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How food and water are driving a 21st-century African land grab

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A woman tends vegetables at a giant Saudi-financed farm in Ethiopia.

An Observer investigation reveals how rich countries faced by a global food shortage now farm an area double the size of the UK to guarantee supplies for their citizens.

We turned off the main road to Awassa, talked our way past security guards and drove a mile across empty land before we found what will soon be Ethiopia’s largest greenhouse. Nestling below an escarpment of the Rift Valley, the development is far from finished, but the plastic and steel structure already stretches over 20 hectares – the size of 20 football pitches.

The farm manager shows us millions of tomatoes, peppers and other vegetables being grown in 500m rows in computer controlled conditions. Spanish engineers are building the steel structure, Dutch technology minimises water use from two bore-holes and 1,000 women pick and pack 50 tonnes of food a day. Within 24 hours, it has been driven 200 miles to Addis Ababa and flown 1,000 miles to the shops and restaurants of Dubai, Jeddah and elsewhere in the Middle East.

Ethiopia is one of the hungriest countries in the world with 2.8 million people needing food aid, but paradoxically the government is offering at least 3m hectares of its most fertile land to rich countries and some of the world’s most wealthy individuals to export food for their own populations.

The 1,000 hectares of land which contain the Awassa greenhouses are leased for 99 years to a Saudi billionaire businessman, Ethiopian-born Sheikh Mohammed al-Amoudi, one of the 50 richest men in the world. His Saudi Star company plans to spend up to $2bn acquiring and developing 500,000 hectares of land in Ethiopia in the next few years. So far, it has bought four farms and is already growing wheat, rice, vegetables and flowers for the Saudi market. It expects eventually to employ more than 10,000 people.

But Ethiopia is only one of 20 or more African countries where land is being bought or leased for intensive agriculture on an immense scale in what may be the greatest change of ownership since the colonial era.

An Observer investigation estimates that up to 50m hectares of land – an area more than double the size of the UK – has been acquired in the last few years or is in the process of being negotiated by governments and wealthy investors working with state subsidies. The data used was collected by Grain, the International Institute for Environment and Development, the International Land Coalition, ActionAid and other non-governmental groups.

The land rush, which is still accelerating, has been triggered by the worldwide food shortages which followed the sharp oil price rises in 2008, growing water shortages and the European Union’s insistence that 10% of all transport fuel must come from plant-based biofuels by 2015.

In many areas the deals have led to evictions, civil unrest and complaints of “land grabbing”.

The experience of Nyikaw Ochalla, an indigenous Anuak from the Gambella region of Ethiopia now living in Britain but who is in regular contact with farmers in his region, is typical. He said: “All of the land in the Gambella region is utilised. Each community has and looks after its own territory and the rivers and farmlands within it. It is a myth propagated by the government and investors to say that there is waste land or land that is not utilised in Gambella.

“The foreign companies are arriving in large numbers, depriving people of land they have used for centuries. There is no consultation with the indigenous population. The deals are done secretly. The only thing the local people see is people coming with lots of tractors to invade their lands.

“All the land round my family village of Illia has been taken over and is being cleared. People now have to work for an Indian company. Their land has been compulsorily taken and they have been given no compensation. People cannot believe what is happening. Thousands of people will be affected and people will go hungry.”

It is not known if the acquisitions will improve or worsen food security in Africa, or if they will stimulate separatist conflicts, but a major World Bank report due to be published this month is expected to warn of both the potential benefits and the immense dangers they represent to people and nature.

Leading the rush are international agribusinesses, investment banks, hedge funds, commodity traders, sovereign wealth funds as well as UK pension funds, foundations and individuals attracted by some of the world’s cheapest land.

Together they are scouring Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Malawi, Ethiopia, Congo, Zambia, Uganda, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Mali, Sierra Leone, Ghana and elsewhere. Ethiopia alone has approved 815 foreign-financed agricultural projects since 2007. Any land there, which investors have not been able to buy, is being leased for approximately $1 per year per hectare.

Saudi Arabia, along with other Middle Eastern emirate states such as Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi, is thought to be the biggest buyer. In 2008 the Saudi government, which was one of the Middle East’s largest wheat-growers, announced it was to reduce its domestic cereal production by 12% a year to conserve its water. It earmarked $5bn to provide loans at preferential rates to Saudi companies which wanted to invest in countries with strong agricultural potential .

Meanwhile, the Saudi investment company Foras, backed by the Islamic Development Bank and wealthy Saudi investors, plans to spend $1bn buying land and growing 7m tonnes of rice for the Saudi market within seven years. The company says it is investigating buying land in Mali, Senegal, Sudan and Uganda. By turning to Africa to grow its staple crops, Saudi Arabia is not just acquiring Africa’s land but is securing itself the equivalent of hundreds of millions of gallons of scarce water a year. Water, says the UN, will be the defining resource of the next 100 years.

Since 2008 Saudi investors have bought heavily in Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia and Kenya. Last year the first sacks of wheat grown in Ethiopia for the Saudi market were presented by al-Amoudi to King Abdullah.

Some of the African deals lined up are eye-wateringly large: China has signed a contract with the Democratic Republic of Congo to grow 2.8m hectares of palm oil for biofuels. Before it fell apart after riots, a proposed 1.2m hectares deal between Madagascar and the South Korean company Daewoo would have included nearly half of the country’s arable land.

Land to grow biofuel crops is also in demand. “European biofuel companies have acquired or requested about 3.9m hectares in Africa. This has led to displacement of people, lack of consultation and compensation, broken promises about wages and job opportunities,” said Tim Rice, author of an ActionAid report which estimates that the EU needs to grow crops on 17.5m hectares, well over half the size of Italy, if it is to meet its 10% biofuel target by 2015.

“The biofuel land grab in Africa is already displacing farmers and food production. The number of people going hungry will increase,” he said. British firms have secured tracts of land in Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria and Tanzania to grow flowers and vegetables.

Indian companies, backed by government loans, have bought or leased hundreds of thousands of hectares in Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and Mozambique, where they are growing rice, sugar cane, maize and lentils to feed their domestic market.

Nowhere is now out of bounds. Sudan, emerging from civil war and mostly bereft of development for a generation, is one of the new hot spots. South Korean companies last year bought 700,000 hectares of northern Sudan for wheat cultivation; the United Arab Emirates have acquired 750,000 hectares and Saudi Arabia last month concluded a 42,000-hectare deal in Nile province.

The government of southern Sudan says many companies are now trying to acquire land. “We have had many requests from many developers. Negotiations are going on,” said Peter Chooli, director of water resources and irrigation, in Juba last week. “A Danish group is in discussions with the state and another wants to use land near the Nile.”

In one of the most extraordinary deals, buccaneering New York investment firm Jarch Capital, run by a former commodities trader, Philip Heilberg, has leased 800,000 hectares in southern Sudan near Darfur. Heilberg has promised not only to create jobs but also to put 10% or more of his profits back into the local community. But he has been accused by Sudanese of “grabbing” communal land and leading an American attempt to fragment Sudan and exploit its resources.

Devlin Kuyek, a Montreal-based researcher with Grain, said investing in Africa was now seen as a new food supply strategy by many governments. “Rich countries are eyeing Africa not just for a healthy return on capital, but also as an insurance policy. Food shortages and riots in 28 countries in 2008, declining water supplies, climate change and huge population growth have together made land attractive. Africa has the most land and, compared with other continents, is cheap,” he said.

“Farmland in sub-Saharan Africa is giving 25% returns a year and new technology can treble crop yields in short time frames,” said Susan Payne, chief executive of Emergent Asset Management, a UK investment fund seeking to spend $50m on African land, which, she said, was attracting governments, corporations, multinationals and other investors. “Agricultural development is not only sustainable, it is our future. If we do not pay great care and attention now to increase food production by over 50% before 2050, we will face serious food shortages globally,” she said.

But many of the deals are widely condemned by both western non-government groups and nationals as “new colonialism”, driving people off the land and taking scarce resources away from people.

We met Tegenu Morku, a land agent, in a roadside cafe on his way to the region of Oromia in Ethiopia to find 500 hectares of land for a group of Egyptian investors. They planned to fatten cattle, grow cereals and spices and export as much as possible to Egypt. There had to be water available and he expected the price to be about 15 birr (75p) per hectare per year – less than a quarter of the cost of land in Egypt and a tenth of the price of land in Asia.

“The land and labour is cheap and the climate is good here. Everyone – Saudis, Turks, Chinese, Egyptians – is looking. The farmers do not like it because they get displaced, but they can find land elsewhere and, besides, they get compensation, equivalent to about 10 years’ crop yield,” he said.

Oromia is one of the centres of the African land rush. Haile Hirpa, president of the Oromia studies’ association, said last week in a letter of protest to UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon that India had acquired 1m hectares, Djibouti 10,000 hectares, Saudi Arabia 100,000 hectares, and that Egyptian, South Korean, Chinese, Nigerian and other Arab investors were all active in the state.

“This is the new, 21st-century colonisation. The Saudis are enjoying the rice harvest, while the Oromos are dying from man-made famine as we speak,” he said.

The Ethiopian government denied the deals were causing hunger and said that the land deals were attracting hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign investments and tens of thousands of jobs. A spokesman said: “Ethiopia has 74m hectares of fertile land, of which only 15% is currently in use – mainly by subsistence farmers. Of the remaining land, only a small percentage – 3 to 4% – is offered to foreign investors. Investors are never given land that belongs to Ethiopian farmers. The government also encourages Ethiopians in the diaspora to invest in their homeland. They bring badly needed technology, they offer jobs and training to Ethiopians, they operate in areas where there is suitable land and access to water.”

The reality on the ground is different, according to Michael Taylor, a policy specialist at the International Land Coalition. “If land in Africa hasn’t been planted, it’s probably for a reason. Maybe it’s used to graze livestock or deliberately left fallow to prevent nutrient depletion and erosion. Anybody who has seen these areas identified as unused understands that there is no land in Ethiopia that has no owners and users.”

Development experts are divided on the benefits of large-scale, intensive farming. Indian ecologist Vandana Shiva said in London last week that large-scale industrial agriculture not only threw people off the land but also required chemicals, pesticides, herbicides, fertilisers, intensive water use, and large-scale transport, storage and distribution which together turned landscapes into enormous mono-cultural plantations.

“We are seeing dispossession on a massive scale. It means less food is available and local people will have less. There will be more conflict and political instability and cultures will be uprooted. The small farmers of Africa are the basis of food security. The food availability of the planet will decline,” she says. But Rodney Cooke, director at the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development, sees potential benefits. “I would avoid the blanket term ‘land-grabbing’. Done the right way, these deals can bring benefits for all parties and be a tool for development.”

Lorenzo Cotula, senior researcher with the International Institute for Environment and Development, who co-authored a report on African land exchanges with the UN fund last year, found that well-structured deals could guarantee employment, better infrastructures and better crop yields. But badly handled they could cause great harm, especially if local people were excluded from decisions about allocating land and if their land rights were not protected.

Water is also controversial. Local government officers in Ethiopia told the Observer that foreign companies that set up flower farms and other large intensive farms were not being charged for water. “We would like to, but the deal is made by central government,” said one. In Awassa, the al-Amouni farm uses as much water a year as 100,000 Ethiopians.

• This article was amended on 22 March 2011. Owing to an editing error the original said that more than 13 million people in Ethiopia need food aid. This has been corrected.

Original Post: The Guardian

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As Uganda awaits the Energy Efficiency and Conservation law, plans to develop a five-year plan are underway.

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By Witness Radio Team.

Kampala, Uganda—The Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development (MEMD) is developing a comprehensive five-year Energy Efficiency and Conservation Strategy and Plan for Uganda (EECSP). This plan, which is expected to be completed in June 2025, aims to enhance energy efficiency and conservation efforts in Uganda. Uganda has no law governing the manufacture, distribution, and use of clean cooking technologies.

The plan is expected to be aligned with national priorities, foster partnerships, and secure stakeholder buy-in for effective implementation and long-term sustainability.

In Uganda, over 90% of household energy consumption relies on biomass, a practice that is contributing to massive deforestation. This deforestation threatens our natural habitats, worsens climate change, and increases air pollution. To address these challenges, the government wants to improve energy supply, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and expand green energy solutions in rural areas, ensuring access to affordable and clean energy.

James Banaabe said that the government, through the Energy Ministry, has hired their firm, Castle Group of Consultants, to develop the strategy. He explained that the goal is to create an actionable plan to enhance energy efficiency across various sectors in Uganda, including industries and buildings.

“We need to develop solutions that help sectors reduce their energy bills while promoting efficiency,” he noted during a consultative meeting attended by key stakeholders, including government agencies, private sector actors, civil society, academia, and end users, which provided active and meaningful insights into the development process.

Funded by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), the plan seeks to set realistic, achievable energy efficiency targets across key sectors such as industry, transport, residential, and commercial, identify key areas for improvement, develop an environmental strategy, and recommend actionable measures to enhance energy efficiency and conservation.

Engineer Simon Kalanzi, Energy Efficiency and Conservation Department Commissioner at MEMD, emphasized the crucial role of continuous stakeholder engagement. “The energy efficiency strategy and plan rely on broad stakeholder engagement to ensure inclusivity, relevance, and effective implementation. Your involvement is key to addressing market barriers, sharing knowledge, and building capacity to incorporate local and international expertise,” he stated further.

The strategy will yield significant benefits over the next decade, including a promising future with steady and responsible energy usage across targeted sectors.

David Birimumaaso, a principal officer at MEMD, highlighted that the strategy would support the implementation of the Energy Efficiency and Conservation bill, which is already before Parliament. “This law mandates everyone to be mindful of energy conservation,” he added.

On February 4, 2024, the State Minister for Energy, Hon. Sidronius Opolot, tabled the Energy Efficiency and Conservation Bill, 2024. The bill seeks to regulate energy consumption, curb waste, and promote sustainable cooking technologies. According to the bill, no regulations currently govern the manufacture, distribution, and use of clean cooking technologies.

 

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Palm oil plantation expansion: A disturbing alliance between a palm oil company, district officials, and a college school is actively seizing land from farming communities in Buvuma district for their own profit.

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By Witness Radio team.

A Buvuma district land grab cartel, allegedly involving district officials, judicial officials, police personnel attached to Buvuma district police, officials from Buvuma College school, and OPUL workers, is using both police and judicial harassment to target and criminalize the farming activities of several community members in the Nairambi sub-county to expand palm oil plantations.

Commercial oil palm tree growing in Uganda started around 2005, with the first large-scale planting occurring on Bugala Island in Kalangala district under a tripartite public-private partnership with Oil Palm Uganda Limited (OPUL) and Kalangala Oil Palm Grower’s Trust (KOPGT) as the key implementers.

Initially in 2003, the Government signed an agreement to develop Uganda’s oil palm value chain with BIDCO Uganda Limited. They agreed to establish 40,000 hectares of oil palm across the country. The OPUL was to establish 23,500 hectares, while smallholders would be supported to establish 13,500 hectares.

The experience of the people in Kalangala is devastating. Several have seen their lands grabbed, their forests destroyed, and their water contaminated. People have been arrested and tortured for opposing the company, while women and children have been displaced and have nowhere to stay.

Statistics from the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Fisheries reveal that in Kalangala district, the total area planted with oil palm is 10,924 hectares, comprised of 6,500 hectares belonging to OPUL and 4,424 hectares by smallholder farmers. This has forced the Government of Uganda and BIDCO to source land from other districts, including Buvuma.

Before rectifying the mess caused in the Kalangala district, OPUL, a subsidiary of BIDCO Uganda is expanding the oil palm tree growing in the Buvuma district, and there’s a notable repeat of palm oil growing-related challenges.

Buvuma District is a district in the Central Region of Uganda. Jinja District borders it to the north, Mayuge District to the east, Tanzania to the south, and Buikwe District to the west and northwest.

More than a dozen smallholder farmers in Majjo and Bukula villages in Nairambi Sub-county have been framed with criminal charges, including malicious damage and Criminal trespass on their land for refusing to give away their land for palm oil growing.

In Nairambi, Witness Radio has documented troubling patterns of land grabbing, displacement, conflict, poverty, and environmental degradation. Communities living in areas targeted for palm oil plantations are increasingly losing their ancestral lands without being consulted or expressing consent for land takeovers.

This cartel causing mayhem involves Buvuma district authorities, judicial officials, police personnel attached to Buvuma district police, officials from Buvuma College school, and OPUL workers, all colluding to take farmers’ land to grow palm oil trees forcefully.

Meet Ssalongo Ssentongo Living Stone, a 58-year-old farmer in Majjo village in Nairambi Sub-county. He is one of the many victims of the palm oil company. Over the past decade, he has been in and out of prison, facing the same charges repeatedly. He has lost four out of his five pieces of land to the company, plunging him into poverty. His story is a stark example of the injustice faced by many in similar situations.

“I am facing criminal charges because of refusing to surrender my land. Two complainants arrested me four times for a criminal trespass charge—two files by Buvuma College school and two others by Buvuma district officials. In the first case in 2020, I was arrested by police on orders of Buvuma College School as soon as I came back from prison after a year I was then re-arrested and charged with the same case of criminal trespass by police on orders of the same school. This has been the trend. When I refused to surrender it to the School, Buvuma district officials started on the same. They tell me that the land is not mine; it belongs to the school, and at the same time, the district tells me it’s forest land, yet this is land that I formally requested from the Buganda Land board.” Ssentongo added.

He said he owned about five pieces of land that supported his family of 12, but four of them were forcefully taken. He added that he has written to the Oil Palm company seeking to re-possess his land but in vain. It is now almost 10 years since four of my pieces of land were forcefully taken and have never been compensated,” Ssentongo revealed.

Despite initial land acquisitions for palm oil in Kalangala being filled with concerns of land grabbing, the trail of land grabbing for project expansion has since been replicated in Buvuma district. In the project pioneer villages of Buvuma, more than 600 people whose land was taken for the oil palm project in 2015 with promises that it would be compensated later are suffering.

Many families in Kakyanga, Kiziiru, Bukiindi, and Bukalabati villages are struggling to make ends meet. Their land, measuring over 388 hectares, was forcefully taken and is now occupied by oil palm plantations. They can no longer afford to meet their families’ basic needs, a stark reminder of the human cost of land grabbing.

With significant financial and political backing, the Buvuma Oil Palm land grab cartel which began from Kakyanga, Kiziiru, Bukiindi, Bukalabati, and Bukinarwa continues to extend to Majjo and Bukula villages in the same sub-county, Nairambi.

According to the Ministry of Agriculture statistics, palm oil trees have already covered over 5,000 hectares in the Buvuma district.

According to the affected residents, Mr. Adrian Ddungu, the chairperson of Buvuma District, is allegedly colluding with Buvuma College School to grab their land for palm oil plantations. All five families share a common struggle—the increasing criminalization they face for refusing to surrender their land. The urgency of their situation is pressing as the land grab continues to extend to Majjo and Bukula villages.

“All of our subcounty land is mostly occupied by oil palm trees. Most of it has been grabbed, and OPUL’s agents are now extending to our side. As you can see, one of our community members’ land was taken and is currently planted with palm trees.” Nsubuga, another victim, said.

Efforts to get a comment on the community’s allegations from OPUL were futile, as our phone calls went unanswered, and our emails received no response.

However, Mr. Adrian Ddungu, the District Chairman, and Mr. Lawrence Sserwanga, the Chairperson of the Board of Governors at Buvuma College, denied allegations of involvement in land grabbing. Instead, they both claimed that the residents were occupying the land illegally and insisted they had no intentions of selling it to OPUL. They also stated that the land was given to the school, and the residents were compensated.

“The land belongs to the Buvuma school; those people gave the land to the school and were compensated.” Mr. Ddungu revealed.

In contrast, Mr. Ddungu’s response diverged from Mr. Sserwanga’s. Mr. Sserwanga maintained that the early inhabitants of the land had willingly donated it to the school without expecting compensation. “They gave it freely because they wanted to see a school built; donations are not supposed to be compensated,’ he told Witness Radio, which raises questions on how the school acquired land.

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The Taiwanese investor & Others: Dozens of community land and environmental rights defenders are in prison for opposing his aggressive land acquisition tactics.

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By Witness Radio team.

An independent investigation by Witness Radio has revealed that a tree plantation co-owned by the Taiwanese has aided the criminalization of over 20 community land defenders’ work in Mubende District and caused prison sentences ranging from 30 months to 34 years, respectively.

Witness Radio is a Ugandan-based not-for-profit organization that uses legal aid support and media-oriented approaches, such as investigative, data, and advocacy journalism, to protect and promote the land and environmental rights of local and Indigenous communities in development.

These investigations, spanning two months, have unearthed a staggering 23 cases of criminalization against defenders since Quality Parts commenced operations in Mubende District in 2011. These arbitrary arrests, kidnaps, raids of defenders’ homes at night, assaults, tortures, and alleged aiding of unfair convictions are a stark reminder of the profound injustice faced by those who oppose the company’s land grab of the community land.

For many years, Quality Parts Limited has deployed Mubende district police, private security firms, and company workers to carry out intimidation, coercion, and manipulation. No community member has ever been consulted or consented to the removal of their land.

In their unwavering commitment, these defenders are protecting a community of smallholder farmers who have lawfully occupied and cultivated their land for over five (5) decades. Most smallholder farmers have legal documents proving their legitimate land ownership, starkly contrasting the injustice they face.

Quality Parts Uganda Limited, incorporated in 2000, operates plantations of pine and eucalyptus trees in Mubende district, southwestern Uganda. The company is co-owned by Taiwanese investor Chang Shu-mu, known as Martin Chang, and his wife, Anna Kyoheirwe.

When writing this report, nine (9) community defenders are serving prison sentences ranging from 30 months to 34 years in Muyinayina and Kaweeri government prisons in the Mubende district, with the majority facing multiple offenses. According to Witness Radio interviews, more community defenders allege that the company regularly threatens community land defenders that they will face the same fate if they continue to oppose its actions.

In the latest incident, hell broke loose in the early morning hours of January 29, 2024, when four Quality Parts Uganda Ltd company workers, guarded by three armed police officers in casual attire (later it was established to be attached to Mubende Central Police Station), attacked, beat, and arbitrarily arrested three land rights defenders based in Kicuculo village, Kiruuma Sub-county in Mubende district accusing them of destroying the tree plantation. It was the second brutal arrest of the trio.

The three defenders, Byakatonda David, Kabuuka Levi, and Byamukama Yuda, the Kicucuulo Village chairman, were briefly taken to Mubende Police before being aligned before Mubende district Magistrates’ Court. They were charged with malicious property damage and remanded to Kaweeri Prison on the same day.

Mr. Byamukama Yuda is one of those serving a 30-month sentence at Muyinayina Prison; an interview with Witness Radio revealed that three armed Police officers from Mubende and company officials raided his home at 5 a.m., manhandled and assaulted, and arrested him without explanation.

“In the early hours of the morning, the group raided my home and ordered me to open the door. At first, I hesitated because I had no idea who they were since they never introduced themselves. But when they started aggressively banging one of my house’s doors, my wife and I had no choice but to open it. The moment I did, my eyes met the furious faces of armed officers who humiliated and assaulted me in front of my wife and children before forcefully arresting me without offering any explanation. These officers threw me into a waiting saloon car whose number plates I can’t recall, where I found workers from Quality Parts. Instead of offering any clarity about my arrest, they just threatened me, accusing me of being ‘big-headed. Within minutes, they sped off to my son Levi’s home, where he, too, was arbitrarily arrested alongside me,” Byamukama revealed.

Another defender, 62-year-old Byakatonda David, was forcefully arrested by masked gangs wielding machetes, led by a man named Kayumba, affiliated with Quality Parts Uganda Ltd. He revealed, “These men told me that the police had instructed them to arrest me and take me to join the other two who had been arrested earlier (Byamukama and Kabuuka). They forcefully arrested threatening to cause more harm to me in case I tried to resist,” the defender told Witness Radio.

They further revealed that their continued mobilization of community members (villagers) to resist the company’s land grab continues to lead to their criminalization. This continued criminalization highlights the deep-rooted injustices that defenders face when opposing harmful development projects. The trio spent five months on remand at Kaweeri prison, appeared in court over 18 times, and emphasized that their conviction was made in bad faith.

“First of all, this case was unnecessarily delayed, as either the state or the magistrate frequently absented themselves, forcing us to appear in court numerous times. The trial was also unfair, as we were never allowed to defend ourselves. Also, the evidence presented was fake. In the ruling, the magistrate stated that the testimony of four witnesses satisfied the court, yet only three appeared, and even their evidence was questionable,” Mr. Byakatonda further mentioned.

Witness Radio has also established that powerful multinational companies are using police, district officials, and court personnel to aid land grabbing. The same system weakens the poor landowners and forces them to surrender their land for Quality Parts. “When we try to resist, they oppress us. The company tells us they are backed by government officials and other powerful individuals in security forces, which is evident because even when we report our cases to authorities, little or no action is taken. They tell us we have no power to oppose the investors,” Byamukama expressed his disappointment.

On June 21, 2024, the three were convicted of malicious damage to property and sentenced to 30 months in Muyinayina prison despite inconsistencies in the evidence presented by witnesses.

The charges against the community defenders stem from a violent incident on December 6, 2022, when a group of over 20 casual workers linked to Quality Parts Uganda Ltd attacked the village of Kicucuulo, hacked people, and destroyed property, including houses and crops. These workers raided the homes of outspoken community members, cut people with pangas, and beat everyone they found in their homes, threatening to kill them if they didn’t leave the land. Three people were hacked, while properties worth millions of Shillings were destroyed.

Despite the violence they endured that day, those who were hacked and others whose property was destroyed were arrested when they went to report the incident to Mubende police.

Meanwhile, the company workers responsible for the harm remained untouched. At that time, the defenders, Kabuka Levi, Lubwama Robert, Bulegeya Erisa, Byakatonda David, and Byamukama Yuda, were arrested, interrogated, and made to record statements before being released on police bond.

“When we reached Mubende police, we were all arrested and interrogated for almost an hour before recording statements on malicious damage charges. The company claimed we cut its trees, which we did not do,” Mr. Kabuka Levi told Witness Radio in an interview in 2023.

Witness Radio’s investigations have also found out that by the time the alleged tree cutting took place, as said by the company and its witnesses in court, that is the same time, the accused were treating wounds from the previous attack by the company workers, raising questions on whether the accused were the real suspects.

“It is unfortunate that people accused of committing land-related crimes against the ‘investor’ are landowners who have for generations occupied and cultivated their land until they faced this violent land grab. Duty bearer agencies have been captured and are being used to target defenders and activists pushing back forced evictions,” Witness Radio’s Team Leader Jeff Wokulira Ssebaggala said.

The Mubende Magistrates Court eventually dismissed the case on October 17, 2023, due to a lack of evidence. However, in January 2024, the three Byamukama, Byakatonda, and Kabuuka were arrested, charged, and convicted again for the same offense of cutting the company’s trees.

This trend of persecution has instilled fear in the majority of the community, with a saying: “You accept what the company wants, or you go to jail for opposing it.” Other individuals arrested for resisting the company’s land grab include Kaberuka Fenehansi, who died last year while serving a prison sentence; Sinamenya Paul, Ssemombwe Richard, Ategeka Esau, Bukenya Godfrey, Ssebanenya Yona, and Sserugo Sam, all serving sentences ranging from 15 to 34 years.

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