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Monoculture tree plantations are a false climate solution

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Yesterday was the 16th International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations. In 2004, rural communities in Brazil declared the day to commemorate the resistance against the expansion of monoculture tree plantations in Brazil. Through solidarity statements and actions around the world the day has evolved to become an International Day of Struggle.

This year, a group of organisations from African countries, together with the World Rainforest Movement, has issued an open letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the global South, particularly in Africa.

The letter is a response and critique of a June 2019 report titled, “Towards Large-Scale Commercial Investment in African Forestry”. The report was prepared by an outfit called Acacia Sustainable Business Advisors, which was set up by Martin Poulsen, a development banker. One of his co-authors for the study was Mads Asprem, the ex-CEO of Green Resources, a Norwegian industrial tree plantation and carbon offsets company. Green Resources’ land grabs in Mozambique, Tanzania, and Uganda have resulted in loss of land, evictions, loss of livelihoods and increased hunger for local communities.

The study was produced for the African Development Bank and WWF Kenya, with funding from the World Bank’s Climate Investment Funds.

The Open Letter (signed by 117 organisations and people) is posted here in full:

International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations

Open Letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the global South, especially in Africa, and in solidarity with communities resisting the occupation of their territories.

September 21st is the International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations. Unlike others, this Day was not created by the United Nations (UN) or by governments. The Day was created in 2004 by rural communities, gathered in the Brazilian hinterland, to denounce and shed light on the impacts of monoculture tree plantations on their territories, and affirm their determination to resist such plantations and take back their territories from the hands of corporations.

16 years later, the Day remains as relevant as ever: there is a real danger of a gigantic, worldwide expansion of monoculture tree plantation. This is promoted as a solution to prevent climate chaos and to the industrialized world’s dependence on oil, gas and coal. A group of governments, corporations, consultants, investors and major conservationist NGOs have come together to put their mega-plans[1] for tree plantation expansions on the table.

Although highly questioned, a forest as defined by the FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) and several national governments mistakenly includes monoculture tree plantations. In their eyes, plantations are “planted forests”. This definition favours only the plantation corporations, thus guaranteeing their main objective: generating profits.

Africa is the continent with “the most profitable afforestation potential worldwide”, according to a report produced in 2019 by consultants for the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the conservationist NGO WWF-Kenya. “The study has identified around 500,000 ha of viable plantation land in ten countries: Angola, Republic of Congo, Ghana, Mozambique, Malawi, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.” The study proposes the speedy creation of a Fund, headquartered in a tax haven (Mauritius), to finance the planting of the first 100,000 hectares of trees.

In order for these plantations to generate profits for private investors, the study claims that aid will be necessary from European public international cooperation agencies, i.e., taxpayers’ money from Northern European countries, namely, Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, the United Kingdom and The Netherlands, as well as from the World Bank via the International Finance Corporation (IFC), which makes loans to private companies.

The study and its recommendations leave us perplexed and indignant, given the false assumptions and inconsistencies on which it is based (see Annex I for a more detailed description). Below, we present a summary of our main criticism.

The study repeats the same treacherous and false promises that corporations and their advocates always make. It states that plantations improve communities’ living conditions, create jobs, improve the soil and the quality and quantity of water. The corporations’ ‘social’ projects would be attractive to the communities. However, plantations lead to a large number of violations of rights, create very few poorly-paid and dangerous jobs, destroy forests and savannas, degrade soils, contaminate and dry up water sources and destroy communities’ way of life. With the plantations, guards arrive who will restrict communities’ freedom of movement; cases of abuse, sexual violence against women and HIV/AIDS infections increase in number. The promise of ‘social’ projects, often not fulfilled, is the main bargaining chip for corporations to gain access to communities’ lands.

The study refers to land conflicts only as “challenges” and the proposed solution is to “follow FSC and other best practises”. Firstly, the 500,000 hectares that the study suggests corporations should plant as monoculture tree plantations are not abandoned or degraded lands. Corporations always want fertile lands, usually flat and with availability of water – in other words, lands that tend to be used by communities. By recommending the FSC, the study ignores ample documentation that proves that the FSC does not solve plantations’ structural problems, and land conflicts even less. The FSC deceives consumers by considering the model of large-scale monoculture plantations “sustainable”, for it always leads to large tracts of land being controlled by corporations and to the intensive use of agro-chemicals and synthetic fertilizers. So far, compensation for the populations that have lost their lands and means of subsistence has always been derisory or inexistent. Meanwhile, the social, environmental, economic and cultural damage caused by monoculture tree plantations in rural areas of African countries has never been compensated by corporations. There exists no way to calculate the damage and much of the harm done is irreparable.

The study references a World Bank/IFC project in Mozambique, stressing that “one important element of the IFC approach will be to define and register land rights”. In fact, the World Bank, as well as financing plantations, has a policy of encouraging governments in countries of the South to speed up the granting of individual deeds and, therefore, the privatization of land, in an attempt to prevent its collective recognition as community land. The World Bank has been promoting the handing over of community lands to private capital all over the world. It is important to highlight the fact that in recent years, the government of Mozambique has put in place a number of reforms in the forestry sector. These include a review of the Forestry Policy and its Implementation Strategy and, very recently, a public consultation process with a view to also reviewing the National Land Policy. In all of these processes the World Bank is the common denominator in terms of promotion and financial “support”. This review is taking place under the pretext of improving transparency and efficacy in land management and policies, and will inevitably force an alteration of the Land Law and respective Regulation, thus legitimizing the occupation of community lands which provide living conditions for communities and peoples.

The study states that the tree plantations would be “a stable, long-term carbon sink”, and result in “substantial adaptation benefits” vis-à-vis climate change at the local level. By stating this, the study ignores a growing body of scientific work showing that monoculture tree plantations are a false climate solution. The experiences of communities all over the world with monoculture tree plantations show that they create a local environment even less prepared for responding to the ever more perceptible impacts of climate change.

The study states that “Global oil and industrial companies” want to “become part of the solution rather than a major part of the problem. They are beginning to see the potential of forestry investments.” Oil and gas companies are an integral part of the climate crisis, regardless of such proclamations. They have not shown any interest in solving it; on the contrary, they intend to invest first and foremost in false solutions – after all, profits are above all else.

Other false statements include: “the world will need the type of intensive afforestation (…) that the Brazilian forestry industry is implementing”; and that Brazil’s neighbour, Uruguay, is “the world’s most recently developed forestry country”. The truth is that the Brazilian experience with industrial tree plantations over the course of the last few decades has led to numerous land conflicts and environmental degradation. Municipalities with the highest concentrations of plantations are among the poorest, compared with those with diversified agriculture based on smallholders. In Uruguay, the same negative impacts occur. Rural areas have seen a massive exodus of people, with the rural population reduced by half. Furthermore, citizens of Uruguay have taken on an enormous debt, owing to a recent contract between its government and Finnish multinational UPM. According to this contract, the government agreed to carry out multi-million dollar infrastructure works to service UPM and the export plans of its second pulp factory.

The study also states that “The main barrier to successful investments in African greenfield planting is low historic returns. New planting by private companies has ground to a halt in recent years.” This not only reveals that profits are what really matters to private investors, but also that the authors of the study deliberately ignore the main reason why the expansion of industrial plantations has been impeded in various African countries: the resistance of communities against such monoculture plantations.

The study also seeks to attract investors, suggesting “the possibility of planting [trees] at significantly lower costs (…), more or less half of 10 years ago (…)”. Promising companies that they will have to spend less means that the weight of the industrial plantation projects from the proposed fund will fall even more upon already indebted African countries and, consequently, on their populations, particularly rural communities that run the risk of losing their most fertile lands.

It is important to stress that a “conservationist” NGO is a co-producer of this study that promotes investments that will benefit first and foremost private companies. The study itself reveals how NGOs like WWF should no longer be considered NGOs since they function and act as the ‘right hand of the plantation industry’.

The report refers to a non-public version of the study which has not been disclosed to the public as far as we are aware. The report also notes that “(…) there is a clear coalition of DFIs [development finance institutions] interested in further discussion on this topic [creation of the Fund], including: CDC [United Kingdom], Finnfund [Finland], IFC [World Bank], NDF [Nordic countries: Finland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland] and FMO [The Netherlands]”. This demonstrates that decisions about investments are being made without the participation of the communities and other civil society organizations and social movements from the regions in question, i.e., the parties most affected. How can it still be acceptable in the 21st century that public international cooperation agencies use money from their taxpayers in this way? Hiding their decisions from their own citizens and from the populations that will be affected? When plantation corporations and their investors, after everything has been decided, state that they are applying the principle of communities’ “free, prior and informed consent”, does this merit any credibility?

We demand that the non-public version of this study be published immediately by the AfdB and WWF-Kenya, so that its content may be known to the communities and organized civil society in the countries where they intend to implement their plans.

We reiterate our indignation with regard to the channelling of public resources towards private investments, through tax havens, to be invested in highly damaging activities, such as large-scale monoculture plantations.

We further demand a wide-ranging review of the process of allocation of land to plantation corporations, ensuring the return of land to the communities that depend on this land, today and in the future. In Mozambique, for example, peasant agriculture constitutes the main guarantee of subsistence for more than 80% of the population, and the land is the only thing to which communities can resort to ensure food safety and sovereignty.

We reiterate our solidarity on this September 21st with the legitimate and just struggles of communities around the world that resist the advance of plantations and strive to take back their lost lands. They must be remembered and made visible every day. And they will certainly resist this new and insane expansion plan proposed in the AfDB and WWF-Kenya study and commented on in this Open Letter.

We appeal to the solidarity and unity, so that together we may demand the immediate abandonment of any and every afforestation programme based on large-scale monoculture plantation.

The Struggle Continues!
Plantations Are Not Forests!

Signed by:

  • ADECRU (Mozambique)
  • Justiça Ambiental (Mozambique)
  • Missão Tabita (Mozambique)
  • SUHODE Foundation (Tanzania)
  • WRM (International)

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EALA members renew push for unified sub-regional Agroecology Law during Mukono meeting.

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By Witness Radio Team.

The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) has renewed its call for a unified regional agroecology policy and law, following a high-level capacity-building meeting held in Nakisunga Village, Mukono District, Uganda.

The gathering brought together more than 50 EALA members, over 100 participants, including civil society organizations (CSOs) representatives, agroecology experts, and officials from Mukono Local government, to discuss the gaps in existing regional frameworks and the urgent need for coherent legislation to support sustainable and climate-resilient farming systems.

The field tour of Nansubuga CEFROHT Agroecology Training Farm showcased successful organic farming practices, illustrating the benefits of agroecology firsthand to lawmakers and stakeholders.

“I’m amazed at how a local female farmer can transform non-fertile land into a productive farm,” said Hon. Fatuma Ndangiza of the EALA delegation from Rwanda. “Agroecology is about access, safe food, resilient and equitable food systems, and environmental friendliness. What we see here is the right path for our small-scale farmers.”

The proposed regional agroecology law aims to protect smallholder farmers like Nansubuga by safeguarding their seeds, reducing reliance on costly chemical inputs, and shielding them from land grabs, thereby directly enhancing their resilience and livelihoods.

Representing EALA Speaker Rt. Hon. Joseph Ntakirutimana, Hon. Gideon Gatpan Thoar, Chair of the EALA Committee on Agriculture, Tourism and Natural Resources, emphasized the urgency to put the Agroecology policy and law in place:

“There is no law protecting agroecology farmers like Nansubuga. Their seeds are not protected, and they face intense competition from corporate-backed industrial systems. This deserves urgent attention.”

He added that lawmakers’ mandate requires them to legislate in the interest of East Africans, most of whom are smallholder farmers, and that firsthand field experience will strengthen the upcoming model law.

“So now, with this experience, we can push for a regional policy that empowers agroecology farmers and fosters resilient agriculture. Supporting them can lead to a brighter future for East African farming,” He added.

Hon. Fatuma Ndangiza revealed that the agroecology bill could be ready within a year, pending adequate funding, offering hope that smallholder farmers will have access to supportive legislation.

“East Africa cannot build resilient food systems without a unified agroecology policy and law. This meeting is a big step toward drafting a model law that reflects the needs of our farmers. At least by the end of our mandate in 2027, we want this bill in place,” she said. “Members of the agriculture committee have already been trained in agroecology, and thanks to CEFROHT and other partners, even more lawmakers now appreciate the importance of this legislation. It will move quickly.”

Experts at the meeting highlighted systemic biases that keep East African farmers impoverished. These include a longstanding emphasis on export-oriented industrial agriculture, corporate-controlled seeds, increasing pesticide and fertilizer use, and land grabs.

Dr. Million Belay, General Coordinator of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), warned that Africa is being pushed into an unsustainable corner.

“One of the legacies of colonialism is pushing us to export food instead of feeding our people. Chemicals, GMOs, and land grabs are increasing, and global actors now control food production.

A farm like this one shows the direction we should take.”

He went on to say that proper food security and environmental health depend on farmers’ control over their land, seeds, and output-what we call food sovereignty-empowering farmers to shape their future.

As part of the capacity-building process, EALA members visited the CEFROHT Agroecology Learning Center, where they witnessed demonstrations of intercropping and crop diversification, agroforestry systems, animal husbandry, water and pesticide trapping, among others.

Dr. David Kabanda, whose organization, the Center for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT), hosted the delegation, noted that farmers are already successfully practicing agroecology, demonstrating the tangible benefits of this approach.

“We are pleased to support lawmakers with evidence and field-level experiences. Agroecology is not theoretical; farmers are already practicing it successfully. It is what we advocate for, the production of good food as well as environmental conservation,” he added.

Looking ahead, EALA announced a series of concrete steps to advance the regional agroecology agenda. The assembly plans to complete the Agroecology Bill process within a year, then conduct public hearings across all eight EAC Partner States to gather stakeholder input. The bill will be fast-tracked for debate and approval in the EALA plenary, with civil society expected to help secure the Heads of State’s assent. Once adopted, the law will become the EAC Agroecology Act, guiding and harmonizing agroecology efforts across the region.

As climate shocks intensify and millions of families depend on smallholder farming, the Mukono meeting marks a turning point in East Africa’s pursuit of sustainable, resilient food systems. The push for a unified agroecology law signals a growing regional recognition that the future of East African agriculture must be farmer-centered, biodiversity-based, and rooted in local knowledge.

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East African lawmakers and CSO leaders are meeting in Uganda to draw up plans to promote Agroecology as an alternative to climate change mitigation.

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By Witness Radio team.

Mukono, Uganda — the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) members and Civil society organizations (CSOs) leaders in Uganda are convening in Nakisunga, Mukono district today, 28th November, to discuss how to promote agroecology at the regional level and inspire a collective commitment to regional resilience.

Agroecology offers a robust, holistic approach to combating climate change by enhancing the resilience of food systems and reducing their environmental impact.

Spearheaded by the Center for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT), the event emphasizes integrating agroecology into regional climate resilience strategies, especially as the East African Community (EAC) faces rising food costs, climate shocks, and declining soil health.

During the meeting, EALA members, together with CSOs, will explore how principles like crop diversification, soil regeneration, and community seed saving can directly improve smallholder farmers’ resilience and livelihoods, complemented by a hands-on field visit to the CEFROHT Agroecology Learning Center in Mukono.

The event has also occurred at a time when EALA is reviewing the East African Seed and Plant Varieties Bill, 2025, which is being criticized for undermining the role of smallholder farmers in seed saving, conservation, and the management of seed systems to promote healthy foods.

Players from CSOs include: Participatory Ecological Land Use Management (PELUM Uganda), Eastern and Southern Africa Small-scale Farmers’ Forum (ESAFF), Seed Savers Network Kenya, TABIO Tanzania, the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), Slow Food Uganda, SEATINI, FIAN Uganda, and the Mukono District Local Government, among others.

The meeting will lay the groundwork for East Africa’s first Policy and Model Law on Agroecology, a long-awaited step toward sustainable and equitable agri-food systems that empower regional stakeholders to shape the future.

The event will be broadcast live on Witness Radio.

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Kenyan farmers secure right to share local seeds in court ruling

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A small-scale farmer works at his maize farm where he plants indigenous seeds at Kyeleni village of Machakos, Kenya December 13, 2022. REUTERS/Monicah Mwangi Purchase Licensing Rights

NAIROBI, Nov 27 (Reuters) – Small-scale farmers in Kenya sang and celebrated on Thursday after a court ruling secured their right to carry on the traditional practice of sharing local seeds.

Kenya’s High Court said that part of a law banning the practice was unconstitutional, a ruling that farmer Samuel Kioko called a “great victory”.

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“It will be a relief for us farmers because we will be planting seeds that are familiar to us. We know where they come from, they are drought resistant and they have been in our lineage all along for many years,” he said in Kenya’s capital Nairobi after watching the court give the verdict online.

Under the 2012 “Seed and Plant Varieties Act”, anyone who saved uncertified seeds from their crops, then sold or shared them, could face fines or jail. The state-run Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service argues on its website the legislation was meant to guarantee seed quality and maximise yields.

A group of smallholder farmers from across Kenya petitioned the High Court in 2022 asking it to declare that the parts of the law imposing those penalties were unconstitutional.

A lawyer representing the farmers said the court in Machakos town, about 60 km (40 miles) southeast of the capital, had ruled the law did not treat farmers and commercial seed producers equally.

Parts of the law “granted extensive proprietary rights to plant breeders and there was no corresponding right that was given to the farmers. So, it favoured big commercial and corporate interests over the rights of farmers,” Wambugu Wanjohi from the Law Society of Kenya said.

Campaign group Greenpeace called the ruling a victory for “food sovereignty”.

The verdict, it said, affirmed that “the ancient right of farmers to save and share seeds supersedes commercial interests, reshaping the legal balance of power between communities and agribusiness worldwide.”

Karoly Bus is the inventor behind the waste-based concrete.

Source: reuters.com

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