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Kampala District Land Board Chairperson Nsimbambi Reveals City Land Grabbers’ Techniques

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The investigations into Land management in Uganda are on-going by the judicial Commission of inquiry chaired by Justice Catherine Bamugemereire.

Among the witnesses that have appeared before a seven-member commission so far, is Yusuf Nsibambi, the chairperson, Kampala District Land Board.

But when he interfaced with the Commission on May19th 2017, Nsibambi, sounded frustrated not only for being paid peanuts with his commissioners, but also informed the committee about what he termed as a “curtail” in which land grabbers in Kampala associate themselves, thus revealing the techniques they apply to dupe his board with a view of siphoning tax payers’ money in connivance with various government officials.

Although he raised many other issues, the second outstanding one is lack of financial support to the board. He revealed that whereas his board fetches more than Shs 8bn annually into Kampala Capital City Authority’s coffers, the Authority fails to prioritize the remuneration of the board members to the extent that he is being paid just Shs 350,000 in his capacity as their chairperson per month.

Nsibambi thus suggested that its perhaps low earnings by his board members that leads not only corruption tendencies amongst members, but inefficiency in service delivery by his team.

witnessradio.org, brings you Nsibambi’s presentation before the Commission of Inquiry on these two particular issues verbatim.

To me, I would request this Commission to investigate further the issue of land grabbers and speculators (in Kampala) even if it involves me or the board.

It is almost curtail in Kampala because I don’t know about other boards elsewhere that there are people who have schemes of grabbing land of the vulnerable and public properties. This curtail  has established structures at the Ministry of lands, within city hall, it is fuelled, so powerful and they have control of all the structures to the extent that they actually have an inventory of land which we may also not be having as a board.

Specifically for land under our control, there are people who have running genuine leases but may be not in Uganda especially Asians, but members of this curtail would access information I don’t know whether from Ministry of lands or registry and would hide a file to appear that this land has no claimant or the lease expired.

They would even come and even add documents to your won file giving a position which is not the true position on the ground. Given that we are not facilitated and the board basically is not a permanent board, they would support a lease application supported by the area land committee recommending that the land is available or the lease expired.

So, when you carry out a search and you go to the Ministry of Lands, you would get a folio of an expired lease. When you go on ground if you have a site visit, they would organize a site visit with the person claiming to be the chairman of LC1… So, in the process, you would issue a report of lease offer, but after two weeks, you get a person saying now I am the true owner of land.

He sues the District land board and KCCA as the party that received money and within one or two months, there is judgment yet other cases are taking years and the rewards in judgments are in billions.

So, the person who lost that land, the land grabber is also suing to be awarded billions and we have about Shs 10bn as a result of judgments of this nature, but we are still questioning them.

The speculators have titles. I know this curtail is very dangerous because the settlements are carried out by insiders in KCCA without even involving us. Actually, this is the greatest challenge that I would seek your indulgence to investigate further because cases are swiftly heard and determined by courts.

We shall provide you with those cases in camera.

Lack of financial support

The board members are paid meager allowances which are not commensurate to our workload. I raise this personally because if you look at the chairperson (me) get Shs 50,000 per sitting, retainer of Shs 350,000 per month, fuel allowance of Shs 180,000 and gratuity of 40% .

Members (of the board) get Shs 50,000 per sitting, Shs 350,000 per month, and Shs 180,000 for fuel.

So, I sometimes, find it hard to raise the quorum which slows our work and sometimes fail to convene meetings because members feel that their entitlements are not enough.

The board gets an imprest  of Shs 419,000  a month and this is supposed to cater for all procurements including site visits which makes our work quite difficult. For effective discharge of the board work, we have repeatedly requested support in the following areas but in vain

We requested for a 14-seater vehicle for us to carry out such visits which are very important in ascertaining who owns what and the nature of land. We often get assistance from the applicants which make it difficult for us to deny an application from a person who gave us a lift.

We requested for a digital camera to enable us take shots in the field but we have never received it seven years later…

We raise a lot of revenue from our work, for example last year, we rose close to Shs8bn, but that money goes to KCCA fund because we are not mandated to manage funds.

In our second part of Nsibambi’s testimonies before the Commission of Inquiry, we will inform you his suggestions on Buganda Land Board and the land policy

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NGO WORK

Opinion: Why we cannot celebrate the World Bank’s 80-year anniversary

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This July, the World Bank Group celebrates its 80th anniversary. But for women and communities across the Global South there is nothing to celebrate. In this op-ed originally published by Devex on 19 July 2024, three close partners of the Coalition (Titi Soentoro from Aksi!, gender, social and ecological justice” – Indonesia; Verónica Gostissa from Asamblea Pucara – Argentina; and Mbole Veronique from Green Development Advocates – Cameroon) share stories from their countries showing how the World Bank is exacerbating the exact problems it claims to solve.

This July, the World Bank Group celebrates its 80th anniversary. But for us — women rights defenders from Asia, Africa, and Latin America — there is nothing to celebrate.

While the World Bank is proudly presenting its successes in fighting poverty and building a greener future, the stories of communities in our countries paint a very different picture. From recent controversial projects to old ones where communities never found justice, the World Bank has a 80-year legacy of harm and impoverishment.

The negative impact of development projects can be long lasting. In 1985, the World Bank funded the Kedung Ombo Dam in Indonesia. Over 27,000 people were forcibly and violently evicted, with the military threatening those trying to resist. Forty years later, the harm inflicted remains unaddressed. Resettled women don’t have close access to water sources, health facilities, and a market. Pregnant women have failed to get checkups, while children have often dropped out of school and are being forced into early marriages. Yet, despite acknowledging the harm it caused, the World Bank keeps replicating old mistakes.

 

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Nachtigal hydropower project. Photo: World Bank Group

 

In 2022, a community in Cameroon filed a complaint raising serious concerns about the World Bank-funded Nachtigal hydroelectric project, one of the largest dams in Central Africa. Imposed without people’s participation, the project is destroying livelihoods, taking lands, causingdeforestation, and destroying sacred sites. Our Cameroonian sisters are particularly affected: They have lost access to the forests where they used to pick medicinal herbs and other key natural resources. The complaint process has come to an end, but the hopes for justice are extremely limited. The investigations conducted by the bank’s accountability mechanisms are known to be extremely lengthy — and only rarely lead to some remedy.

Civil society has been calling on the World Bank Group to strengthen its safeguards and accountability mechanisms, which are currently falling short of a human rights-based approach. But for every step forward, there has been a step back. Moreover, safeguards have often been used as a pretext to protect the institution from the international human rights legal system and to avoid applying more stringent standards.

Under its new president, Ajay Banga, the World Bank has been undertaking a series of reforms, to become bigger and bolder in its response to climate change. But the bank’s actions appear to indicate more of the same. Beyond the catchy slogans, the World Bank is still replicating a top-down and neocolonial development model that ends up exacerbating the exact problems the bank claims to solve. For example, in Indonesia the World Bank Group — despite its pledges to address climate change — is funding the expansion of the Java 9 and 10 plants, considered the largest and dirtiest coal plants in Southeast Asia.

In its 80 years of existence, it is our view, as shared with other civil society groups, that the World Bank has fueled the spiraling debt crisis, growing inequality, and climate change, with a disproportionate impact on women and children. Some stories — like the scandal of the child sex abuse case in Kenyan schools funded by the World Bank — have hit the headlines. Others, unfortunately, have remained largely unreported.

 

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Indigenous activists in the Salar del Hombre Morto. Credit: Susi Maresca

 

Last year, the International Finance Corporation — the World Bank’s private arm — approved a  $180 million loan to Allkem, for its Sal de Vida lithium mining project in Argentina’s Salar del Hombre Muerto. On paper, this investment falls under the bank’s green portfolio, because lithium is needed for the electric car batteries. In reality, this project has a catastrophic environmental impact, dried up one of the most important rivers in the area,, and violates the rights of the local Indigenous communities.

Before the project was approved, local communities and civil society organizations had sounded the alarm bell. They had prepared briefings on the project’s impacts and engaged with IFC to raise their concerns. But despite being recognized as “beneficiaries,” local communities say they are routinely ignored or silenced. The bank approved the loan without the community’s consent and did not take any action when local activists were threatened and criminalized.

As women defenders and caregivers, for generations we have been protecting our ecosystems sacrificed in the name of development and cared for our communities harmed under the pretext of economic growth. For generations, we have stood in solidarity with our sisters and brothers across the world who have been demanding a different type of development.

The World Bank cannot get it right by putting blinders on the past. The evicted Indonesian communities will not get their flooded land back. The women in Cameroon will not be able to access their precious medicinal herbs, as their forests have been cleared. And the Indigenous people in the Salar del Hombre Muerto lost their meadow near the river Trapiche, which dried up because of the huge volumes of fresh water used to extract lithium. But the World Bank is still on time to withdraw from controversial new projects, to provide remedy to the harmed communities, to speed up the investigation processes, and to seek meaningful consent before building something. Eighty years are enough. If bank President Banga wants the institution to grow bigger, it should learn from the past as it looks forward.

Original Source: Coalition for Human Rights In Development.

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NGO WORK

New publication: Promise, divide, intimidate, and coerce: Tactics palm oil companies use to grab community lands. Summary Edition

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Recently, the Informal Alliance against industrial oil palm plantations in West and Central Africa has launched a new summary edition of the booklet “Promise, divide, intimidate, and coerce: Tactics palm oil companies use to grab community lands”.

Recently, the Informal Alliance against industrial oil palm plantations in West and Central Africa has launched a new summary edition of the booklet “Promise, divide, intimidate, and coerce: Tactics palm oil companies use to grab community lands”.

This new edition consists of a collection of more than 20 tactics that oil palm companies use to grab people’s land for plantation expansion. It is the result of many years of experience of community activists and grassroots groups who have been struggling to resist the corporate takeover of community lands.
Although the focus is on the tactics of oil palm corporations, many similarities exist with other industries and sectors involved in land grabs and extractivism. The booklet is available in French here, and in English here. If you think the booklet would be useful in other languages too, do not hesitate to let us know!

The the long version, from 2018, is available here: French / English.

Source: World RainForest Movement.

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NGO WORK

Global Witness condemns escalating arrests of climate campaigners in Uganda

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A total of 96 cases of people being detained or arrested for opposing the controversial East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) have been reported in the past nine months, with the number of arrests skyrocketing in recent months.

In December, Global Witness released a report ‘Climate of Fear’ documenting reprisals against land and environmental defenders challenging plans to build the world’s longest heated crude oil pipeline through both Uganda and Tanzania. At the time, 47 people had been arrested for challenging the pipeline in Uganda between September 2020 and November 2023. Double the number of incidents have since been reported in less than a year.

Reports of attacks and threats have continued despite the French oil major behind the project TotalEnergies “expressing concern” to the Ugandan government over arrests in May 2024. Since then, the state crackdown has stepped up against a civil society mobilising to protest the pipeline.

Global Witness is calling on TotalEnergies to meet prior public commitments to respect the rights of human rights defenders and to take immediate action to end the violent crackdown on climate campaigners in Uganda.

Hanna Hindstrom, Senior Investigator at Global Witness’s Land and Environmental Defenders campaign, said:

“The tsunami of arrests of peaceful demonstrators fighting EACOP has exposed the limits of TotalEnergies’ commitment to human rights.

“The company cannot in good conscience press ahead with the pipeline while peaceful protesters are being attacked for exercising their right to free speech. It must adopt a zero-tolerance approach to reprisals.”

On 9 August, 47 students and three drivers were intercepted on their way to protest the pipeline and diverted to a police station. Just six weeks earlier, 30 people were arrested outside the Chinese embassy. In early June, environmental campaigner Stephen Kwikiriza was abducted and detained by the army, who reportedly beat him and dumped him on the side of a road a week later.

NGOs working on environmental conservation and oil extraction have also reported that their offices have been raided, and their staff intimidated and harassed, which has deterred many from speaking out about the pipeline.

Hindstrom added:

“Climate activism is under threat around the world, while fossil fuel companies quietly benefit. European oil companies cannot absolve themselves from responsibility while their investments fuel climate destruction, reprisals and violence overseas.”

Original Source: globalwitness.org

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