” she recalls. “It was overcrowded. From time to time, the guards would call us into their offices where they beat us and did everything to break our spirit.” Despite this ordeal, she insists, “I’d rather die than leave things as they are today. The people building this pipeline will be dead in 20 to 30 years. We are the generation who will have to live with their decisions—us and our children. We cannot give up the fight.”
Indeed, on 23 April, despite the ongoing repression, another demonstration was held in Kampala. Eleven activists were arrested. At the time of writing, they remain behind bars in Luzira high-security prison.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Uganda’s top Lands Ministry official has been arrested and charged with Corruption and Abuse of Office, a significant event that will have far-reaching implications for land governance in the country.
Published
2 weeks agoon
June 6, 2025
By Witness Radio team.
Kampala, Uganda – The commissioner of Land Registration from Uganda’s Ministry of Lands Housing and Urban Development, Mr. Baker Mugaino, has been arrested and charged before the Anti-Corruption Court, Witness Radio has learned.
Mugaino was arrested by officers from the Office of the Inspectorate of Government (IG) on Wednesday, June 4th, and arraigned before the Anti-Corruption Court, where he was charged with corruption and abuse of office. He pleaded not guilty before Chief Magistrate Rachael Nakyaze.
This development confirms findings from numerous reports and investigations by Witness Radio, a leading watchdog for land and environmental rights in Uganda. Witness Radio, through its extensive research and investigative work, has been at the forefront of uncovering systemic corruption and the misuse of authority, particularly within Uganda’s land administration institutions, which continue to fuel land-related injustices, especially against vulnerable and impoverished communities.
The arrest comes at a critical time when the country is experiencing a surge in land grabs, many of which are tied to fraudulent land dealings, title cancellations, double titling, and land transfers facilitated by compromised officials. This is an urgent situation that demands immediate attention and action.
In one of its reports released in 2024, focusing on forced evictions and emerging trends in Uganda, Witness Radio called on the Government of Uganda to address rampant corruption and abuse of power by those in authority, particularly in land registries, the Uganda Police Force, and the army combined with favoritism towards the wealthy at the expense of the poor. This call for government accountability is crucial to ensure transparency and fairness in land administration.
According to the prosecution, Mugaino, in his role as the commissioner of land registration at the Ministry of Lands, unlawfully canceled land titles on April 8 and 20, 2024, which had previously been issued to Tropical Bank Ltd, Akugizibwe Gerald Mugera, and Namayiba Park Hotel. This action, if proven, could have severe financial and social implications for these entities, potentially leading to significant losses and disruptions.
In addition, Mugaino failed to perform his duties as provided for in Section 85 of the Land Act, Cap 236, and his duties as Commissioner of Land Registration.
The center of contention arises from the land located at Kibuga Block 12, Plots 658, 659, and 665 in Kisenyi; Kibuga Block 4, Plot 152 in Namirembe; and Kyadondo Block 244, Plot 2506, in Uganda’s capital Kampala. These are prime locations that have been subject to numerous land disputes, making Mugaino’s actions particularly significant.
Under Section 87 of the Penal Code Cap 120, Mugaino will face imprisonment for a term not exceeding seven years if convicted and dismissed from public service.
Witness Radio commends the government for taking action against one of its own, recognizing it as a necessary and hopeful step toward addressing the root causes of land evictions and fraudulent land dealings.
Speaking in response to the recent arrest of the Commissioner for Land Registration, Witness Radio’s Team leader, Jeff Wokulira Ssebaggala, emphasized that most land grabs, illegal evictions, and fraudulent land dealings are orchestrated from within government offices by individuals entrusted with public authority.
“It is time for the government to prosecute its own, those whose continued abuse and misuse of public office have directly fueled widespread land injustices.” Mr. Ssebaggala added.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Environmentalists raise red flags over plan to expand oil palm fields in Kalangala
Published
2 weeks agoon
June 4, 2025
President Museveni inspects an oil palm plantation owned by Mr Deogratious Ssesanga, a model farmer in Kalangala District on May 26, 2023. PHOTO/PPU
Environmentalists have raised fresh concerns over the ongoing expansion of oil palm fields in other parts of Kalangala District, warning that it will degrade the ecosystem in the area.
The expansion follows a 2023 directive by President Museveni, allowing oil palm cultivation beyond Kalangala’s main island of Buggala. The initiative targets over 700 acres on Serinya Island, 600 acres on Lulamba, and 1,500 acres on Bukasa Island. Additional land on Bugaba, Bufumira, Buyovu, and Funve islands is also being earmarked for oil palm cultivation.
Environmentalists say this move contradicts earlier safeguards aimed at preserving the ecological integrity of other islands in Kalangala.
The district comprises 84 islands but only 64 are inhabited.
Mr Joseph Byaruhanga, the Kalangala District environmental officer, said the original Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) recommended limiting oil palm to Buggala to protect the natural forests and promote food crop diversity elsewhere.
“The intent was to preserve the natural forests on other islands and maintain food crop cultivation,” Byaruhanga explained in an interview on June 3.
Oil palm cultivation in Kalangala began in 2006, primarily on mailo land. Currently, over 12,000 hectares are under cultivation, including land managed by smallholder farmers and Oil Palm Uganda Limited (OPUL).
Records at the Kalangala District Environment Office indicate that forest cover has plummeted from 57 per cent in 1954 to just 22 per cent currently. The primary drivers of deforestation include rice farming (20 per cent), oil palm growing (18 per cent), and a combination of timber harvesting, settlement, and charcoal burning (16 per cent).
“The economic benefits are pushing residents to clear more land for oil palm, but this has long-term consequences—sedimentation, pollution, and even increased lake accidents and windstorms due to changing weather patterns,” Byaruhanga warned.
“Kalangala is surrounded by shallow waters. Without vegetation to anchor the soil, siltation could gradually fill the lake. If oil palm must expand, then we need a parallel forest restoration programme.” he added.
Mr David Kureeba, a senior programme officer Forests , Biodiversity and Climate Change at National Association of Professional Environmentalists (Nape) cautioned that unregulated oil palm expansion is a looming environmental disaster in the island district . “Although oil palm is a tree-like crop, it does not replicate the ecological functions of natural forests,” he explained.
“Oil palm trees may live for 25 years, but they are no match for indigenous forests. Natural forests are biodiversity hubs with wide canopies, climbing plants, and complex ecosystems,” he added.
Mr Kureeba also noted that forest cover clearance releases greenhouse gases like methane and carbon dioxide, exacerbating global warming. “Methane alone contributes to nearly a quarter of global climate change impacts. Destroying forests releases these gases into the atmosphere,” he said.
“Forests also regulate climate through evapotranspiration, contributing to cloud formation and rainfall. The morning dew and fresh air we enjoy come from forests. Without them, even moisture exchange through leaf stomata disappears,” he further explained.
Mr Frank Muramuzi, NAPE Executive Director, emphasised Kalangala’s vulnerability due to its island geography.
“Clearing forests removes natural windbreaks, exposing the area to strong winds and dangerous weather patterns like tornadoes,” he said.
“Oil palm doesn’t absorb as much carbon dioxide or release as much oxygen as broadleaf trees. Replacing forests with oil palm only worsens the problem,” he added.
Mr Muramuzi also criticised Uganda’s EIA process. “Developers often conduct their own assessments, which tend to downplay environmental risks in favour of economic benefits,” he said.
Despite these concerns, project proponents insist the expansion is being handled responsibly.
Mr Boaz Zaake, an agronomist with Ssese Oil Palm Growers Cooperative Society Limited ( SOPAGCO), said farmers are using cover crops and maintaining buffer zones to prevent erosion and water pollution.
He also argued that most of the targeted land for new oil palm fields was previously abandoned due to tsetse fly infestations and not part of any protected forests.
“All national forests have been preserved. Oil palm trees do produce oxygen just like other trees,” he said.
Mr Muramuzi, however, dismissed this claim, arguing that oil palm trees contribute little to climate regulation.
“Oil palm isn’t a real tree in ecological terms. It has a small leaf surface and limited capacity for carbon capture. Unlike broadleaf indigenous trees, it offers minimal environmental benefits,” he said.
Kalangala Resident District Commissioner, Fred Badda, said an Environmental Impact Assessment will be conducted before any new expansion of oil palm fields is done.
“We are currently assessing the land’s availability and historical use—whether it was forested or not—before proceeding with the EIA,” he said.
At least 11,800 hectares of oil palm trees have so far been planted on Kalangala’s main Island of Buggala in the past two decades, and recently, the project started expanding to other islands of Bunyama, Bukasa and Bubembe.
Source: Monitor
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