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The African Development Bank and the Tree Plantations Industry

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“Plantations are not forests”, members of communities from Zambezia province, in Mozambique.

In June 2019, the report “Towards Large-Scale Commercial Investment in African Forestry,”
(1) made a call to development-funding agencies, mainly from Europe, and the World Bank,
to provide aid money to a new Fund for financing 100,000 hectares of (new) industrial tree
plantations, to support the potential development of 500,000 hectares, in Eastern and
Southern Africa. This money, according to the report, would be crucial for private investors to
generate profits from the plantations. The new Fund would be headquartered in the tax
haven of Mauritius.
The African Development Bank (AfDB) and WWF Kenya produced this report with funding
from the World Bank’s Climate Investment Funds. The purpose of the report is to assist the
AfDB “in evaluating and designing alternative private funding models for commercial forestry
in Africa with a view to ultimately establishing, or aiding the establishment of, a specialized
investment vehicle for commercial forestry plantations.” The report declares that the
development agencies from Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, the United
Kingdom and The Netherlands are interested.
Essentially, the report is a praise to industrial monoculture plantations. It repeats, without
providing any evidence, most of the deceiving arguments that plantations companies use in
their propagandas to cover up the impacts of this devastating industry. The report’s focus is
on outlining the possible financial instruments that would attract companies to this region and
make their investments most profitable.
The report identifies “readily available projects with the potential to establish almost 500,000
ha of new forest (sic) on about 1 million ha of landscape, not including areas that existing
companies and developers are already planning to use for own expansion. It also excludes
early stage or speculative projects.” (italics added) In particular, the report identifies “viable
plantation land” in ten countries: Angola, Republic of Congo, Ghana, Mozambique, Malawi,
South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

The report further affirms that “Africa may be positioned to have the most profitable
afforestation potential worldwide.” And, then, it goes into explaining the possible investment
schemes that can make profit-oriented business and afforestation objectives (from climate or
voluntary targets) to be aligned and, thus, generate more profits for shareholders.
None of the pages in the report mention, however, not even indirectly, the overwhelming
amount of information that evidences the many negative impacts that industrial plantations
cause to communities and their environments. The report’s authors chose to ignore
plantations companies’ destruction of forests and savannahs; erosion of soils; contamination
and dry-up of water sources; overall violence inflicted on communities which include
restriction of movement, criminalization when resistance emerges, abuse, harassment and
sexual violence in particular to women and girls; destruction of livelihoods and food
sovereignty; destruction of cultural, spiritual and social fabrics within and among
neighbouring communities; few precarious and hazardous jobs; unfulfilled “social” projects or
promises made to communities; destruction of ways of living; rise in HIV/AIDS; and the list
goes on.

In front of this, on September 21, 2020, the International Day of Struggle against
Monoculture Plantations, 121 organisations from 47 countries and 730 members from
different rural communities in Mozambique that are facing industrial tree plantations,
disseminated an open letter to demand the immediate abandonment of any and every
afforestation programme based on large-scale monoculture plantations. (2)
The report, nonetheless, brags about having used a “sector-wide consultation exercise.”
For the authors, the sector includes “industry participants ranging from investors, industrial
players, and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) through to forestry fund managers
(…) To further enrich and triangulate inputs to the study, the team also participated in three
forestry industry events and consulted with a broad range of personal contacts in the sector.”
The report also mentions consultations made to Development Finance Institutions and
agencies as well as oil and other industrial companies. It is clear however how communities
living in or around the almost 500,000 hectares of land identified to be transformed into
industrial monocultures, are not considered part of the sector. Nor were considered the many
communities and groups that have been resisting for decades the plantations in the countries
the report use as examples: Tanzania, Mozambique, Ghana and Brazil. (3)
The report further sustains that the NGO Conservation International confirmed “that it sees
potential in associating large global businesses with the forestry sector.” It further mentions
WWF and The Nature Conservancy – namely, the same category of NGOs mainly concerned
on promoting programs and policies that are aligned with corporate interests as an easy way
to keep their funding, projects and investments.
The purely financial focus of this report, with an eye on how to make most profits, should not
come as a surprise though. It was prepared by a company called Acacia Sustainable
Business Advisors (4), which was set up by Martin Poulsen, a development banker active in
rising private Equity Funds particularly in Africa. Equity Funds try to offer big returns by
spreading investments across companies from different sectors. (5) One co-author of the
report was Mads Asprem, the ex-director of Green Resources, a Norwegian industrial tree
plantation and carbon offsets company. Green Resources’ tree plantations in Mozambique,
Tanzania, and Uganda have resulted in land grabs, evictions, loss of livelihoods and
increased hunger for local communities. (6)

The report also shows the possible responses that investors could have to potential
“barriers”. One “structural barrier” identified is called “stakeholder relations,” a very vague
concept that seems to be related to possible conflicts with communities living in or around
the plantation projects. The term “conflicts” however is not mentioned once in the whole
report. The recommended response to this “barrier” is to “Use AfDB or other MDB
[Multilateral Development Bank] “honest broker” profile to convene stakeholders.” So it
seems that the strategy is to use development banks to make communities believe that the
project has the intention of improving (developing) people’s lives. Another “structural barrier”
identified in the report is “land tenure challenges,” to which the recommended response is to
“Follow FSC and other best practices.” This, of course, is recommended despite the vast
amount of information that shows how, in practice, FSC certifies as “sustainable” industrial
tree plantations that destroy peoples’ livelihoods.
When the climate and development agendas blend for profit
It is relevant to underline how the report makes use of the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDG) and the need for climate change mitigation and adaptation in the African region to
promote the further expansion of industrial plantations. It goes as far as to conclude that
“Channelling financial resources to such efforts [afforestation in the framework of the SDGs]
is within the mandate of international development organizations and special climate funds.”
The report also states that “preliminary interviews yielded information that some oil
companies are already forming alliances with sustainable forestry investment companies.”
This despite the fact that oil and gas companies are a fundamental driver of climate change,
which would undermine any possible positive outcome for the climate. Besides, these
‘alliances’ also give these companies an easy way out of any responsibility for their business
operations. This is clearly exemplified with the announcement of oil giant companies, such as
Italian ENI and Anglo-Dutch Shell, to invest in mega tree plantation projects to supposedly
“compensate” their mega levels of pollution they provoke. These two companies are
responsible for environmental disasters and crimes as a result of their fossil fuel activities in
many places across the globe. (7)
The African Development Bank is complicit in this strategy. While the Bank finances this
report encouraging the expansion of industrial plantations in Africa as a climate solution, it
finances in Mozambique a new gas extraction mega-project in the Cabo Delgado province,
undertaken by a consortium of companies including ENI.
This report is one more proof of how investments from profit-seeking corporations are put in
front of the social well being of people in the name of development and now also of
addressing climate change. There is no “unused” or “degraded” land available at the scale
proposed, which means countless people in Africa will be directly and indirectly affected if
this expansion plan materialise.
Another relevant omission of the report is how it bluntly assumes that the current scarcity of
investment in large-scale tree plantations in this African region is due to the few investment
opportunities available. However, the communities and groups on the ground organizing
almost on a daily basis to oppose the seizing of their lands and lives by these plantations
companies, have clear that their resistance has been successful to halt the expansion of
these plantations in many places. And as the open letter launched on September 21st said,

communities around the world “will certainly resist this new and insane expansion plan
proposed in the AfDB and WWF-Kenya.”

(1) AfDB, CIF, WWF, Acacia Sustainable, Towards large-scale investment in African forestry, 2019,
http://redd-monitor.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/towards_largescale_
commercial_investment_in_african_forestry.pdf
(2) Open Letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the Global South, especially in
Africa, and in solidarity with communities resisting the occupation of their territories, 2020,
https://wrm.org.uy/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/carta-con-firmas-en-inglés_upd201008.pdf
(3) See more information on resistance struggles against plantations here: https://wrm.org.uy/browseby-
subject/international-movement-building/local-struggles-against-plantations/
(4) Acacia Sustainable Business Advisors, https://www.acaciasba.com/about
(5) Groww, Equity Mutual Funds, https://groww.in/p/equity-funds/
(6) REDD-Monitor, How WWF and the African Development Bank are promoting lang grabs in Africa,
2020, https://redd-monitor.org/2020/09/22/international-day-of-struggle-against-monoculture-treeplantations-
how-wwf-and-the-african-development-bank-are-promoting-land-grabs-in-africa/ ; The
Expansion of Tree Plantations on Peasant Territories in the Nacala Territories: Green Resources in
Mozambique, 2018, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/recommended/the-expansion-oftree-
plantations-on-peasant-territories-in-the-nacala-corridor-green-resources-in-mozambique/ ; WRM
bulletin, Green Resources Mozambique: More False Promises! 2018, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-fromthe-
wrm-bulletin/section1/green-resources-mozambique-more-false-promises/ ; WRM bulletin, Carbon
Colonialism: Failure of Green Resources’ Carbon Offset Project in Uganda, 2018,
https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/section1/carbon-colonialism-failure-of-greenresources-
carbon-offset-project-in-uganda/ ; WRM bulletin, Tanzania: Community resistance against
monoculture tree plantations, 2018,
https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/section1/tanzania-community-resistance-againstmonoculture-
tree-plantations/ ; and WRM bulletin, The farce of “Smart forestry”: The cases of Green
Resources in Mozambique and Suzano in Brazil, 2015, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrmbulletin/
section1/the-farce-of-smart-forestry-the-cases-of-green-resources-in-mozambique-andsuzano-
in-brazil/
(7) REDD-Monitor, NGOs oppose the oil industry’s Natural Climate Solutions and demand that ENI
and Shell keep fossil fuels in the ground, 2019, https://wrm.org.uy/other-relevant-information/ngosoppose-
the-oil-industrys-natural-climate-solutions-and-demand-that-eni-and-shell-keep-fossil-fuels-in the-
ground /
WRM Bulletin

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Campaigning LC I Chairpersons Barred from Land Transactions Until Polls End.

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The Ministry of Lands has restricted LC I chairpersons seeking re-election from handling land transactions until after the July 28 village elections to prevent fraud, disputes and irregularities during the campaign period.

The Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development has temporarily barred Local Council I (LC I) chairpersons seeking re-election from participating in land-related transactions, citing concerns over possible fraud and disputes during the election period.

In a public notice issued on Thursday, the ministry directed all campaigning LC I chairpersons to stop witnessing, endorsing, recommending or overseeing land transactions until the electoral process is concluded.

The directive comes as campaigns for village chairperson elections enter the final days ahead of polling on July 28.

“The advisory has been issued as a precautionary measure to safeguard the integrity of land transactions during this transition period and to minimise the risk of disputes, fraud, or other irregularities that may arise,” the ministry said in the notice.

The ministry advised members of the public against relying on LC I chairpersons who are actively campaigning for services involving the witnessing of land sale agreements, verification of ownership, handling of boundary disputes or any other transaction requiring local administrative involvement.

Individuals with urgent land matters were encouraged to seek assistance from qualified legal practitioners or use other lawful channels until the elections are completed.

“The Ministry urges the public to exercise patience until the election process is concluded. This precaution will help prevent costly mistakes and safeguard the interests of all parties,” the notice added.

The temporary restriction comes amid continued concerns over land disputes, which remain among the leading sources of conflict in Uganda, with local leaders often playing a key role in verifying ownership and facilitating village-level transactions.

Although LC I chairpersons do not have the legal mandate to transfer land ownership or issue titles, they are commonly relied upon during land transactions because of their knowledge of residents and local land histories.

They often help confirm the identity of sellers, identify boundaries and witness sale agreements alongside members of their executive committees, providing community-level verification before transactions are completed.

Legal experts have previously cautioned that LC I endorsements only provide local credibility and do not replace formal requirements under Uganda’s land laws. Buyers are still required to conduct proper due diligence before purchasing land.

According to the Electoral Commission roadmap, elections for Village (LC I) chairpersons will be held on July 28 across Uganda’s 71,214 villages. Elections for Parish (LC II) chairpersons will follow on August 10.

The Ministry of Lands said LC I chairpersons will resume their normal involvement in land-related matters after the conclusion of the electoral process.

Source: nilepost.co.ug

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Mbale City Senior Lands Officer Charged with Abuse of Office Over Sale of Govt Property

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KAMPALA — A senior land management official in Mbale City has been arraigned before the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court on charges of abuse of office and fraudulent procurement of a certificate of title after allegedly facilitating the irregular sale of government-allocated land to a private businessman.

Emmanuel Paul Kigaye appeared in court Tuesday following his arrest by the State House Anti-Corruption Unit in collaboration with the Criminal Investigations Directorate and the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

According to the prosecution, between September 2019 and May 2023, Kigaye, while serving as senior land management officer at Mbale City, engaged in an arbitrary act prejudicial to his employer’s interests. He is accused of irregularly causing the Registrar of Titles at the Mbale Ministry Zonal Office to issue a certificate of title for Plot 27, Bishop Masaba Road, in the name of businessman Moses Wamatsembe.

The state alleges that the action was illegal because the plot had already been allocated to the Dairy Development Authority. Prosecutors further claim that Kigaye fraudulently processed and procured the registration of a freehold certificate of title — FRV MBA199 Folio 22, instrument number MBA-0009476 — for land measuring approximately 0.5040 hectares at the same location, still in Wamatsembe’s name.

Kigaye denied the charges. He was remanded to Luzira Prison and is scheduled to reappear in court July 16.

The case highlights ongoing efforts by anti-corruption agencies to tackle irregularities in land administration, a sector long plagued by disputes and allegations of malfeasance in Uganda. Land management officers wield significant influence over title processing and allocations, making the position susceptible to abuse when proper safeguards are bypassed.

The State House Anti-Corruption Unit, established by President Yoweri Museveni in December 2018 under Article 99(4) of the Constitution, was created to fast-track the resolution of corruption complaints received by the presidency. Since its inception, the unit has conducted more than 400 operations across more than 100 districts, resulting in the arraignment of more than 856 suspects and 150 convictions. It has also recovered billions of shillings in public funds and facilitated the interdiction of numerous corrupt officials.

The arrest of Kigaye forms part of the unit’s intensified scrutiny of public officials suspected of undermining government interests through corrupt land deals. Such cases often involve collusion between bureaucrats and private individuals to divert public resources for personal gain, eroding public trust in local governance and development authorities.

Court proceedings are expected to shed more light on the alleged transaction as investigations continue. Officials from Mbale City and the Dairy Development Authority have yet to issue public statements on the matter.

Source: pmldaily.com

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Kibaale Residents Raise Corruption Concerns Over Delayed Land Title Processing

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Residents of Kibaale District have accused officials of corruption and unnecessary delays in the processing of land titles, saying the challenges continue to fuel land conflicts and deny vulnerable communities secure land ownership. The concerns were raised during a Uganda Land Commission sensitisation on the Systematic Land Adjudication and Certification programme.

Residents of Kibaale District have raised concerns over alleged corruption and prolonged delays in the processing of land titles, saying the challenges continue to affect land ownership and fuel disputes within communities.

The concerns were raised during a community sensitisation meeting organised by the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) on the Systematic Land Adjudication and Certification (SLAC) programme, ahead of the issuance of more than 2,000 land titles covering 647 hectares (1,600 acres) of land purchased by the government from Fred Kasozi for beneficiary communities.

The land, located on Block 241, Plot 1 in Buyanga, covers Kasambya, Kineka A, Kikonge, and Kidukuule villages in Buyanga Sub-county, Kibaale District.

Residents welcomed the initiative but questioned why many beneficiaries under previous phases of the programme are yet to receive their land titles despite completing the registration process several years ago

They argued that the delays have created uncertainty over land ownership and contributed to an increase in land-related disputes.

Community members also alleged that corruption within the land administration process has made it difficult for vulnerable people to access land titles, with some officials reportedly demanding bribes before processing applications.

Ibrahim John Mulumba, a resident of Kibaale Town Council, said he applied for a land title more than six years ago but has never received it.

“Some of us processed our land titles over six years ago, but they have never been released. We believe some of the delays are because people could not afford to pay bribes. Corruption among some land officers has frustrated many applicants,” Mulumba said.

He further claimed that only a few people managed to obtain land titles through the intervention of adjudication committees.

Janepher Mbabazi, a resident of Kikonge A Village, accused some government officials of promoting corruption, which she said has contributed to increasing cases of land grabbing.

Matia Birungi, the LC I Chairperson of Kasambya Village, welcomed the government’s intervention, saying the programme offers a lasting solution to persistent land conflicts affecting communities.

Augustine Bugara from the Uganda Land Commission warned officials against engaging in corrupt practices, noting that such behaviour undermines government programmes intended to improve people’s livelihoods.

“Corruption sabotages government programmes and denies intended beneficiaries the services they deserve,” Bugara said.

Vincent Kasaija, the LC II Chairperson of Kibaale, applauded the government for rolling out the programme, saying secure land ownership would promote peaceful coexistence and create a stable environment for economic development.

Kenneth Kabyanga, Chairperson of Kibaale Town Council, urged the Commission to ensure that land titling is implemented in line with the town’s physical development plan to avoid future planning challenges within the central business area.

Tom John Kasenge, a Commissioner at the Uganda Land Commission, said the programme is intended to improve community livelihoods by securing land rights and reducing land-related conflicts.

“The programme is aimed at promoting community livelihoods through agriculture by securing land ownership and ensuring communities live in a conflict-free environment,” Kasenge said.

He explained that communities who have occupied the land as bona fide occupants would eventually receive legal ownership, enabling them to invest confidently in long-term development.

Kasenge also outlined the requirements for processing land titles, noting that beneficiaries would pay processing fees ranging between Shs30,000 and Shs40,000.

He said the exercise would begin with community mobilisation, followed by boundary opening, land surveys, plot subdivision, and eventual issuance of land titles.

Responding to concerns raised by residents, Kasenge assured the community that the Commission remains committed to addressing challenges affecting the programme and finding sustainable solutions to land disputes.

Meanwhile, Kibaale Resident District Commissioner Stephen Byaruhanga acknowledged the existence of corruption within the district’s land administration system, alleging that some officials attached to the District Land Board had frustrated legitimate applicants.

“There have been corruption tendencies involving some officials, and many people have failed to benefit because of those practices,” Byaruhanga said.

He requested the Uganda Land Commission to provide his office with records from previous land title processing exercises to facilitate investigations into cases where beneficiaries never received their titles.

“Having this information will enable the security team to investigate those who frustrated the process and ensure accountability,” he added.

John Byarugaba, a staff surveyor in the Kibaale District Lands Office, said preparations for the latest land title distribution exercise had been completed.

“We already have everything in place, including survey stones, and we are ready to begin the exercise,” Byarugaba said.

He explained that under Block 244, Plot 20 in Karuguza, 912 land titles were processed and all beneficiaries received them, while under Block 178, Plot 1 in Nyamarunda Town Council, 1,517 land titles were processed, although a few remain uncollected.

He added that approximately 200 land titles under Block 244, Plot 19 in Buyaga, Karuguza, are still pending processing.

Source: nilepost.co.ug

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