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The pain and anguish in the Albertine Part II

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The rural village of Kapaapi, Bugahya county, Hoima district has turned into a crucible of violence after 1,000 families live under the constant threat of being evicted.

They are scared of cartels that often hire rogue UPDF, police, and private security firms to evict communities from their lands in the oil-rich Albertine Graben. In this second and last part, EMMANUEL MUTAIZIBWA spent six months conducting an investigation and discovered several disturbing issues.

A GORY HORROR

Brig Peter Nabasa grazes his cattle on 700 acres of land, which he claims he leased out of 1,235 hectares belonging to the Byangire family. The Byangire family parcelled out another 1,050 acres to kibanja holders who have occupancy rights but do not hold a registered title.

They are protected by the Constitution and the Land Act and cannot be evicted without a court order, and they possess the right to use, sell, inherit, or formalise their occupancy on registered land. Minister Mayanja’s order to resettle the families has been supported by the commander of the UPDF Field Artillery Division, Maj Gen Dan Kakono, whose soldiers are offering protection to families that were previously evicted.

Women in this area, subjected to horrendous torture and sexual abuse during the eviction raids, carry invisible scars. While speaking on condition of anonymity, the doctor who treated these women confirmed that they were still experiencing trauma when he examined them in 2025.

Five women are willing to testify in court, but others choose to remain silent as a result of the stigma associated with rape and threats from the perpetrators of this crime. The deputy Inspector General of Government, Patricia Achan Okiria, on January 15, 2024, filed a petition before the Uganda Police Professional Standards Unit (PSU) calling for the investigation of the former Hoima District Police Commander, Patrick Bogere, on allegations of abuse and improper misconduct.

The letter states that “In February, 2023, the District Police Commander [DPC], together with the assistance of armed goons, invaded seven villages located in Kapaapi, Hoima, at night, tied up several women, and gang-raped them before evicting them from the land.

Consequently, the affected women reported the matter at Hoima rural police station, where Bogere Jackson is the DPC. When the victims followed up the matter, the DPC threatened them with arrest and blocked them from making further appearances at the police station.”

Some of the women who encountered violence during the evictions, including two rape victims, provided these testimonies. Unknown thugs came together in large numbers with police and Magnum security guards.

I was two months pregnant, I fell on a stone and started bleeding, and I had a miscarriage and lower abdominal pain. I am a mother of nine, and we often sleep in the bushes with the children. There is no honour in that if a family member passes away, their corpses are thrown into the bushes,” revealed one of the women who was examined and whose identity was concealed for fear of reprisals.

INCIDENTS OF RAPE

Another victim and mother of eight, whose house was torched and livestock stolen, claimed that her husband was imprisoned and her children are out of school.

“I was raped by two people who covered my eyes with a cloth. I fell while running, and currently I suffer from severe back pain. My oldest son, who was 17 years old, was shot in the shoulder. We now live like destitutes in [the neighbouring] Buliisa district,” she lamented without disclosing her identity.

“I was five months pregnant, and I am a mother of five. I was spared from being raped, but they took my livestock, including a cow, which was roasted and eaten,” revealed another victim who was attacked on February 10, 2024, after her husband fled to hide in the bushes. Another victim, who was three months pregnant, was awoken by noises and silhouettes of soldiers.

“She lost the pregnancy and got retained products of conception, leading to a dilation and curettage [a minor surgical procedure used to open the cervix and remove tissue from the inner lining of the uterus],” reads the summary of a medical report. She claims that her children were beaten and hospitalised, and “one of the attackers was identified as the LC-I chairperson Michael Oketta, Ndahura Gafayo, who was dressed in a camouflage uniform and was armed with pangas and guns.”

Her children’s identity cards, academic records, and a motorcycle were incinerated in the fire. The victim, according to a medical report, “developed peptic ulcers, insomnia, high blood pressure and paranoid delusions”.

On February 10, 2023, at about midnight, while asleep, soldiers and police entered another woman’s house. She was assaulted and taken to the back of the house, and while pregnant, she was raped, and her house was torched. A medical report reveals that “she developed a urinary tract infection and experiences pain in the pelvic area and back and suffers from bouts of insomnia.”

At 1 am, the young woman noticed that their houses were ablaze. “The door was hit, and it fell in and injured a baby. My mother-in-law was in the house and was severely beaten. I was seven months pregnant. I was pushed out of the house naked; I got severe lower abdominal pain and vaginal bleeding, and I was abducted and taken to an unknown place with my four children. All my livestock were stolen, and my children are out of school while my husband was imprisoned for five months.”

Several incidents of rape have been chronicled during evictions in the Albertine Graben. About four women claimed that they were raped in 2014 during evictions in Rwamutonga, Hoima district, when 200 families were evicted to pave the way for the construction of an oil waste treatment plant by McAlester, a US-based firm.

Arinaitwe and Company Advocates, a law firm based in Kampala, has, between 2023 and 2026, filed three separate suits in Hoima High court on behalf of the evicted families. One of the lawsuits is a public interest litigation which is seeking to hold TotalEnergies and the government of Uganda vicariously liable for the abuses the victims suffered during the eviction.

Peter Arinaitwe, the lawyer for the evicted communities in the seven villages of Kapapi, says that “our legal representation of the victims has also come at a high personal cost. We have experienced what we believe to be attempts on our lives, persistent surveillance of our movements, raids on our homes, and intimidation by unidentified individuals in suspicious vehicles. These incidents have created a climate of fear and insecurity for us and our families.”

He said the case has been deeply traumatising.

A HALL OF MIRRORS

The land that Asiimwe Byangire leased to Brig Nabasa was the subject of a legal dispute filed in 2021 before the Masindi District High Court at the time the senior army officer acquired it. Asimwe Byangire, as the plaintiff, had sued the local community in Kapaapi for trespass.

The petitioners claimed that, “As the court process is still ongoing, Asiimwe Byangire, who is the plaintiff, and Brig. Nabasa have decided to come and force the residents to agree and sign a [consent agreement] document to divide the land of the four villages into two parts without any written document from the court allowing them to do so.”

The locals claim that Asiimwe Byangire sought to present a forged document purporting that the defendants had entered into a consent agreement with him. It reads further, “The second part, i.e., the western part [Waaki North and Kiryatete Rukola], will be given to Brigadier Nabasa to pay back his loan, so the residents of the western part will be chased immediately without any compensation.”

The locals claim that Brig. Nabasa acquired the 700- acre leasehold after Asiimwe Byangire failed to pay a loan he acquired from the army officer. The director for complaints, investigations & legal services at the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC), Pauline Nansamba Mutumba, told Vox Populi that UHRC’s officers in Hoima district met the complainants, but they were not willing to cooperate and preferred to wait for the decision of courts of law.

“We agreed that the office of the resident district commissioner would take the lead. I consider it ongoing. We could not interfere because of the sub judice rule, but we did offer to mediate.”

This article was produced as part of the Bertha Challenge Fellowship.

Source: The Observer

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Nearly 90 mln displaced people face severe climate risks

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According to UNHCR’s latest report, No Escape III: Displaced Voices on the Frontlines of the Climate Crisis, three in four forcibly displaced people globally face high to extreme exposure to climate-related hazards. Many have already fled conflict, violence and persecution, only to encounter further threats in places where resources to adapt are limited.

The report features the experiences of eight members of displaced communities, highlighting their resilience and the importance of including their voices in climate-related decisions.

“Refugees face a double injustice. Forced to flee conflicts they did not cause, they are now on the frontlines of a climate crisis they have contributed least to,” said Antón Leis García, UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Operations.

Climate change is also undermining the prospects for lasting solutions. More than two-thirds of refugees who returned home in the first half of 2026 did so to countries highly vulnerable to climate hazards, raising concerns about the sustainability of their return.

In Syria, where nearly 4 million displaced people have recently returned, declining groundwater levels and severe climate shocks are threatening recovery. Flooding along the Euphrates River in May 2026 damaged homes and forced thousands more people to flee.

Extreme heat poses another growing challenge. By 2050, one in three refugee settlements in sub-Saharan Africa could face at least 100 days of dangerous heat annually. In some settlements in Ethiopia, including Helaweyn, dangerous heat could persist for more than 200 days a year, threatening residents’ health and livelihoods.

Weather-related disasters have triggered more than 255 million internal displacements worldwide over the past decade, equivalent to approximately 70,000 movements a day. In East Africa, severe flooding associated with a very strong El Niño could displace up to 3 million people in Somalia, Kenya, South Sudan and Uganda by the end of 2026, depending on the severity of the floods.

Climate hazards also increase the risk of statelessness. Nearly 90% of the world’s 4.7 million reported stateless people live in countries facing high to extreme exposure to climate risks. Without legal recognition, many struggle to access disaster relief and adaptation support.

Despite these growing threats, fragile and conflict-affected countries receive only around 10% of global climate finance, even though many host large displaced populations and face severe climate impacts. UNHCR says greater investment in adaptation, particularly in areas of return, is essential to support reintegration and make returns safe, voluntary and sustainable.

Displaced people and host communities are already developing climate solutions, including solar-powered water systems in the Sahel, climate-resilient agriculture in Uganda, and land and mangrove restoration in Colombia.

At COP31, UNHCR will urge governments and climate finance institutions to include displaced people in national climate plans, increase long-term adaptation funding for fragile and displacement-affected areas, and support locally led solutions beyond short-term humanitarian assistance.

The agency says the conference, hosted by Türkiye, one of the world’s largest refugee-hosting countries, offers an opportunity to ensure that displaced people and host communities are included in global climate action.

Earlier, Qazinform News Agency reported that the year 2026 could become one of the four warmest years on record, as ocean temperatures continue to rise, glaciers lose ice and global sea levels reach new highs.

Source: europesays.com

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Negotiations are in motion to forge new international principles that will finally hold oil companies accountable for the scars they leave on people and the planet.

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By the Witness Radio team

When oil companies pack up after years of drilling, the pollution, scarred landscapes, and shattered livelihoods often linger long after the last rig is gone.

Communities in oil-producing regions are often left to grapple with poisoned water, rusting skeletons of abandoned infrastructure, and lost income from farming, fishing, and other ways of life. Meanwhile, the question of who will foot the bill for restoring the environment hangs in the air.

Now, three international civil society organizations are raising their voices, demanding that oil and gas companies take real responsibility when they shut down operations or hand over their assets to new investors.

The Stakeholder Democracy Network (SDN), the Interamerican Association for Environmental Defense (AIDA) and the Center for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO) have submitted the International Principles for Responsible Divestment from Fossil Fuels to the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights.

These principles arrive at a time when countries are under mounting pressure to break free from coal, oil, and gas in the fight against climate change. Yet the organizations warn that companies must not use this transition as an excuse to abandon communities or leave their mess behind.

“Rapid closure and responsible closure of the fossil fuel industry are not mutually incompatible agendas. Both are vital to achieve climate and environmental justice and a just energy transition,” the principles state.

The proposed standards lay out a clear roadmap for what companies must do before walking away from fossil fuel projects, and what governments should demand in return.

According to the principles, companies are expected to inform communities about plans to close operations or sell assets, including when the changes will happen and what environmental and financial obligations remain outstanding.

They should also involve affected people in decisions about their own future, rather than making choices in secret boardrooms.

“This information must include divestment timelines and modalities, as well as full disclosure of all outstanding environmental and financial liabilities. Companies should proactively create spaces for participation and dialogue, so that affected people, regulators and government authorities receive relevant information and can meaningfully influence corporate decision-making.” The principles further state.

Another key demand is that companies must pay for the harm they have caused, from cleaning up polluted lands and waters to safely dismantling infrastructure and restoring damaged ecosystems.

The organizations are also pushing for companies to compensate those whose livelihoods, health, culture, and communities have suffered. This could mean financial payments, restoring sacred cultural sites, and publicly admitting the harm they have done.

When companies sell off their assets, the principles insist they must ensure that new owners have both the resources and expertise to run operations safely and cover all future closure and restoration costs.

The principles also highlight the fate of workers and communities whose lives depend on oil. They call for new livelihood opportunities, job transition programs, and social safety nets for those facing job loss when the wells run dry.

The principles also place the onus on governments, urging them to ensure oil companies do not walk away from environmental damage or leave obligations unresolved when they shut down or sell off their assets.

They urge states to craft clear, transparent plans for phasing out fossil fuel extraction, with affected communities and workers at the table for every decision that could reshape their lives.

Governments are also expected to overhaul their laws and regulations, closing loopholes that let companies slip away from projects without cleaning up pollution, restoring ecosystems, or compensating those harmed.

“States should ensure that their existing legal and regulatory frameworks related to fossil fuel divestment, including investment laws and treaties, are aligned with these Principles and that these Principles are made obligatory for companies by enshrining them in law and effectively enforcing them.” The 4-page document reads

Before any asset sale or project closure gets the green light, the principles say governments should demand independent environmental and social assessments, plus thorough reviews of infrastructure and decommissioning costs.

They also urge states to ensure companies set aside enough money for environmental clean-up and infrastructure dismantling before approving any closure plans.

When assets change hands, governments should scrutinize whether the new buyers have the money, know-how, and management skills to run the facilities safely and meet all environmental obligations left on the table.

The principles sound the alarm against letting companies hand over assets to brand-new businesses or operators with no track record of safe management, which could leave governments and communities footing the bill when disaster strikes.

They also tackle cases where previous owners have already left a trail of environmental damage. Here, governments should ensure new owners handle the clean-up while protecting affected communities’ right to seek compensation and justice from those who caused the original harm.

The organizations are also pressing governments to publish yearly updates on all proposed, approved, and rejected oil and gas asset sales and project closures, including whether companies have kept their environmental and social promises.

These concerns are painfully clear in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, where decades of oil extraction have left communities battling pollution and the collapse of their livelihoods.

Oil spills have poisoned water sources, ruined farmland, and shattered fishing livelihoods, forcing many residents to bear the high cost of an industry that has reaped enormous profits.

A United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) assessment of Ogoniland in 2017 documented extensive oil contamination and recommended a long-term environmental clean-up.

Meanwhile, some international oil companies that once operated in the region are selling off their stakes to new investors, sparking urgent questions about who will shoulder responsibility for pollution and other lingering obligations.

In March 2025, Shell completed the sale of its Nigerian onshore subsidiary, the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), to Renaissance Africa Energy.

TotalEnergies followed with an agreement announced in January 2026 to sell its 10 percent non-operated interest in the Renaissance joint venture’s licenses to the Nigerian consortium Vaaris.

On October 27, 2026, TotalEnergies announced that it had completed the sale for US$800 million.

The company said it would retain its full economic interest in three gas licenses – OML 23, OML 28 and OML 77 – which currently account for 50 percent of Nigeria LNG’s gas supply. The transaction therefore covers its interest in the joint venture’s oil assets, rather than a complete withdrawal from its Nigerian operations.

Civil society organizations are raising doubts about whether these deals offer enough transparency on outstanding environmental damage, clean-up plans, and compensation for the communities left in the wake.

Dr Isaac ‘Asume’ Osuoka, Director of Social Action, said the people living in oil-producing areas should not be forgotten when companies negotiate the sale of their assets.

“This case is about people, not just oil assets. It is about children growing up with poisoned water, families breathing polluted air, and communities losing their health and livelihoods while international oil companies walk away with decades of profits,” Osuoka said.

He insisted that affected communities must not become corporate sacrifice zones and urged TotalEnergies to prove that its exit will not deepen existing human rights abuses.

Mr. Simon Taylor, co-founder of Hawkmoth, also questioned the transparency surrounding the transaction.

Taylor pointed to TotalEnergies’ previous involvement in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, arguing that the company should be transparent about the public-interest implications of its asset sale.

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Development finance faces growing scrutiny as industrial livestock farming rapidly spreads across Africa.

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By the Witness Radio team.

As investment in large-scale agricultural enterprises surges across Africa, the spotlight is turning to development finance institutions and their power to determine which farming systems thrive and which are left behind.

Multilateral development banks and other financial institutions are playing a bigger role in shaping Africa’s agricultural landscape, funding everything from business models to infrastructure and production systems. Industrial livestock farming stands at the center of heated debate, with experts warning that its rise could sideline smallholder farmers, pastoralist communities, and agroecological food systems.

These pressing concerns took center stage during a webinar hosted by the Stop Financing Factory Farming (S3F) coalition, where participants explored how financing industrial livestock farming in Africa impacts farmers, the environment, climate, and public health.

The S3F Africa Regional Coordinator, Mariann Bassey-Olsson, said financial decisions made by development institutions have consequences beyond the businesses receiving the money.

“Since public money shapes food futures, what banks fund today decides what people eat and their livelihoods,” she said.

She pointed out that Africa’s livestock production is a tapestry of pastoralism, mixed crop-livestock farming, and commercial ventures. She urged that agricultural investment should honor this diversity instead of pushing industrial production as the default path.

“We must strengthen our diverse, locally appropriate and sustainable livestock systems, not replace them with industrial models,” she said.

Miriann also challenged the surge in support for agribusinesses, highlighting the stark contrast with the limited financing that reaches agroecological and community-led food systems.

“Factory farming is a finance story that depends on capital, infrastructure and policies that enable its expansion, yet public and private finance increasingly support agribusinesses while far less reaches agroecological community-led food systems,” she said.

Ms. Lizah Makombore of the University of Vermont said existing patterns of industrial production and consumption are pressuring ecosystems and making it difficult to achieve sustainable development goals.

“Because our food systems play such a monumental role in this crisis, they are now undeniably a growing cause for deep transformation,” she said.

Makombore called for a stronger embrace of agroecological farming, emphasizing that agricultural approaches must be rooted in local cultures, wisdom, and environmental realities.

She also highlighted the alarming decline in soil health and stressed the importance of weaving indigenous knowledge and cultural values into sustainable food systems.

“We therefore need to think about how we can shape the context using our cultural values and how we can reclaim our cosmovision, such as Ubuntu,” she said.

Citing an assessment by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on financing for agroecology through the Green Climate Fund, Makombore said 79% of the funding assessed supported factory farming and other non-agroecological agricultural systems.

She added that agroecological systems received 10.3%, while agroecology received 10.6%.

Mr. Michael Farrelly of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) cautioned that investment figures alone cannot reveal whether farmers are truly gaining control over their production or reaping the rewards of funded businesses and programs.

“More finance doesn’t automatically mean more power or better incomes for farmers,” he

said.

Farrelly pointed to the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP), the African Union framework guiding agricultural development across member states, as an important influence on investment priorities.

He said the program’s 2026–2035 implementation period has a $100 billion investment target combining public and private financing.

He also referred to regional agricultural policy platforms and summits where governments are seeking to attract private investment into the sector.

Farrelly urged closer scrutiny of the fine print of these investments, especially when they fuel the growth of large commercial agricultural enterprises.

He warned that as corporate agribusinesses gain ground, small-scale producers risk becoming more dependent on commercial buyers, facing mounting debt, and losing their grip on livestock production and marketing.

“The World Bank is helping shape both the businesses and the rules under which they operate. The authors of the report warn that farmers can become more dependent on corporate buyers and debt with less control over their livestock. Some programs aim to reduce the share of people working in agriculture.” He said.

Ms. Nne Nelly Umoren of the Green Leaf Advocacy and Empowerment Center voiced concerns about the hidden social and environmental costs that often accompany large industrial investments, such as fertilizer production.

Citing the Nduruma fertilizer industry, she questioned whether the economic promises of industrial projects truly reflect the realities faced by surrounding communities.

She noted that while such investments are often touted as engines of job creation, increased production, and economic growth, it is crucial to weigh these benefits against the environmental and social burdens local communities’ shoulder.

“They make us believe that investment is for production and for economic growth, food security, and also for the future food of Africa, especially the Nduruma fertilizer,” she said.

“The question behind this is: does industrial growth genuinely improve people’s lives and strengthen food systems? Does it really create economic benefit for investors while transferring environmental and social costs to the local communities?” she asked.

Umoren called for a sharper focus on the lived experiences of communities impacted by industrial projects and a closer look at how the benefits and costs of these investments are shared.

The experts urged that agricultural and development finance should prioritize approaches that empower local food systems and uplift small-scale producers.

They argued that Africa’s food security cannot be achieved through a one-size-fits-all model. Still, they must instead honor the continent’s rich tapestry of farming systems and ecological landscapes.

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