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Kabarole struggling to operate without land board

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Kabarole, Uganda | Kabarole district is unable to process land titles and resolve other land related matters due to the absence of a land board. It follows the expiry of the five year tenure of the substantive land board members in January this year.

In March, Kabarole district leadership sent the name of Cypriano Rwaheeru for reappointment as land board chairperson, Bob Kaganda, the former mayor Fort Portal municipality representative of urban council, Molly Florence Nyangoma, Christine Katwooki and Abel Karwanil as board members to Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development for approval.

However, URN has established that the ministry received a petition from Bishop Jimmy Katuramu, the head of the United Pentecostal Churches of Uganda in Fort Portal opposing the appointment of Kaganda and Nyangoma.  In his March 13th, 2020 petition, a copy of which our reporter has seen, Katuramu argues that both Nyangoma and Kaganda are from Fort Portal municipality which contravenes the Land Act that provides for one representative for the municipality.

“We would like to have more representation from the sub counties of Kabende, Kijura, Hakibale, Kasenda or Ruteete, which are very big but have no representation. These are predominantly Bakiga yet on the new members, there is no mukiga or mukonjo,” reads part of Katuramu’s petition.

Juma Hussein, a resident of Fort Portal also petitioned the Lands Ministry through his lawyers of Sanywa, Wabwire & Co. Advocates challenging the naming of Rwaheeru for appointment to the board. In his March 10th, 2020 petition, Hussein states that on February 6, 2020, he wrote to Kabarole Chief Administrative Officer – CAO, Phiona Sanyu asking her to interdict Rwaheeru after being charged with forgery in the Fort Portal Grade One Magistrate’s court.

“What is equally surprising is that on the 6th day of March 2020, upon receipt of our complaint over the interdiction of Mr. Rwaheeru Cyprian, the district executive committee of Kabarole district sat and decided to renew Mr Rwaheeru Cyprian’s contract as the chairman Kabarole district land board,” reads part of the petition.

He argues that Rwaheeru isn’t suitable to hold the office because of the pending charges against him and shouldn’t be approved until the courts of law clear him. As a result of the petition, Dorcus Okalany, the Permanent Secretary Ministry of Lands has written to the CAO informing her that the proposed land board members have been rejected partly because of the petitions.

She also notes that the creation of Fort Portal tourism city means that the names that had been submitted to represent it while it was still a municipality and under Kabarole district have to be dropped and the process started afresh to find new members. She also advised that according to the Land Act, the District Land Board should consist of a minimum of five members including a chairperson, one member representing municipal councils, one member representing urban councils and one member from each county in the district.

“We have perused your file and names of members submitted have been overtaken by events and we request that you submit following the criteria above as we have observed that Kabarole is left with one county and four town councils,” reads part of Okalany’s letter.

It is against this background that the district has to date failed to have a land board leading to a backlog of requests for land titles and other tasks that are supposed to be performed by the board.  Angela Byangwa, the executive director Rwenzori Anti-Corruption Coalition says that she applied for a land tittle about seven months ago and has never got any response.

Byangwa notes that it is so frustrating and time consuming that a person can take so long to get a land title even after getting through a lengthy process simply because the district lacks a land board. The out-going deputy CAO Kabarole, Emmanuel Ssempala says there are dozens of applications for land tittles from the public but they cannot process them without a land board.

He says that as a way forward, they are considering requesting a land board from a neighboring district to handle the applications as they start the process of forming a new board. Kabarole district LCV chairperson, Richard Rwabuhinga blames the lands ministry for the lack of a land board saying there is no reason why they would submit names for approval in March and get a response at the end of July.

Rwabuhinga argues that if they had got a response on time, they would have already submitted new names. According to the 1998 Uganda Land Act, the functions of the district land board include holding and allocating land in the district which is not owned by any person or authority.

The others are to facilitate the registration and transfer of interests in land; take over the role and exercise the powers of the lessor in the case of a lease granted by a former controlling authority; and cause surveys, plans, maps, drawings and estimates to be made by or through its officers or agents.

Original Post: Independent Uganda

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AGRA’s Silent Takeover: The Hidden Impact on Africa’s Agricultural Policies.

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By Witness Radio Team.

An investigative report commissioned by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) has revealed the concerning extent to which the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) is leveraging its significant influence to shape local, national, and continental agricultural policies across Africa raising serious questions about the future of the continent’s agriculture.

The briefing paper, “Pulling Back the Veil: AGRA’s Influence on Africa’s Agricultural Policies,” exposes how AGRA strategically uses its financial power to embed consultants within government institutions to entrench industrial agricultural models. Though marketed as advancements, these models often harm smallholder farmers and sustainable farming practices.

Initially aiming for its grassroots efforts to double farmer productivity and halve food insecurity, AGRA has recently shifted its focus. Following a donor-commissioned 2022 evaluation highlighting AGRA’s failure to meet its ambitious goals, the Gates Foundation-funded organization pivoted from direct interventions with farmers to influencing government policies.

According to the briefing paper, this new strategy involves placing external consultants within African government offices to steer policy development. AGRA’s efforts frequently promote the adoption of hybrid and genetically modified seeds, increased use of chemical fertilizers, and greater private sector involvement in agriculture.

While some African governments may welcome the support, there is growing concern that AGRA’s influence could undermine local policy initiatives, replacing homegrown solutions with external agendas.

AFSA’s investigation highlights AGRA’s policy interventions in countries like Kenya and Zambia, where its influence is pronounced. AGRA’s impact is evident at every level, local, national, and continental, shaping agricultural policies that often prioritize corporate interests over the needs of smallholder farmers.

The consequences of AGRA’s involvement are evident in its 13 focus countries, where its promotion of seeds and fertilizers still needs to deliver the promised productivity revolution, leading to increased deprivation. A recent report by the African Centre for Biodiversity (ACB) highlights the collapse of Zambia’s food system as a direct result of AGRA’s harmful interference.

At the continental level, AGRA’s involvement in critical African Union (AU) initiatives, such as the Fertilizer and Soil Health Summit, has significantly influenced African agricultural policy, particularly in shaping the direction of fertilizer policy for the next decade. However, AFSA, which also participated in the summit, advocated for funding and support for biofertilizers made from local materials, starkly contrasting AGRA’s approach.

AGRA’s role in the Post-Malabo process, which aims to define Africa’s agricultural policy for the next ten years, is particularly troubling. Critics argue that AGRA’s focus on synthetic fertilizers and corporate-led agendas threatens to marginalize indigenous knowledge and sustainable agricultural practices.

AFSA’s Million Belay aptly says, “They represent an attack on African food sovereignty.” Despite resistance from African farmers and civil society organizations, AGRA’s fingerprints are all over Africa’s agricultural policies. The inclusion of biotechnology in the draft Kampala Declaration, set for approval in January 2025, has sparked fears of increased dependence on multinational corporations for seeds and farming inputs. AGRA’s influence in regional policymaking, especially in harmonizing seed trade regulations, further illustrates its strategic positioning within African institutions.

AGRA’s involvement in developing Zambia’s National Agriculture Investment Plan (NAIP II) exemplifies its undue influence. Initially seen as a democratic and inclusive process involving a broad range of stakeholders, NAIP II was later reshaped by AGRA and the FAO. The introduction of the Comprehensive Agriculture Transformation Support Programme (CATSP) shifted the focus toward commercial value chains aligned with the Green Revolution model.

This new framework has faced significant opposition from farmer groups and NGOs, who argue that it promotes industrial agriculture at the expense of smallholder farmers, biodiversity, and sustainable practices. AGRA’s role in dismantling Zambia’s biosafety framework has also sparked fears of forced evictions, land grabbing, and the commercialization of water resources, further marginalizing local communities.

In Kenya, AGRA’s sudden involvement in a community-led effort to develop agroecological practices has raised alarms among locals. Stakeholders fear that AGRA’s entry into the process, which included funding and capacity-building initiatives, might derail their efforts to promote sustainable farming systems. AGRA’s use of terms like “climate-smart agriculture” to describe its support for chemical fertilizers and GMOs has led to skepticism about its true intentions.

Local farmers and agroecology supporters worry that AGRA’s involvement could dilute or undermine the original goals of the agroecology policy.

AFSA’s investigation calls for greater scrutiny of AGRA’s role in policymaking and re-evaluating external entities’ influence in shaping Africa’s agricultural future.

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Failed Green Revolution: African Leaders Demand Reparations from Gates Foundation.

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By Witness Radio team.

The much-hyped but ultimately failed agricultural model, the Green Revolution initiatives heavily supported by the Gates Foundation through the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), must catch up to its promises to improve African food security. Instead, it has exacerbated food insecurity, deepened poverty, and contributed to environmental degradation across the continent.

As this flawed model is to take center stage at the ongoing African Food Systems Summit in Rwanda, which concludes on September 6th, there is growing discontent. African faith leaders are now calling on the Gates Foundation to offer reparations for the extensive damage inflicted on Africa’s food systems by AGRA’s aggressive promotion of industrialized agriculture. They urge the Foundation to redirect its funding towards locally tested, sustainable agricultural practices that benefit the continent and the world.

For those who missed the live press conference addressed by African faith leaders and presented an open letter to the Gates Foundation, and released the latest research results by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa on AGRA’s extensive, undue policy influence at local, national, and continental levels and the devastation caused by the Green Revolution agenda in Zambia.

Witness Radio is rebroadcasting a program detailing the critical highlights of the press conference.

Tune in to hear firsthand accounts of how AGRA has impacted farmers and communities on the African continent and learn more about the urgent demands to shift toward more sustainable and equitable agricultural practices.

 

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Oil activities on the shores of Uganda’s Lake Albert have triggered widespread suffering among locals facing forced displacement and other violent abuses, a U.S…

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US rights watchdog cites “a climate of fear” in Uganda oil development project

KAMPALA, Uganda (AP) — Oil activities on the shores of Uganda’s Lake Albert have triggered widespread suffering among locals facing forced displacement and other violent abuses, a U.S. climate watchdog said Monday.

The report by Climate Rights International says banks and insurers should withhold further funding for an oil development project run by the China National Offshore Oil Corporation, or CNOOC.

The project, one of two linked to the planned construction of a heated pipeline that would link Uganda’s emerging oil fields to a port in Tanzania, involves the construction of a central processing facility in a vast zone of shoreline that many locals can no longer access.

The report is the first of its kind to detail serious allegations against CNOOC, one of a number of partners in the project. Based on dozens of interviews, it cites forced evictions, inadequate or nonexistent compensation for land and other assets, coercion and intimidation in land acquisition, loss of livelihood and sexual violence.

Dozens of interviewees accused Ugandan government troops of responsibility for forced evictions, destruction of fishing boats, violence, “and creating a climate of fear,” it said.

Brad Adams, executive director at Climate Rights International, said it was “appalling that a project that is touted as bringing prosperity to the people of Uganda is instead leaving them the victims of violence, intimidation and poverty.”

The CNOOC-run project, known as Kingfisher, “is not only a dangerous carbon bomb but also a human rights disaster,” he said in a statement.

Uganda is estimated to have recoverable oil reserves of at least 1.4 billion barrels. Ugandan officials say oil production could begin by 2026.

The total investment in Uganda’s oil fields will reach an estimated $15 billion. French oil company TotalEnergies is the majority shareholder in Uganda’s oil fields, with a 56.67% stake. CNOOC has 28.33% and the Uganda National Oil Company has 15%.

Although this East African country first discovered commercially viable quantities of oil nearly two decades ago, efforts to produce and achieve export capacity have stalled amid tax disputes with oil companies and accusations of corruption, as well as human rights concerns.

Most previous efforts by climate watchdogs seeking to stop Uganda’s oil projects have focused on TotalEnergies, which has been sued in France at least twice by groups and individuals alleging food and land rights violations.

Campaigners opposed to Uganda’s oil business have long opposed the 897-mile (1,443-kilometer) East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline, planned by TotalEnergies and CNOOC, that would run through ecologically fragile areas to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga. The pipeline would pass through seven forest reserves and two game parks, running alongside Lake Victoria, a source of fresh water for 40 million people.

TotalEnergies has repeatedly asserted that the pipeline’s state-of-the-art-design will ensure safety for decades. A spokeswoman for CNOOC in Uganda was not immediately available for comment.

Ugandan officials have reacted with indignation to opposition to the pipeline, saying the climate campaigns verge on interference in the internal affairs of an independent nation. They say oil wealth can lift millions out of poverty.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has warned that his government will “find someone else to work with” if TotalEnergies and its partners pull out of Uganda.

Source: AP News

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