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A call for civil disobedience against the privatisation of peasant seeds

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For thousands of years, communities have nurtured and taken care of the crops and seeds that sustain us. Seeds are part of human history, work and knowledge systems, and our relationship with them is a never-ending conversation of care. This mutual nurturing has given rise to specific ways of cultivating, sharing, feeding and healing that are linked to community norms, responsibilities, obligations and rights.

People’s freedom to work with seeds hinges on the responsibility of communities who defend and maintain them, who care for them and enjoy the goods they provide. And this freedom is under threat.

Today there is a strong assault on people’s seeds. It comes from the drive to regulate, standardise and privatise seeds to expand markets for corporations. This is done through plant breeders’ rights and patent laws, as well as seed certification schemes, variety registers and marketing laws. Whatever the form, it is about legalising abuse, dispossession and devastation.

Today’s attack on seeds aims to put an end to peasant and Indigenous agriculture, an end to independent food production. Where peasant food sovereignty prevails, it is difficult to turn us into cheap and dependent labour, people without territory and without history. We face a coordinated political and technocratic crusade to impose uniform and rigid laws and regulations in favour of agroindustry. There is a determined effort to discredit people’s historical practices and ancestral indigenous peasant knowledge in order to make us dependent on corporations. Communities who have resisted have faced criminalisation, repression, and even imprisonment

Whether in Africa, Asia, Europe or the Americas, communities are fighting this pressure and we are united and mobilised to actively support them.

In Benin, social movements have stopped the national parliament from discussing a law proposal to join UPOV, the Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. UPOV sets global standards for seed privatisation in favour of transnationals like Monsanto/Bayer, Syngenta and Corteva.

– In Guatemala, Indigenous peoples are in the streets demanding that their government’s proposed bill to adopt UPOV standards be scrapped as well. They call it “the Monsanto Law” and its rejection is part of an ongoing nationwide strike.

– In El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, groups are working together to prevent the adoption of a new ruling that would open the doors to genetically modified seeds in all three countries at once.

– In Thailand, civil society organisations are fighting hard against free trade agreements that impose UPOV instead of protecting the rights of farmers and other rural communities to maintain and use their local seeds.

-In Indonesia, farmers and civil society organisations continue to reject UPOV, which is being imposed through free trade negotiations and under pressure from countries like Japan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J4pD_yZG1lc

-In the Philippines, farmers, scientists, concerned citizens and civil society organizations filed an environmental case to the Supreme Court to stop the commercial propagation of the genetically modified golden rice that is patented by Syngenta and other agrochemical corporations. Moreover, Filipino farmers are spearheading the fight for the recognition and strengthening of farmers’ rights to seeds and farmers’ seed system by forwarding seed commoning as an alternative to the UPOV-like laws in the country.

– Internationally, peasant and other social movements are also trying to get the UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP) translated into enforceable national laws.

We are determined to resist the dispossession of seeds from the hands of the people. We vigorously oppose registration, certification, patenting and marketing schemes, treaties, conventions, national and international laws and legal frameworks such as UPOV and other seed laws that promote the dispossession of the common goods and knowledge of our peoples.

We, as peoples in resistance, guardians of the seeds, will continue keeping, sharing and reproducing our seeds so our presence will germinate from our roots.

Signatories (Only organisation name displayed):

ABSDD/Slow Food

Burkina Faso

Acción Comunal

Colombia

ACDIC

Cameroun

AFSA

Africa region

agrarinfo.ch

Switzerland

AgriMovement

Lebanon

AIFFRS

India

AKban Mague

Colombia

Alexander von Humboldt Foundation

USA

A lo Verde Escuela de Huertos Agroecologicos

Ecuador

Alliance pour le Développement Durable et pour l’Environnement

Côte d’Ivoire

Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture

India

Amigos unidos con amor hojas de agricultura

Colombia

Anti-mining struggle committee

India.

ANAGAVEC

Ecuador

APBREBES

Global/Switzerland

Aravali Bachao

India

ARBA (Asociación para la recuperación del bosque autóctono)

Spain

Aseas

Colombia

Asoproorgànicos

Colombia

Association des Jeunes Agriculteurs de la Casamance

Senegal

Asociación de mujeres unidas por el desarrollo juanchopuquio encañada

Peru

Asociación Ecoaldea Aldeafeliz

Colombia

Asociacion Agroecologia y Fe

Bolivia

Asociación PROBIVIR

Colombia

Association pour la Défense de l’environnement et des Consommateurs (ADEC)

Sénégal

Asociación Shuar Sharup de cuidado y protección de semillas.

Ecuador

Association Sénégalaise des Producteurs de Semences Paysannes

Senegal

Association Tunisienne de Permaculture

Tunisie

Atukpamba y Red de Guardianes de Semillas de Ecuador

Ecuador

Audace Institut Afrique

Côte d’Ivoire

Bangladesh Agricultural Farm Labour Federation (BAFLF)

Bangladesh

Badabon Sangho

Bangladesh

Bendito Prashadam

Colombia

BioThai

Thailand

Biodiversity and Biosafety Association of Kenya

Kenya

Biodiversity Information Box

Japan

Biowatch South Africa

South Africa

Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU)

India

Building Futures

USA

Cabildo Indígena de la cuenca del Río Guabas

Colombia

Cámara Verde de la Amazorinoquía

Colombia

Campesinos construyendo futuro

Colombia

Caritas Diocese of Malakal (CDoM)

South Sudan

Casa de semillas El Origen

Colombia

CCPA

Sénégal

CEIP

Colombia

CENDA

Bolivia

CERAI

Spain

Chile Mejor sin TLC

Chile

Chilis on Wheels

United States

C.netzero

DRC

City Mouse Garden

United States

COAG

Spain

Coati

Colombia

Cocapeutas Cooperatica Mujeres Medicina

Peru

Colectiva de mujeres Muralistas

Colombia

Colectivo Agroecológico Del Ecuador

Ecuador

Colectivo Cultura Saravita

Colombia

Colectivo por la Autonomía / Saberes Locales

México

Colombia Humana

Colombia

Colectivo Minga de soberanía alimentaria deChia

Colombia

Colectivo Semilla Negra

México

Colectivo Xiegua

Colombia

Comité de Derechos Humanos de la Sierra Norte de Veracruz

México

Comité Ouest Africain des semences Paysannes

West Africa

Commission of Charity and Social Actions – Caritas Dalat

Viet Nam

Comunidad Moneda Luna

Colombia

Comunidad Rural de la Buitrera

Colombia

comunidad kishuar Amazanga

Ecuador

Cooperativa Huacal

México

Coordinadora Ambiental Popular de Santa Rosa de Cabal

Colombia

COPAGEN

West Africa

CORDES MAELA RENAF

Colombia

Corpalabra

Colombia

CORPONIMA

Colombia

Corporación Aluna

Colombia

Corporación Creare Social

Colombia

Corporación Compromiso

Colombia

Corporacion Frutos de Utopía

Colombia

Corporación Síntesis

Colombia

Corredor biológico Montes del aguacate costa Rica

Costa Rica

CREATE

INDIA

CSRD

India

CSFdeepinnerMusic

Netherlands

Cuatro Rumbos Para Ti

México

CULTIVISA

Colombia

Cultivo Lo Nuestro

Colombia

Custodios de Semillas Ancestrales

Colombia

Darbar Sahitya Sansada

India

DESMI, A.C.

México

Ecofeminisarte

Colombia

Ecosinergia

Colombia

EdibleBristol

UK

El Jilote, SPG

México

Enda Pronat

Senegal

ESAL

Colombia

Escuela de Líderesas del Ecuador, y mujeres por el cambio, y defensa por la salud de los pueblos

Ecuador

Evobiota Consultancy Corporation

Philippines

Extinction Rebellion València

España

FAEB / Federation Agroecologique du Benin

BENIN

FIAN Indonesia

Indonesia

Finca Carrizales

Colombia

Frente de lucha Ambiental Delia Villalba

Uruguay

Friends of the Earth Nigeria

Nigeria

Fundacion Ambiental

Colombia

Fundacion Avá

Argentina

Fundación Julia Márquez

Colombia

Fundacion Biosistemas Integrados

Uruguay

Fundación la COSMOPOLITANA

Colombia

Fundacion Luna Arte

Colombia

Fundación Runakawsai

Ecuador

Gealac

Peru

Gender Justice

Zambia

Glesi

Netherlands

Good Food Community

Philippines

GRAIN

International

Grassroots klimaatboerderij

Belgium

Grassroots Trust

Zambia

Groupe d’action Écologique pour le développement intégral

RDC

Grow Local Colorado

United States

Grupo Allpa

Ecuador

Grupo Raquira Silvestre SAS

Colombia

Grupo Semillas

Colombia

HEKS Swiss Church Cooperation

Switzerland

Humaine

Belgique

Huerta comunitaria y Jardín Polinizador Con Ojos de Amor

Colombia

Huerta Marsella

Bogota

Huertas Swa Cho

Colombia

Huerto Agroecológico Atemajac

México

Incredible Edible Lambeth

United Kingdom

Indigenous Women and Girls Initiative

Kenya

Instituto Agroecológico Latinoamericano México

México

Instituto Humanitas

Perú

ISRA

Sénégal

JAL Diviso

Colombia

Joint Action for Water

India

Junta de agua vereda laureles

Colombia

JVE Côte d’Ivoire

Côte d’Ivoire

Kikandwa Environmental Association

Uganda

Laboratorio de Tierras

Ecuador

La Via Campesina East and Southern Africa

Zimbabwe

La Tucaneta

Colombia

Lapapaya

Colombia

La Cité Idéale

Burkina Faso

La Cuica Cósmica

Ecuador

La Savia

Colombia

Les amis de la Terre

Togo

Lideresa social

Colombia

Kansas interfaith Action

USA

Karnataka State Farmers Association (KRRS)

India

Malaysian Food Sovereignty Forum (FKMM)

Malaysia

MASIPAG

Philippines

Mesa Departamental de Diálogo y Concertación Agraría, Étnica y Popular de Nariño

Methods Lab

United States

MINGAnet

Colombia

Mink’a Comunicación

Argentina

Mirachik

Ecuador

Mouvement d’Action Paysanne

Belgium

Mouvement des jeunes pour l’agriculture,l’agroécologique,et Agro pastorale (M.J.A.A.P)

R.D.Congo

Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform (MONLAR)

Sri Lanka

Movimiento Agroecológico de América Latina y el Caribe-MAELA

Colombia

Movimiento Campesino de Papaye

Haïti

Movimiento pacto histórico

Colombia

Movimiento Rural Cristiano

España

Mujeres que reverdecen

Colombia

Munsenga cooperative

Zambia

National Alliance for Agroecology The Gambia

Gambia

NeverEndingFood.org

Malawi

Ntaamba Hiinta Development Trust

Zambia

Ofraneh

Honduras

ojoVoz

Mexico

OK Seed Project

Japan

ONG YVEO

Côte d’Ivoire

Organisation des Ruraux pour une Agriculture Durable

Benin

Organización campesinos construyendo futuro (OCCF)

Colombia

Panitar Pally Unnyan Samiti

India

Paralegal Alliance Network

Zambia

Perkumpulan INISIATIF

Indonesia

Perkumpulan Kediri Bersama Rakyat (KIBAR)

Indonesia

Plataforma del País Valencià per un tren públic, social i sostenible que vertebre el territori i refrede el planeta

Spain

Primavera Zur

Colombia

Promotores ambientales del eje cafetero

Colombia

Proyecto agroecologico familiar y educativo ambiental sueño verde

Colombia

PTR Associates

USA

Punarchith

India

RADD

Cameroun

Radio Bénin

Bénin

RECHERCHE SANS FRONTIÈRES RSF

RD Congo

Red de Agricultores Urbanos Bogotá

Colombia

Red de consumo Responsable y consciente

Colombia

Red Colombiana de Agricultura Biológica de Antioquía

Colombia

Red de Custodia de Semillas Criollas y Nativas (CESTA)

Colombia

Red de foresteia análoga

Ecuador

Red de huertos agroecológicos de Cali

Colombia

Red de huertos urbanos

Colombia

Red de Resersvas / Resnatur

Colombia

Red de semillas criollas y nativas

Uruguay

Red de semillas libres de Colombia

Colombia

Red Distrital de Agricultores

Colombia

Red en defensa del Maiz

México

Red Kunagua

Colombia

Redmac

Colombia

REDMUNORCA

Colombia

Red de Pueblos Hermanos

Colombia

Red de jóvenes por la Agrobiodiversidad

Perú

Red Yuma

Colombia

Regional Schools and Colleges Permaculture

Kenya

Reservorio de Semillas Techotiva

Colombia

RESNATUR – Red de reservas

Colombia

Reseau JINUKUN

Benin

Resource Institute of Social Education

India

Salt Films

India

Sanwad

India

Save Earth Save Life Movement

India

Save Our Rice Campaign

India

Secretaria de educación de Bogotá

Colombia

Seed In A Box

Lebanon

Semillas de Nuestra Tierra

México

Semilla Nativa Colombia

Colombia

Semillas de Identidad – SWISSAID

Colombia

Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia Kalbar

Indonesia

SERVIHUERTA

Colombia

Siyada network

Arab région

Société civile environnementale et agro-rurale du Congo

RDC

Sociedad libre y Neocampesina

Colombia

Soil if Cultures

New Zealand

South India Coordination Committee of Farmers Movements

India

SSN

England

Ssfafrica.com

Zambia and Africa

Sukrutham

India

Synergie Nationale des Paysans et Riverains du Cameroun

Cameroun

Tanzania Alliance for Biodiversity

Tanzania

Tamizhaga Vivasayigal Sangam

India

The Ecocene Project

India

The Failing Farmer

Tunisia

The Hummingbird Foundation

Kenya

The Sixth Element School

India

The Utopian Seed Project

USA

Tierra Fertil

Colombia

Tinto to go

Colombia

Tlalixpan, sobre la faz de la tierra

México

Unillanos

Colombia

Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca

México

Union Démocratique de l’Agriculture

Maroc

Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca

México

Unión nacional de organizaciones regionales campesinas

autónomas (UNORCA)

Mexico

Union Régionale des Associations Paysannes de DIOURBEL URAPD

Senegal

Uruguay Soberano

Uruguay

Waia Reserva Sagrada

Colombia

We Are the Solution

Senegal

West africa sea turtles conservation network

Côte d’Ivoire

WFDFFM

Indonesia

Wild Webcap

Australia

Women’s Alliance MN

United States

WMW/ATPA

Tunisie

xermoladas

Spain

Youth talk

RDC

Yuva Kaushal Vikas Mandal

India

Zambian Alliance for Agroecology and Biodiversity

Zambia

Source: GRAIN

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Communities once resettled by President Museveni in Kiryandongo now find themselves losing their land to a sugarcane investor, accusing the Uganda Land Commission of granting a leasehold behind their backs.

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By the Witness Radio team.

For over ten years, families in Ranch 11, Kiryandongo District, cherished the hope that they had at last found a true home.

Their path to Ranch 11 was paved with hardship and repeated displacement. Some families, as Witness Radio discovered, were forced out of conservation areas, while others lost their homes amid political turmoil. When the government finally allocated them land through the Office of the President, they dared to believe their long search for safety was over.

Yet now, the very land they say President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni gave them has become the heart of a fresh conflict, as a sugarcane company lays claim to it.

Residents now accuse the Uganda Land Commission of quietly leasing part of Ranch 11 to sugarcane investor M/S Muhazi Heritage, leaving out the very communities who had built lives there for over a decade.

For families like Fred Kangume’s, this so-called development feels like yet another eviction, carried out without the voices or consent of those who call the land home.

“We were resettled on this land on orders of the President. And now we are surprised that an investor was given the same land without our consent or being informed,” Kangume told Witness Radio.

A Witness Radio investigation reveals a troubling contradiction: while official documents show attempts to secure land for these communities, the Uganda Land Commission later handed over more than 1,000 hectares of that very land to Muhazi Heritage through a lease agreement.

This dispute now sparks a deeper question about land governance in Uganda: how can families settled by government order lose their land when another state body gives it away to a private investor?

Several correspondences reviewed by Witness Radio indicate that President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni directed the Ministry of Lands to allocate land in Kiryandongo to approximately 750 landless families, including the Nubian and Kibyama communities who had converged in Kigumba and were living in difficult conditions in makeshift settlements.

The affected groups included about 350 families who had been evicted from the Karuma Wildlife Reserve in 1999 and 404 Nubian families who had been displaced from different parts of Uganda during and after the 1978/79 political turmoil.

According to information obtained by Witness Radio from the office of the Minister of State for Lands, the history of displacement for some of these families dates back to the 1970s.

During the government of former President Idi Amin, authorities established the Palestinian Farm at Kiroko in Kiryandongo Sub-county, displacing hundreds of families from their land.

The documents indicate that the affected families were neither compensated nor resettled after losing their land. As a result, some moved to neighboring public land, which was later gazetted as part of the Karuma Forest Reserve.

Years later, these same families faced another displacement when the Uganda Wildlife Authority evicted them from the reserve, leaving many without homes, land for cultivation, or reliable sources of livelihood.

The second group comprised members of the Nubian community who, after returning from exile, found that their former homes and properties in places such as Gulu, Lira, Soroti, and other parts of Uganda had been taken over during insurgencies. They also faced a challenging social and political environment, forcing many to seek refuge among friends and relatives in Masindi District.

With both groups facing prolonged landlessness and uncertainty, they petitioned President Museveni in 2000, requesting government intervention and resettlement.

A 2001 correspondence from the Ministry of Lands to the Office of the President states that government officials identified Ranch 11, part of the former Bunyoro Ranching Scheme, as available land that could be used to resettle the landless families.

The document states: “Within Masindi District, currently Kiryandongo District, was a vacant Ranch No. 11… which according to the Ranches Restructuring exercise was allocated to the Office of the President and could in this circumstance be subdivided to settle the landless 750 families.”

In 2006, President Museveni directed that the communities be resettled on approximately 5.5 square miles of land in Ranch 11.

For these families, the directive represented a new beginning and what they hoped would be an end to decades of displacement. In 2013, with support from local leaders and officers from the Ministry of Lands, the affected communities were resettled on the land.

Over the years, residents had built homes, established trading centers, and invested in agriculture. But according to residents, the land was never fully surveyed, and individual ownership documents were never issued.

In 2023, the Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) of Kiryandongo District requested financial support from the Ministry of Finance to facilitate the resettlement process for these categories: “Nubian community and families displaced from Karuma Wildlife Reserve.”

A letter from Permanent Secretary Ramathan Ggoobi informed the district that Shs200 million (about $53,428 USD) would be provided for the exercise. The funds, according to the letter, were to be budgeted under the Transitional Development Grant for the 2023/24 financial year.

Yet as communities waited in hope for official land documents, a separate process was quietly granting the same land to an investor.

Documents obtained by Witness Radio show that the Uganda Land Commission, during the Commission’s meeting of 4 August 2023 under Minute 64/2023(a)(04), approved the allocation of 1,059.89 hectares of land, equivalent to four square miles, to Muhazi Heritage.

The company received a five-year lease, renewable up to 49 years. On 17 December 2024, the Uganda Land Commission issued a certificate of title to Muhazi Heritage.

This turn of events stunned residents, who insist they were never consulted despite being the rightful occupants. Instead of security, the allocation sparked another wave of violent evictions as the company pressed for full control and communities fought back against what they called blatant land grabbing.

Charles Kalakire, the chairperson of Kimogola B village, told Witness Radio that local leaders were not involved in the allocation process.

“I was never consulted when the Uganda Land Commission awarded land to the company, which had legally known sitting tenants,” Kalakire said.

He added that he only learned about changes in land allocation after receiving information from district security officials.

“I got this information from the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), a president’s representative in the district, and the District Internal Security Officer (DISO) that land had now moved from the hands of the people to the investor,” he added.

Residents say the investor’s deal left just 1.5 square miles for over 750 families. For many, the conflict has spilled from paperwork into daily life.

“The situation is worse; people are beaten and forced to receive compensation, a level of impunity which forced the state minister of lands, Hon Sam Mayanja, to intervene and cause harmony in the area.” Mr. David Bakundaki, another resident, said.

During his visit to Kimogora in 2024, Mayanja revealed that the investor had requested the commission to allocate his company the entire Ranch 11 measuring over 5.5 square miles.

Based on his guidance, through a 2024 letter to the commission, he ordered the commission to allocate 4 square miles, and the remaining 1.5 square miles be used to resettle the affected people. The company was also directed to compensate residents, support relocation, and provide infrastructure including schools, health facilities, and roads as part of corporate social responsibility.

However, residents and leaders say the remaining land is already occupied, making relocation difficult.

“The people who have been occupying the four-square miles are now being packed into the 1.5 square miles. They are being allocated a quarter acre. On top of that, the allocations are now creating land tensions with those they found in.”

“Also, those who have received compensation have got peanuts, 200,000, 300,000 Uganda shillings, which can’t afford to cater for their families or buy land elsewhere, and the responsibility that had to come along with resettling people was never fulfilled.” Mr. Godfrey Kiviri, former chairperson of Mutunda A village, told Witness Radio.

Meanwhile, those refusing to leave their land face violence from company workers, supported by security forces.

The Ranch 11 saga lays bare a deep contradiction in Uganda’s land management: a government meant to restore dignity to the displaced later hands their land to a private sugarcane investor.

For these communities, the fight has become about more than land. It is now a struggle for trust, accountability, and the hope that government promises to its most vulnerable will be honored.

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News: Kapapi Land dispute: Security investigate gunfire exch

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HOIMA — Security in Hoima district is investigating circumstances under which police personnel and Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officers deployed at the disputed Kapapi land in Kapapi sub-county, Hoima district, exchanged gunfire and left two vehicles damaged.

The incident occurred last Sunday at night as UPDF officers deployed on the disputed land attempted to arrest Capt. Rogers Karamagi, the manager of Brig. Gen. Peter Akankunda Nabasa on the land.

Brig. Gen. Nabasa got involved in the Kapapi land dispute after Moses Byangire, the administrator of the late Tito Byangire’s estate leased 700 acres of land to the general for 10 years in Kigorobya, Hoima District.

The deployment of UPDF soldiers on the land was after the 2,000 residents who were evicted from the land measuring about three square miles petitioned the former lands state minister, Dr Sam Mayanja (now Attorney General), seeking his intervention.

When Mayanja visited the land in October last year, he ordered the Commander of the Field Artillery Division based in Masindi, Maj. Gen. Daniel Kakono, to deploy security on the disputed land to protect the evictees and to disarm private security personnel who had deployed there.

Since then, UPDF soldiers have been deployed on the land and have not been allowing any agent to step on the land covering over four villages, including Waki South, Waki North, Runga, Kapapi Central and Kiryateete, all within Kapapi sub-county.

How it startedAccording to Brig. Gen. Nabasa, on the fateful day, Karamagi was coming from Kapapi sub-county driving a Toyota Mark X registration number UBR 117L when soldiers started trailing him.

Nabasa explained that when Karamagi realised that some people were following him, he drove off the main road and hid the car at the home of a one Nyakahara Mudede in Kapapi 1 village.

While in his hideout, Karamagi reportedly called police officers from Kigorobya police station to intervene and rescue him from the group, which wanted to arrest him.

However, shortly after police arrived at the scene in a Toyota Corolla XS, UAK 227D, one of the UPDF officers also showed up and attempted to grab Karamagi.

The Toyota Corolla (UAK 227D) used by police officers from Kigorobya sub-county to rescue Karamagi was also damaged during the scuffle. (Photo by Peter Abaanabasazi)

The Toyota Corolla (UAK 227D) used by police officers from Kigorobya sub-county to rescue Karamagi was also damaged during the scuffle. (Photo by Peter Abaanabasazi)

According to eyewitness, a scuffle ensued during which police and the UPDF officers exchanged gunfire. In the process, Karamagi’s car and another used by police officers had their tyres flattened.

“Karamagi was my manager before they had blocked us from this land. All along, they have been tracking him; I do not know what they need from him,” Nabasa said.

Mudede said that several bullets that were fired left the residents in the area in panic.

Authorities speak out

When contacted for a comment, Christopher Ayine, the Hoima deputy resident district commissioner, confirmed the incident.

Ayine said they have instructed the Hoima district police commander and the Albertine regional police commander to investigate the matter. “Whoever will be found in the wrong will be arrested.”

The Albertine Regional Police Spokesperson, Julius Allan Hakiza, declined to comment on the matter and referred New Vision to the UPDF.

Maj. Flavia Terimulungi, the UPDF 1st division public information officer, said that the army was following up on the issue.

Source: newvision.co.ug/

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Uganda is grappling with mounting land struggles as the needs of refugees collide with the rights and hopes of the communities that host them.

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By the Witness Radio team.

For more than ten years, hundreds of families in Kikuube District have fought to piece their lives back together after losing their land to the ever-expanding Kyangwali Refugee Settlement.

One such person is Mr. Ahumuza Busingye, a community leader who recalls how, in 2013, many families were uprooted when the government seized their land to make room for more refugees.

“We have been suffering since 2013 when we were evicted from our land to expand Kyangwali camp. “The problem is we are often displaced from fertile land which is given to refugees. That hurts us. Our families have grown, but we have no place to settle them. We now live in an informal settlement with no land to farm and sustain ourselves,” said Mr. Busingye.

Mr. Busingye’s experience mirrors a rising dilemma in Uganda, a nation celebrated worldwide for its welcoming approach to refugees. Unlike countries that restrict refugees to camps, Uganda offers land for settlement, freedom to move, opportunities to work and start businesses, and access to schools, healthcare, and public services. These progressive policies have transformed Uganda into Africa’s largest haven for refugees and one of the most significant hosts on the planet.

Yet, even as Uganda’s refugee policy draws global praise, tough questions linger about how the country can keep protecting refugees without sacrificing the land rights, livelihoods, and futures of its own people.

This challenge formed the central theme of an X Spaces discussion organized by UCOBAC (Uganda Community Based Association for Women and Children Welfare) in partnership with AWO International and co-hosted by NBS TV under the theme, “Understanding Land Governance: Issues Affecting Refugee and Host Communities in Uganda.”

The event brought together voices from government, academia, humanitarian groups, and the legal sector to tackle rising land governance issues in refugee-hosting districts and to seek ways for refugees and host communities to live together in harmony.

Uganda now shelters almost 1.9 million refugees and asylum seekers, most of them women and children escaping violence in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and nearby nations. As new arrivals pour in and families grow, the hunger for land intensifies, sparking fresh challenges for both refugees and the communities that welcome them.

Dr. Brian Makabayi, a lecturer in the Department of Geomatics and Land Management at Makerere University, argued that refugee settlements should no longer be viewed as temporary humanitarian interventions.

“The issue is not only humanitarian assistance where we are trying to solve the problem temporarily. These communities have stayed for long periods, and if these issues are not properly managed, they can become violent,” he said.

Citing research from districts like Adjumani, Makabayi pointed out that refugees now make up nearly half the population in some places. As families expand but land stays the same, the struggle for space grows ever more intense.

“Many refugees lease farmland from host communities to supplement the small plots allocated to them. However, conflicts often emerge when landowners decide to reclaim their land for personal use, sale, or lease to other people before previous agreements expire.” He further added.

Ms. Claire Birungi Agaba, the Information, Counseling and Legal Assistance Specialist at the Norwegian Refugee Council, said many of the land disputes her organization handles arise from informal and undocumented land agreements.

She explained that land transactions between refugees and host communities are frequently based on verbal agreements without written records specifying land size, duration of use, payment arrangements or responsibilities of each party. As a result, disputes over boundaries, crop destruction, unexpected evictions and changing rental terms have become increasingly common.

“Many host families themselves occupy customary land that has never been formally documented, making it difficult to prove ownership whenever disagreements arise.”  She said.

Responding to concerns about land acquisition, Agnes Baseera, Protection Officer (Legal) in the Office of the Prime Minister’s Department of Refugees, said the government does not allocate land for refugee settlements arbitrarily.

According to Baseera, establishing refugee settlements involves close collaboration between the Office of the Prime Minister, district local governments, line ministries, development partners and host communities.

She explained that before any land is designated, the government verifies ownership, assesses the suitability of the land and considers factors such as security, access to water, food availability and the capacity of social services.

“The host communities are always part of this process,” Baseera said, adding that consultation remains central to the government’s refugee settlement policy.

Eunice Nabakwa, Principal Land Officer at the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development, argued that securing customary land rights is essential to reducing future conflicts.

She noted that more than 75 percent of Uganda’s land is held under customary tenure, much of it without formal documentation. Since many refugee settlements are located on customary land, uncertainty over ownership and boundaries often fuels disputes.

To address this, the Ministry is implementing systematic land adjudication, demarcation, mapping and certification programs, including the issuance of Certificates of Customary

Ownership (CCOs).

These initiatives are intended to formally recognize customary land rights, strengthen tenure security, clarify boundaries and improve local land administration.

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