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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

The United Nations Food Systems Summit is a corporate food summit —not a “people’s” food summit

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Although the UN has called the Food Systems Summit a “people’s summit”, it marks a departure from past World Food Summits, which developed innovative, inclusive and participatory global food governance mechanisms anchored in human rights. By contrast, the UNFSS follows a multi-stakeholder approach that, while appearing inclusive, ends up privileging agribusiness and food corporations and is conducted in partnership with the World Economic Forum (formed by the world’s top 1000 corporations). The UNFSS has sidelined civil society and and lacks transparency and accountability mechanisms. In response, civil society groups around the world are refusing to participate in the UNFSS and are instead leading parallel events and actions.

The People’s Autonomous Response to the UNFSS in July has argued that the UNFSS detracts from the real solutions needed to tackle the multiple hunger, climate and health crises. The globalized, industrialized food systems advanced at UNFSS fail most people, and the Covid-19 pandemic has worsened the situation. According to the 2021 UN Report on the State of Food Security and Nutrition, the number of chronically undernourished people has risen to 811 million, while almost a third of the world’s population has no access to adequate food. The Global South still reels from Covid-19, unveiling the entrenched structural power asymmetries, fragility and injustice that underpin the predominant food system.

What we need: Food systems and food sovereignty for the people

Food sovereignty: the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems

Equitable and sustainable solutions already exist—and they need more support. There is much to learn from the networks of solidarity and care that people – often the most vulnerable and historically oppressed – have put in place during the pandemic. Currently, 70% of the world gets food from the peasant food web, which works with only 25% of the resources.

We don’t need “sustainable intensification”, “climate-smart agriculture” or ‘nature-positive solutions,” which often greenwash corporate agendas. Millions of smallholder farmers, fishermen, pastoralists, agricultural and rural workers, and entire indigenous communities practice agroecology, a way of life and a form of resistance to an unfair economic system that puts profit before life. Agroecological farming constantly adapts to local needs, customs, soils and climates. As countless experts have attested, agroecology improves nutrition, reduces poverty, contributes to gender justice, combats climate change, and enriches farmland.

Agroecology, unlike industrial agriculture, embraces and encourages diversity—of crops, people, farming methods, and knowledges—to allow for locally-adapted food systems that are responsive to environmental conditions and community needs.

The movement for food sovereignty is united in our diversity and in our shared opposition to centralized, top-down models of decision-making and agricultural production.

Original Source: unfss2021.org

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Britain, Netherlands withdraw $2.2 billion backing for Total-led Mozambique LNG

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LONDON, Dec 1 (Reuters) – Britain and the Netherlands are withdrawing a combined $2.2 billion in support for the TotalEnergies-led Mozambique LNG project, they said separately on Monday, after both hired firms to probe human rights concerns surrounding the development.
Britain’s government said it was rescinding its $1.15 billion backing for project after promising in 2020 a $300 million loan and insurance worth about $700 million for the $20 billion project via UK Export Finance.
The Dutch government also said on Monday Total had withdrawn a $1.1 billion export insurance request for the project.
Atradius Dutch State Business authorised $1.3 billion in export insurance via two policies, the larger of which has been rescinded at the company’s request, the Dutch finance ministry said on Monday.
TotalEnergies declined to comment. Mozambique’s government did not respond to a request for comment.

CONSTRUCTION HALTED IN 2021, BUT DUE TO RESTART

Mozambique LNG’s construction was halted in 2021 due to an Islamist insurgency. Total lifted force majeure on its development in November, but made restarting conditional on the Mozambican government’s approval of a new budget, which the president said he may dispute.
“In preparation to restart the project, UKEF was presented with a proposal to amend the financing terms it had agreed originally,” British business minister Peter Kyle said in a statement.
“My officials have evaluated the risks around the project, and it is the view of His Majesty’s Government that these risks have increased since 2020.” The interests of UK taxpayers “are best served by ending our participation in the project at this time,” he added.
Jihadist attacks have been back on the rise in Mozambique, with Total bringing in workers and equipment this year by air and sea for security reasons.

PROJECT CAN PROCEED WITHOUT UK, DUTCH FINANCING, TOTAL HAS SAID

In April TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanne told investors that project partners could move forward without UK and Dutch financing, using equity.
More than 70% of the project’s financing is secured, and about 90% of the future gas production is commercialized via contracts with buyers.
Kyle said UKEF would pay back the project for any premium paid. A UKEF spokesperson declined to name the amount.
The Dutch finance minister on Monday said TotalEnergies had asked to cancel part of its insurance via a letter dated November 24, just as an independent human rights review ordered by the ministry was being finalised.
“This means that the Netherlands will no longer be involved in financing the project,” the statement reads.
A $213 million policy insuring Dutch contractor Van Oord remains in place, a ministry spokesperson said.
TotalEnergies holds a 26.5% operating stake in Mozambique LNG. Japan’s Mitsui (8031.T), opens new tab owns 20% in the project and Mozambique state firm ENH 15%, alongside smaller stakeholders including India’s ONGS and Oil India.

CRITICISM FROM ENVIRONMENTAL, HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Human rights nonprofit ECCHR last month filed a criminal complaint against TotalEnergies, alleging it was complicit in torture and enforced disappearances allegedly carried out by government soldiers in Mozambique.
In April, UKEF hired law firm Beyond Human Rights Compliance LLP to investigate risks around Mozambique LNG following initial media reports of the alleged torture, three people interviewed by the firm told Reuters.
TotalEnergies has said those claims lack evidence.
The Dutch government said on Monday the two firms it hired to investigate — Clingendael and Pangea Risk — found the torture allegations credible, though they could not ascertain Total’s knowledge or role, if any.
A London court in 2023 dismissed a court challenge by environmental group Friends of the Earth against the British government’s funding for the project.

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The secretive cabal of US polluters that is rewriting the EU’s human rights and climate law

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Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven large multinational enterprises has worked to tear down the EU’s flagship human rights and climate law, the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). The mostly US-based coalition, which calls itself the Competitiveness Roundtable, has targeted all EU institutions, governments in Europe’s capitals, as well as the Trump administration and other non-EU governments to serve its own interests. With European lawmakers soon moving ahead to completely dilute the CSDDD at the expense of human rights and the climate, this research exposes the fragility of Europe’s democracy.

Key findings

  • Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven companies, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc., has worked under the guise of a “Competitiveness Roundtable” to get the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) either scrapped or massively diluted.
  • The companies, most of which are headquartered in the US and operate in the fossil fuel sector, aimed to “divide and conquer in the Council”, sideline “stubborn” European Commission departments, and push the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament “to side with the right-wing parties as much as possible”.
  • Chevron and ExxonMobil were in charge of mobilising pressure against the CSDDD from non-EU countries. The Roundtable companies endeavoured to get the CSDDD high on the agenda of the US-EU trade negotiations and also worked on mobilising other countries against the CSDDD, in order to disguise the US influence.
  • Roundtable companies paid the TEHA Group – a think tank – to write a research report and organise an event on EU competitiveness, which echoed the Roundtable’s position and cast doubt on the European Commission’s assessment of the economic impact of the CSDDD.

While Europeans were told that their governments were negotiating a landmark law to hold corporations accountable for human rights abuses and climate damage, a secretive alliance of US fossil fuel giants was working behind the scenes to destroy it. Collaborating under the innocent-sounding name ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’, eleven multinational enterprises have worked closely to eviscerate several EU sustainability laws, including the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). This Competitiveness Roundtable may be unknown, but its members are a who’s-who of polluting, mainly US, multinationals, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Dow. The group seems to have run rings around all branches of the EU and the Trump administration to get what they want: scrapping, or at least hugely diluting, the CSDDD.

 

Leaked documents  obtained by SOMO reveal how, under the pretext of the now-near-magical concept of ‘competitiveness’, these companies plotted to hijack democratically adopted EU laws and strip them of all meaningful provisions, including those on climate transition plans, civil liability, and the scope of supply chains. EU officials appear not to have known who they were up against. But the documents obtained by SOMO show a high level of organisation and strategising with a clear facilitator: Teneo, a US public relations and consultancy company.

The documents indicate that many of the companies involved wanted to stay hidden from view. After all, if it were widely known that a secretive group of mostly American fossil fuel companies like Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc. was working as a coordinated organisation to dilute an EU climate and human rights law, that might raise questions and serious concern among the public and the policymakers they were targeting. Many of the companies in the Roundtable have never publicly spoken  out against the CSDDD.

Big Oil’s ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’

The Competitiveness Roundtable is dominated by fossil fuel companies, including three Big Oil companies (ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies) and three other companies with activities in the oil and gas sector (Koch, Inc., Honeywell, and Baker Hughes). Other members are Nyrstar (minerals and metals, a subsidiary of Trafigura Group); Dow, Inc. (chemicals); Enterprise Mobility (car rentals); and JPMorgan Chase (finance).

Teneo, the Roundtable’s coordinator, has a track record(opens in new window) of working with fossil fuel companies, including Chevron, Shell, and Trafigura, and was hired by the government of Azerbaijan to handle public relations(opens in new window) when it hosted the COP29 climate conference.

In February 2025, the European Commission published the Omnibus I proposal(opens in new window), which aims to “simplify” several EU sustainability laws, including the CSDDD. The documents obtained by SOMO reveal that the Roundtable companies, which have been meeting weekly since at least March 2025, worked on deep interventions within each of the three EU institutions to get the Omnibus I package to align exactly with their views. The EU institutions are expected to reach a final agreement on Omnibus I by the end of 2025.

The documents reveal that the Roundtable companies’ activities in the Parliament are far more significant than what is visible in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) Eight of the Roundtable’s lobbying meetings during the Strasbourg plenary sessions of May and June 2025, listed in the Transparency Register, show Teneo as the only attendee, thereby failing  to disclose the names of other Roundtable companies that participated in these meetings. Another three meetings the Roundtable held were not found in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) at all.

“Divide and conquer” the Council

In the European Council, the Roundtable plotted to “divide and conquer” EU governments to get the climate article in the CSDDD deleted. In June 2025, during the final weeks of negotiations in the Council on the Omnibus I proposal, the Roundtable discussed lobbying EU government leaders to “intervene politically” to ensure its priorities were included in the Council’s negotiation mandate. Subsequently, German Chancellor Merz and French President Macron reportedly(opens in new window) personally intervened(opens in new window) in the Council’s political process, leading to a dramatic dilution(opens in new window) of the texts(opens in new window) negotiated in the months before the intervention. Several of the changes made to the texts strongly align with the Roundtable’s demands, including delaying and substantially weakening the climate obligations, scrapping EU civil liability provisions, and limiting the responsibility of companies to take responsibility for their supply chains (the ‘Tier 1’ restriction).

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Additionally, the documents reveal that the Roundtable is still aiming to drum up a “blocking minority”  to overturn the Council’s negotiation mandate during the trilogue negotiations, which started in November 2025. By “tak[ing] advantage of the ‘weak’ Council negotiating mandate” and disagreements between EU Member States on “contentious articles”, the Competitiveness Roundtable companies hope to force the Danish Council presidency  to give up on including any form of climate obligations in the CSDDD – despite EU Member States’ agreement on this in the June 2025 Council mandate(opens in new window) .

To implement the divide-and-conquer strategy, the Roundtable assigned specific companies to “establish rapporteurships” with different EU governments. TotalEnergies would target the French, Belgian, and Danish governments, and ExxonMobil would target Germany, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Romania.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 16 May 2025.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Circumventing “stubborn” European Commission departments

The Roundtable also discussed working on “circumvent[ing]” two “stubborn” European Commission departments involved in the Omnibus political process, DG JUST and DG FISMA,  which, in their view, were “unlikely to be willing to see our side of the story”. According to the documents, DG JUST opposed deleting the climate article and restricting the Directive’s scope to only very large enterprises. The Roundtable aimed to diminish the role of these departments by pressuring President Von der Leyen and Commissioners McGrath (DG JUST) and Albuquerque (DG FISMA) by “organising letters from Irish and German business groups” and using an event held by the European Roundtable for Industry to “target” Von der Leyen and McGrath.

Read full report: Somo.nl

Source: Somo

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The Carbon Mirage in Uganda: How reforestation initiatives are turning into sources of displacement and poverty?

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By Witness Radio team

 

Uganda’s reforestation projects are promoted as solutions to mitigate the climate crisis. But as they are implemented, there’s a deepening of inequality, destruction of lives, and a shift of environmental burdens onto the World’s poorest.

 

When 63-year-old Nalugo Rosemary talks about the day her life fell apart, a thousand untold tales are carried in her voice.

 

“In 2004,” she recalls, “Kajura and Peter, who were working for the Kikonda plantation, came with the police and arrested me. They said I was encroaching on company land. I was cultivating my own land. They beat me, threw me in detention with my two young children… for three days.”

 

Nalugo is one of the over thousands of people whose livelihoods were destroyed to pave the way for Kikonda’s reforestation project, raising questions about the legality and ethics of land acquisitions involved in these initiatives. Her land, her crops, her home, her livelihoods all vanished in a project that, on paper, was supposed to help save the planet and support livelihoods.

 

These Carbon projects are internationally celebrated for environmental protection. Still, the establishment of monoculture plantations of eucalyptus and pine trees, such as those on the Kikonda land, raises concerns about biodiversity loss and ecological imbalance, which are not addressed in the current description.

 

Global Woods manages the area under a 49-year lease, but systemic transparency and human rights issues remain, raising concerns about accountability in carbon projects.

 

More than 30 villages had already established a prosperous agricultural and cattle-keeping community before the eviction; some had been there since the 1980s, while local authorities had moved others in the 1990s. Nalugo was one of them.

 

“Some of us were called by leaders by then and told to farm. The leaders claimed we should not die poor, yet there was free, available land, meaning we should use the forest reserve land. The leaders said they wanted us to be better in the future.”

 

But in 2002–2003, the “future” arrived in the form of bulldozers, armed soldiers, and company workers harvesting residents’ crops on tractors as their owners watched helplessly.

The plantation insists it was not involved in forced evictions. Despite evictions happening over 23 years back, people living on the boundary of the plantation, like Kabangira George, who chairs a committee of the affected group, say the trauma never ended.

 

“People are beaten and not allowed to access the forest. They don’t allow us to access the water dams. Our cows and goats are seized, and they demand money ranging from 20,000 to 50,000 shillings to release our animals.” He added while speaking to the Witness Radio team.

A few kilometers away, the story repeats itself almost word-for-word. In Mubende, the New Forests Company (NFC), a British enterprise, displaced 901 families to establish the Namwasa Forest Reserve reforestation project.

 

My community was affected by the New Forest Company project. It affected 901 families, totaling over 10,000 people across seven villages in Mubende district. Crops were razed, homes burnt, animals killed. Children died while fleeing armed soldiers during the brutal evictions to give way for the plantation, Mr. Ndagize revealed.

 

Unfortunately, the Witness Radio team was unable to speak directly with company representatives to ask for their perspective. On its website, NFC claims extensive social benefits: schools, water points, and jobs. But to residents like Julius Ndagize, these claims feel like a cruel joke.

 

“They call this development,” he says bitterly. “But it brought only suffering. Poverty and backwardness. The schools they claim to have built are so expensive that poor people like us can’t afford to educate our children in them.”

 

His neighbor Jane (not her real name) adds that the community is not prioritized even for job opportunities and is not allowed to access their former lands.

 

“We request jobs from the company, but they don’t hire us. They hire people from far away,” she says. “We are not allowed to access forest lands, or even use some roads within. They are dangerous. When you are found there, you risk being attacked by company workers.”

 

Hoping to find a better example, our team traveled to western Uganda to investigate ECOTRUST’s Trees for Global Benefit (TGB) — a project praised globally for community-centred carbon offsetting.

 

ECOTRUST is a not-for-profit conservation organization established in Uganda in 1999 to conserve biological diversity and enhance social welfare by promoting innovative and sustainable environmental management. In that capacity, it receives and manages both private and public funding. In 2003, the organisation launched its leading Trees for Global Benefit (TGB) program – a carbon-offsetting scheme – that has been implemented in the Hoima and Kikuube Districts since 2013.

 

The programme encourages small-scale farmers to plant native regional trees on part of their land, rather than growing food as they did before, characterising it as a long-term investment.

Here, small-scale farmers were encouraged to convert farmland into tree plantations. Before its setup and implementation, people were told they would benefit from the carbon trading project and that it would bring financial stability. Mr. Rukundo Hannington Herbert of Butimba East Village, Budoma parish, was a budding farmer and businessman who claimed he was coerced into the project. He remembers being told he would “become rich.”

 

“I cut my bananas that fed my family and planted trees,” he says.

 

“After 18 years, I have been paid only 440,000, then 280,000, then 150,000. Is this the big money they promised?”

 

Many farmers who had joined the project are now withdrawing, saying it has pushed them back into poverty and even into extreme hunger. They have begun cutting down the trees and returning to fast-growing crops. “I have cut down these trees because they were not yielding as we were promised initially. I was dying of poverty.” He told the Witness Radio team.

Community educator Jorum Basiima says farmers were never informed about carbon buyers, pricing, or calculations.

 

“We don’t even know who buys carbon. We see people come and measure trees.” He reveals in an interview with Witness Radio that the project lacked transparency and only coerced people into planting, telling them they would earn a lot.

 

In an extensive report titled “Finance for Integrated Landscape Management: De-risking Smallholder Farmer Investments in Integrated Landscape Management,” ECOTRUST explains its specifically developed financial mechanism and outlines 12 key principles for the successful implementation of the project. Principle 8 states: “The earnings from carbon, along with the long-term carbon agreements, provide incentives and collateral for the participating households to develop multiple income streams.”

 

But Mr. Basiima insists, “We are only given money to do management, to manage the trees at the earlier stage. But for us, we don’t sell carbon. And we don’t even know, we don’t know any other thing, or even what carbon itself is.”

 

For a project meant to empower communities and restore landscapes, this absence of transparency reveals a troubling gap between promise and reality.

 

International Carbon expert Jonathan Crook, who works with Carbon Market Watch, a Belgium-based Non-Government Organisation, explains that Carbon credits often don’t deliver what they promise.

 

“A carbon credit is meant to represent one tonne of CO2 that has been avoided or reduced, or even removed from the atmosphere. But in many cases, a carbon credit cannot reliably guarantee this outcome. Many peer-reviewed scientific articles, as well as findings from NGOs, journalists, and carbon credit rating agencies, have found significant quality problems across a range of carbon credits, undermining trust that they actually deliver what’s being claimed.” He told the Witness Radio team.

 

Further, he states that the issue is not carbon markets alone but how companies use or misuse carbon credits. Many credits overstate or fabricate climate benefits. And global polluters buy cheap credits to avoid reducing their own emissions.

 

“The problem is that in many cases carbon credits are being used by companies, and increasingly by countries, to claim that they’re net-zero or carbon-neutral. The use of carbon credits can have real-world consequences, potentially delaying internal climate action for some of the world’s heaviest polluters, who need to reduce their own emissions first and foremost, he adds.

 

Crook insists that carbon projects must never violate human rights, yet cases like Namwasa, Kikonda, and the Hoima TGB scheme show that abuses are not exceptions; they are symptoms of a systemic failure.

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