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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

The Rush for Carbon Concessions: More Land Theft and Deforestation

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This bulletin focuses on a central cause of large-scale deforestation and dispossession of forest peoples: The imposition of land concessions as an instrument to separate, divide and map land according to economic and political interests. In consequence, the editorial alerts on the grabbing of vast amounts of hectares for Carbon Concessions.

This bulletin pays attention to what the WRM Secretariat considers as a central cause of large-scale deforestation and dispossession of forest peoples: The imposition of land concessions as an instrument to separate, divide and map land (and forests) according to economic and political interests.

This is not an easy subject; it forces us to deeply reflect about mainstream perceptions of ‘land’, how these attempt to violently separate it from the rest of ‘nature’ – including its inhabitants, and how the colonizers and capitalist Elites have been organizing and using it according to their interests.

Some articles in this bulletin explore the colonial histories of how concessions were imposed and resisted across the Amazon, South East Asia and the Congo Basin. In some cases, like the articles focused on the DR Congo and Thailand, one can clearly comprehend the direct and deep implications that these histories have on today’s continuous violence, discrimination and struggles around land. The article focused on the women’s resistance in Brazil, alerts on how the privatization of conservation concessions is a serious threat to the livelihoods and cultures of local populations. Another article alerts on the international push to create more Protected Areas ‘without people’ and exposes the current trend of privatizing these Parks’ management in the African continent in particular.

In close relation to this push for more Protected Areas, there is a serious risk of a vast expansion of another type of concessions in order to exert control over tropical forest land: Carbon Concessions. These concessions aim to control in particular the carbon commodity in it and other so-called ‘ecosystem services’. Actors, such as international conservation NGOs, multinational corporations, brokers, banks, traders, certification agencies, governments and others, are competing in (and facilitating) the trade of carbon credits and offsets while expanding the means for land control.

Hundreds of multinational companies and more than 130 governments have committed to countless ‘net zero’ emissions targets, which in tandem with the push for so-called Nature-Based Solutions, explain the rush on Carbon Concessions. This big wave of climate targets also explains why such concessions tend to be much bigger than most forest carbon projects promoted so far.

In this context, for example, in late 2021, company Mayur Renewables PNG (MR), subsidiary of Mayur Resources (MRL), got three Carbon Concessions from the Papua New Guinea (PNG) government, covering approximately 800,000 hectares of forests. These concessions have a crediting period of over 30 years, and according to the company, these are “Nature-Based REDD-Carbon Offsets projects.” (1). The company’s aim is to expand to 1.4 million hectares.

PNG-based MRL aims to become the main supplier of “carbon neutral lime and cement products” in the region, and these Carbon Concessions are supposed to make its Central Cement & Limestone Project near Port Moresby into a ‘carbon neutral’ business. (2)

On December 2021, VT Carbon Partners gave MR a US 3 million dollars loan facility. VT Carbon Partners is a joint fund management from Viridios Capital and Tribeca Investment Partners. This fund was launched in 2021 with an initial 500 million Australian dollars (over US360 million dollars) portfolio to be deployed to ‘nature-based projects’ certified by Verra. With these large Carbon Concessions and expansion plans, PNG is set to become one of the largest carbon credit producers in the world.

During a webinar from 2021, the CEO of Viridios Capital stated that, “A whole new industry can be created here and potentially a new export market for PNG as well. Just thinking about the requirement for developed countries to mitigate their emissions (…), especially for neighbouring developed countries, like Australia and New Zeeland, which need those offsets. And that would create a whole new industry in PNG, including local communities, who would need to be re-trained on proper forest management, science and academia training up on new technologies as well.” (3) (emphasis added)

This CEO must be thinking that a proper forest management is one in which the use of the forest is only for the profit-seeking interests of the concessions’ investors, and for which local communities need to be re-trained on how they should behave, and live differently from coexisting with and using the forest on their own terms

Similarly, although receiving much more media controversy, in November 2021, an agreement between the government of Malaysia and Singapore-based Hoch Standard Ptd. Ltd. granted the company more than two million hectares of tropical forests as a Carbon Concession in the Malaysian state of Sabah on the island of Borneo. The plan was to expand the project to four million hectares. According to the agreement, foreign entities would hold the rights over these forests for the next 100 to 200 years. Global consultancies Tierra Australia and Global Nature Capital were also involved in the negotiations of the agreement.

In response to a flurry of attention from media and civil society organizations and groups in Sabah, in February 2022, the State Attorney General for Sabah put out a press statement in which she described the proposed ‘Nature Conservation Agreement’ as “legally impotent”. Ten days later however, and despite the many technical impossibilities that have been found to sign this deal, Sabah’s Deputy Chief Minister Jeffrey Kitingan said that “everything is good” with the Agreement. (4)

An indigenous leader from Sabah reflected on this Agreement and on the absolute lack of consideration for the indigenous groups living in those forests, “Is history repeating itself? Are we not yet free or healed from our colonial and wartime histories?” (5) A very valid question indeed.

 

(1) Mayur Resources, Mayur’s forest carbon concessions granted paving pathway to “net zero” projects and opportunity to provide high quality carbon credits for global carbon markets, 2022.
(2) Pacific News Services, Mayur gets carbon concessions, 2022.
(3) Mayur Resources Forest Carbon Concessions Investor Webinar, January 2022.
(4) REDD-Monitor, A question for Jeffrey Kitingan, Sabah’s Deputy Chief Minister: Who owns Lionsgate, the company registered in the British Virgin Islands that owns all the shares in Hoch Standard?, February 2022.
(5) Mongabay, Is colonial history repeating itself with Sabah forest carbon deal?, 2021.

Original Source:  World Rainforest Movement

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‘Food and fossil fuel production causing $5bn of environmental damage an hour’

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A farm worker ploughs fields overlooking Grangemouth petrochemical and refining plant in Scotland. Photograph: Murdo MacLeod/The Guardian

UN GEO report says ending this harm key to global transformation required ‘before collapse becomes inevitable’.

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

Britain, Netherlands withdraw $2.2 billion backing for Total-led Mozambique LNG

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LONDON, Dec 1 (Reuters) – Britain and the Netherlands are withdrawing a combined $2.2 billion in support for the TotalEnergies-led Mozambique LNG project, they said separately on Monday, after both hired firms to probe human rights concerns surrounding the development.
Britain’s government said it was rescinding its $1.15 billion backing for project after promising in 2020 a $300 million loan and insurance worth about $700 million for the $20 billion project via UK Export Finance.
The Dutch government also said on Monday Total had withdrawn a $1.1 billion export insurance request for the project.
Atradius Dutch State Business authorised $1.3 billion in export insurance via two policies, the larger of which has been rescinded at the company’s request, the Dutch finance ministry said on Monday.
TotalEnergies declined to comment. Mozambique’s government did not respond to a request for comment.

CONSTRUCTION HALTED IN 2021, BUT DUE TO RESTART

Mozambique LNG’s construction was halted in 2021 due to an Islamist insurgency. Total lifted force majeure on its development in November, but made restarting conditional on the Mozambican government’s approval of a new budget, which the president said he may dispute.
“In preparation to restart the project, UKEF was presented with a proposal to amend the financing terms it had agreed originally,” British business minister Peter Kyle said in a statement.
“My officials have evaluated the risks around the project, and it is the view of His Majesty’s Government that these risks have increased since 2020.” The interests of UK taxpayers “are best served by ending our participation in the project at this time,” he added.
Jihadist attacks have been back on the rise in Mozambique, with Total bringing in workers and equipment this year by air and sea for security reasons.

PROJECT CAN PROCEED WITHOUT UK, DUTCH FINANCING, TOTAL HAS SAID

In April TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanne told investors that project partners could move forward without UK and Dutch financing, using equity.
More than 70% of the project’s financing is secured, and about 90% of the future gas production is commercialized via contracts with buyers.
Kyle said UKEF would pay back the project for any premium paid. A UKEF spokesperson declined to name the amount.
The Dutch finance minister on Monday said TotalEnergies had asked to cancel part of its insurance via a letter dated November 24, just as an independent human rights review ordered by the ministry was being finalised.
“This means that the Netherlands will no longer be involved in financing the project,” the statement reads.
A $213 million policy insuring Dutch contractor Van Oord remains in place, a ministry spokesperson said.
TotalEnergies holds a 26.5% operating stake in Mozambique LNG. Japan’s Mitsui (8031.T), opens new tab owns 20% in the project and Mozambique state firm ENH 15%, alongside smaller stakeholders including India’s ONGS and Oil India.

CRITICISM FROM ENVIRONMENTAL, HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Human rights nonprofit ECCHR last month filed a criminal complaint against TotalEnergies, alleging it was complicit in torture and enforced disappearances allegedly carried out by government soldiers in Mozambique.
In April, UKEF hired law firm Beyond Human Rights Compliance LLP to investigate risks around Mozambique LNG following initial media reports of the alleged torture, three people interviewed by the firm told Reuters.
TotalEnergies has said those claims lack evidence.
The Dutch government said on Monday the two firms it hired to investigate — Clingendael and Pangea Risk — found the torture allegations credible, though they could not ascertain Total’s knowledge or role, if any.
A London court in 2023 dismissed a court challenge by environmental group Friends of the Earth against the British government’s funding for the project.

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The secretive cabal of US polluters that is rewriting the EU’s human rights and climate law

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Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven large multinational enterprises has worked to tear down the EU’s flagship human rights and climate law, the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). The mostly US-based coalition, which calls itself the Competitiveness Roundtable, has targeted all EU institutions, governments in Europe’s capitals, as well as the Trump administration and other non-EU governments to serve its own interests. With European lawmakers soon moving ahead to completely dilute the CSDDD at the expense of human rights and the climate, this research exposes the fragility of Europe’s democracy.

Key findings

  • Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven companies, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc., has worked under the guise of a “Competitiveness Roundtable” to get the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) either scrapped or massively diluted.
  • The companies, most of which are headquartered in the US and operate in the fossil fuel sector, aimed to “divide and conquer in the Council”, sideline “stubborn” European Commission departments, and push the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament “to side with the right-wing parties as much as possible”.
  • Chevron and ExxonMobil were in charge of mobilising pressure against the CSDDD from non-EU countries. The Roundtable companies endeavoured to get the CSDDD high on the agenda of the US-EU trade negotiations and also worked on mobilising other countries against the CSDDD, in order to disguise the US influence.
  • Roundtable companies paid the TEHA Group – a think tank – to write a research report and organise an event on EU competitiveness, which echoed the Roundtable’s position and cast doubt on the European Commission’s assessment of the economic impact of the CSDDD.

While Europeans were told that their governments were negotiating a landmark law to hold corporations accountable for human rights abuses and climate damage, a secretive alliance of US fossil fuel giants was working behind the scenes to destroy it. Collaborating under the innocent-sounding name ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’, eleven multinational enterprises have worked closely to eviscerate several EU sustainability laws, including the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). This Competitiveness Roundtable may be unknown, but its members are a who’s-who of polluting, mainly US, multinationals, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Dow. The group seems to have run rings around all branches of the EU and the Trump administration to get what they want: scrapping, or at least hugely diluting, the CSDDD.

 

Leaked documents  obtained by SOMO reveal how, under the pretext of the now-near-magical concept of ‘competitiveness’, these companies plotted to hijack democratically adopted EU laws and strip them of all meaningful provisions, including those on climate transition plans, civil liability, and the scope of supply chains. EU officials appear not to have known who they were up against. But the documents obtained by SOMO show a high level of organisation and strategising with a clear facilitator: Teneo, a US public relations and consultancy company.

The documents indicate that many of the companies involved wanted to stay hidden from view. After all, if it were widely known that a secretive group of mostly American fossil fuel companies like Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc. was working as a coordinated organisation to dilute an EU climate and human rights law, that might raise questions and serious concern among the public and the policymakers they were targeting. Many of the companies in the Roundtable have never publicly spoken  out against the CSDDD.

Big Oil’s ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’

The Competitiveness Roundtable is dominated by fossil fuel companies, including three Big Oil companies (ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies) and three other companies with activities in the oil and gas sector (Koch, Inc., Honeywell, and Baker Hughes). Other members are Nyrstar (minerals and metals, a subsidiary of Trafigura Group); Dow, Inc. (chemicals); Enterprise Mobility (car rentals); and JPMorgan Chase (finance).

Teneo, the Roundtable’s coordinator, has a track record(opens in new window) of working with fossil fuel companies, including Chevron, Shell, and Trafigura, and was hired by the government of Azerbaijan to handle public relations(opens in new window) when it hosted the COP29 climate conference.

In February 2025, the European Commission published the Omnibus I proposal(opens in new window), which aims to “simplify” several EU sustainability laws, including the CSDDD. The documents obtained by SOMO reveal that the Roundtable companies, which have been meeting weekly since at least March 2025, worked on deep interventions within each of the three EU institutions to get the Omnibus I package to align exactly with their views. The EU institutions are expected to reach a final agreement on Omnibus I by the end of 2025.

The documents reveal that the Roundtable companies’ activities in the Parliament are far more significant than what is visible in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) Eight of the Roundtable’s lobbying meetings during the Strasbourg plenary sessions of May and June 2025, listed in the Transparency Register, show Teneo as the only attendee, thereby failing  to disclose the names of other Roundtable companies that participated in these meetings. Another three meetings the Roundtable held were not found in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) at all.

“Divide and conquer” the Council

In the European Council, the Roundtable plotted to “divide and conquer” EU governments to get the climate article in the CSDDD deleted. In June 2025, during the final weeks of negotiations in the Council on the Omnibus I proposal, the Roundtable discussed lobbying EU government leaders to “intervene politically” to ensure its priorities were included in the Council’s negotiation mandate. Subsequently, German Chancellor Merz and French President Macron reportedly(opens in new window) personally intervened(opens in new window) in the Council’s political process, leading to a dramatic dilution(opens in new window) of the texts(opens in new window) negotiated in the months before the intervention. Several of the changes made to the texts strongly align with the Roundtable’s demands, including delaying and substantially weakening the climate obligations, scrapping EU civil liability provisions, and limiting the responsibility of companies to take responsibility for their supply chains (the ‘Tier 1’ restriction).

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Additionally, the documents reveal that the Roundtable is still aiming to drum up a “blocking minority”  to overturn the Council’s negotiation mandate during the trilogue negotiations, which started in November 2025. By “tak[ing] advantage of the ‘weak’ Council negotiating mandate” and disagreements between EU Member States on “contentious articles”, the Competitiveness Roundtable companies hope to force the Danish Council presidency  to give up on including any form of climate obligations in the CSDDD – despite EU Member States’ agreement on this in the June 2025 Council mandate(opens in new window) .

To implement the divide-and-conquer strategy, the Roundtable assigned specific companies to “establish rapporteurships” with different EU governments. TotalEnergies would target the French, Belgian, and Danish governments, and ExxonMobil would target Germany, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Romania.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 16 May 2025.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Circumventing “stubborn” European Commission departments

The Roundtable also discussed working on “circumvent[ing]” two “stubborn” European Commission departments involved in the Omnibus political process, DG JUST and DG FISMA,  which, in their view, were “unlikely to be willing to see our side of the story”. According to the documents, DG JUST opposed deleting the climate article and restricting the Directive’s scope to only very large enterprises. The Roundtable aimed to diminish the role of these departments by pressuring President Von der Leyen and Commissioners McGrath (DG JUST) and Albuquerque (DG FISMA) by “organising letters from Irish and German business groups” and using an event held by the European Roundtable for Industry to “target” Von der Leyen and McGrath.

Read full report: Somo.nl

Source: Somo

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