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The African Development Bank and the Tree Plantations Industry

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“Plantations are not forests”, members of communities from Zambezia province, in Mozambique.

In June 2019, the report “Towards Large-Scale Commercial Investment in African Forestry,”
(1) made a call to development-funding agencies, mainly from Europe, and the World Bank,
to provide aid money to a new Fund for financing 100,000 hectares of (new) industrial tree
plantations, to support the potential development of 500,000 hectares, in Eastern and
Southern Africa. This money, according to the report, would be crucial for private investors to
generate profits from the plantations. The new Fund would be headquartered in the tax
haven of Mauritius.
The African Development Bank (AfDB) and WWF Kenya produced this report with funding
from the World Bank’s Climate Investment Funds. The purpose of the report is to assist the
AfDB “in evaluating and designing alternative private funding models for commercial forestry
in Africa with a view to ultimately establishing, or aiding the establishment of, a specialized
investment vehicle for commercial forestry plantations.” The report declares that the
development agencies from Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, the United
Kingdom and The Netherlands are interested.
Essentially, the report is a praise to industrial monoculture plantations. It repeats, without
providing any evidence, most of the deceiving arguments that plantations companies use in
their propagandas to cover up the impacts of this devastating industry. The report’s focus is
on outlining the possible financial instruments that would attract companies to this region and
make their investments most profitable.
The report identifies “readily available projects with the potential to establish almost 500,000
ha of new forest (sic) on about 1 million ha of landscape, not including areas that existing
companies and developers are already planning to use for own expansion. It also excludes
early stage or speculative projects.” (italics added) In particular, the report identifies “viable
plantation land” in ten countries: Angola, Republic of Congo, Ghana, Mozambique, Malawi,
South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

The report further affirms that “Africa may be positioned to have the most profitable
afforestation potential worldwide.” And, then, it goes into explaining the possible investment
schemes that can make profit-oriented business and afforestation objectives (from climate or
voluntary targets) to be aligned and, thus, generate more profits for shareholders.
None of the pages in the report mention, however, not even indirectly, the overwhelming
amount of information that evidences the many negative impacts that industrial plantations
cause to communities and their environments. The report’s authors chose to ignore
plantations companies’ destruction of forests and savannahs; erosion of soils; contamination
and dry-up of water sources; overall violence inflicted on communities which include
restriction of movement, criminalization when resistance emerges, abuse, harassment and
sexual violence in particular to women and girls; destruction of livelihoods and food
sovereignty; destruction of cultural, spiritual and social fabrics within and among
neighbouring communities; few precarious and hazardous jobs; unfulfilled “social” projects or
promises made to communities; destruction of ways of living; rise in HIV/AIDS; and the list
goes on.

In front of this, on September 21, 2020, the International Day of Struggle against
Monoculture Plantations, 121 organisations from 47 countries and 730 members from
different rural communities in Mozambique that are facing industrial tree plantations,
disseminated an open letter to demand the immediate abandonment of any and every
afforestation programme based on large-scale monoculture plantations. (2)
The report, nonetheless, brags about having used a “sector-wide consultation exercise.”
For the authors, the sector includes “industry participants ranging from investors, industrial
players, and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) through to forestry fund managers
(…) To further enrich and triangulate inputs to the study, the team also participated in three
forestry industry events and consulted with a broad range of personal contacts in the sector.”
The report also mentions consultations made to Development Finance Institutions and
agencies as well as oil and other industrial companies. It is clear however how communities
living in or around the almost 500,000 hectares of land identified to be transformed into
industrial monocultures, are not considered part of the sector. Nor were considered the many
communities and groups that have been resisting for decades the plantations in the countries
the report use as examples: Tanzania, Mozambique, Ghana and Brazil. (3)
The report further sustains that the NGO Conservation International confirmed “that it sees
potential in associating large global businesses with the forestry sector.” It further mentions
WWF and The Nature Conservancy – namely, the same category of NGOs mainly concerned
on promoting programs and policies that are aligned with corporate interests as an easy way
to keep their funding, projects and investments.
The purely financial focus of this report, with an eye on how to make most profits, should not
come as a surprise though. It was prepared by a company called Acacia Sustainable
Business Advisors (4), which was set up by Martin Poulsen, a development banker active in
rising private Equity Funds particularly in Africa. Equity Funds try to offer big returns by
spreading investments across companies from different sectors. (5) One co-author of the
report was Mads Asprem, the ex-director of Green Resources, a Norwegian industrial tree
plantation and carbon offsets company. Green Resources’ tree plantations in Mozambique,
Tanzania, and Uganda have resulted in land grabs, evictions, loss of livelihoods and
increased hunger for local communities. (6)

The report also shows the possible responses that investors could have to potential
“barriers”. One “structural barrier” identified is called “stakeholder relations,” a very vague
concept that seems to be related to possible conflicts with communities living in or around
the plantation projects. The term “conflicts” however is not mentioned once in the whole
report. The recommended response to this “barrier” is to “Use AfDB or other MDB
[Multilateral Development Bank] “honest broker” profile to convene stakeholders.” So it
seems that the strategy is to use development banks to make communities believe that the
project has the intention of improving (developing) people’s lives. Another “structural barrier”
identified in the report is “land tenure challenges,” to which the recommended response is to
“Follow FSC and other best practices.” This, of course, is recommended despite the vast
amount of information that shows how, in practice, FSC certifies as “sustainable” industrial
tree plantations that destroy peoples’ livelihoods.
When the climate and development agendas blend for profit
It is relevant to underline how the report makes use of the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDG) and the need for climate change mitigation and adaptation in the African region to
promote the further expansion of industrial plantations. It goes as far as to conclude that
“Channelling financial resources to such efforts [afforestation in the framework of the SDGs]
is within the mandate of international development organizations and special climate funds.”
The report also states that “preliminary interviews yielded information that some oil
companies are already forming alliances with sustainable forestry investment companies.”
This despite the fact that oil and gas companies are a fundamental driver of climate change,
which would undermine any possible positive outcome for the climate. Besides, these
‘alliances’ also give these companies an easy way out of any responsibility for their business
operations. This is clearly exemplified with the announcement of oil giant companies, such as
Italian ENI and Anglo-Dutch Shell, to invest in mega tree plantation projects to supposedly
“compensate” their mega levels of pollution they provoke. These two companies are
responsible for environmental disasters and crimes as a result of their fossil fuel activities in
many places across the globe. (7)
The African Development Bank is complicit in this strategy. While the Bank finances this
report encouraging the expansion of industrial plantations in Africa as a climate solution, it
finances in Mozambique a new gas extraction mega-project in the Cabo Delgado province,
undertaken by a consortium of companies including ENI.
This report is one more proof of how investments from profit-seeking corporations are put in
front of the social well being of people in the name of development and now also of
addressing climate change. There is no “unused” or “degraded” land available at the scale
proposed, which means countless people in Africa will be directly and indirectly affected if
this expansion plan materialise.
Another relevant omission of the report is how it bluntly assumes that the current scarcity of
investment in large-scale tree plantations in this African region is due to the few investment
opportunities available. However, the communities and groups on the ground organizing
almost on a daily basis to oppose the seizing of their lands and lives by these plantations
companies, have clear that their resistance has been successful to halt the expansion of
these plantations in many places. And as the open letter launched on September 21st said,

communities around the world “will certainly resist this new and insane expansion plan
proposed in the AfDB and WWF-Kenya.”

(1) AfDB, CIF, WWF, Acacia Sustainable, Towards large-scale investment in African forestry, 2019,
http://redd-monitor.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/towards_largescale_
commercial_investment_in_african_forestry.pdf
(2) Open Letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the Global South, especially in
Africa, and in solidarity with communities resisting the occupation of their territories, 2020,
https://wrm.org.uy/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/carta-con-firmas-en-inglés_upd201008.pdf
(3) See more information on resistance struggles against plantations here: https://wrm.org.uy/browseby-
subject/international-movement-building/local-struggles-against-plantations/
(4) Acacia Sustainable Business Advisors, https://www.acaciasba.com/about
(5) Groww, Equity Mutual Funds, https://groww.in/p/equity-funds/
(6) REDD-Monitor, How WWF and the African Development Bank are promoting lang grabs in Africa,
2020, https://redd-monitor.org/2020/09/22/international-day-of-struggle-against-monoculture-treeplantations-
how-wwf-and-the-african-development-bank-are-promoting-land-grabs-in-africa/ ; The
Expansion of Tree Plantations on Peasant Territories in the Nacala Territories: Green Resources in
Mozambique, 2018, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/recommended/the-expansion-oftree-
plantations-on-peasant-territories-in-the-nacala-corridor-green-resources-in-mozambique/ ; WRM
bulletin, Green Resources Mozambique: More False Promises! 2018, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-fromthe-
wrm-bulletin/section1/green-resources-mozambique-more-false-promises/ ; WRM bulletin, Carbon
Colonialism: Failure of Green Resources’ Carbon Offset Project in Uganda, 2018,
https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/section1/carbon-colonialism-failure-of-greenresources-
carbon-offset-project-in-uganda/ ; WRM bulletin, Tanzania: Community resistance against
monoculture tree plantations, 2018,
https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrm-bulletin/section1/tanzania-community-resistance-againstmonoculture-
tree-plantations/ ; and WRM bulletin, The farce of “Smart forestry”: The cases of Green
Resources in Mozambique and Suzano in Brazil, 2015, https://wrm.org.uy/articles-from-the-wrmbulletin/
section1/the-farce-of-smart-forestry-the-cases-of-green-resources-in-mozambique-andsuzano-
in-brazil/
(7) REDD-Monitor, NGOs oppose the oil industry’s Natural Climate Solutions and demand that ENI
and Shell keep fossil fuels in the ground, 2019, https://wrm.org.uy/other-relevant-information/ngosoppose-
the-oil-industrys-natural-climate-solutions-and-demand-that-eni-and-shell-keep-fossil-fuels-in the-
ground /
WRM Bulletin

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A Ugandan minister is in the hot seat over the grabbing of land from a peasant in Kiryandongo district.

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By Witness Radio Team.

At 62, Edward Balikagira says he should be enjoying the fruits of his old age after working very hard to attain what he owns now. Instead, he finds himself trapped in a prolonged land dispute with a Ugandan minister, whom he accuses of forcibly seizing his land, which has devastated his livelihood and well-being.

“I have stress, which is even affecting my life. I can’t support or manage my extended family,” Mr. Balikagira told Witness Radio in an exclusive interview.

The land under contention is located in Kinyara 2 village, Kigumba subcounty in Kiryandongo district. Balikagira accuses the current minister in charge of Karamoja affairs of unlawfully seizing 100 acres of his land, raising questions about the legal validity of his claim, the land registration process, and the evidence supporting his ownership.

Balikagira, in an interview with Witness Radio, revealed that he obtained full authority over the land after successfully purchasing it from John Bitagassa on 10th February 1996.

“A friend of mine (George Bugumirwa) alerted me about this land, which was on sale in the mid-1990s. It was in a good location, and this prompted me to buy it.” He added.

According to the father of 19, the dispute began during the processing of land title documentation for land linked to Minister Peter Lokeris. At the time, Balikagira was serving as chairperson of the sub-county Area Land Committee overseeing the process.

“We informed residents about the day when boundaries for the minister’s land were to be opened. But during the exercise, the surveyors almost encroached on my land. Later, the minister proposed that I sell my land to him.” Balikagira explained.

Balikagira says he agreed to the arrangement and negotiated a price of 500,000 Ugandan shillings per acre, totaling 50 million shillings. Trusting that payment would eventually be made, he allowed the minister to use the land temporarily while awaiting compensation.

However, according to Balikagira, the promised payment never came. He says he made several trips to Kampala to meet the minister and demand the agreed-upon money, but all his efforts proved futile.

“I had an idea that if the minister pays me, I would then buy another piece of land. I then followed up on the verbal agreement that we had with the minister, but I have yielded nothing; he failed to fulfill his promises, and now he claims he is the rightful owner of the land.”  The victim stated.

Before losing his land, Balikagira says agriculture was the main source of his family’s livelihood.

“Maize was one of the major crops I used to grow, and it was very profitable in those days. Besides other crops, I cultivated maize on about 25 acres and, in a season, I could earn up to twenty million Ugandan shillings.” He revealed.

Nearly 19 years after allegedly losing his land, Balikagira says the emotional toll has been overwhelming, leaving him distressed and feeling abandoned by the system he trusted to protect his rights.

“The situation is very terrible. My family has fallen into deep economic distress, forcing me to sell remaining assets, including small plots of land, to meet basic needs such as school fees. This has disrupted my children’s education, with some dropping out of school,” he said.

He added that the prolonged struggle has also taken a heavy emotional and psychological toll, leaving him stressed, financially unstable, and unable to support his extended family adequately.  This situation highlights the need for greater awareness of land rights and the legal protections available to landowners like Balikagira who allege unlawful land seizures by powerful officials.

“I have gone to the RDC’s office and many other government offices seeking justice over this matter, but I have not received any help. Maybe it is because an ordinary person is fighting against a minister,” Balikagira said.

The minister, in an interview with a local Television station, denied these claims, asserting that he is the rightful owner of the land and dismissing Balikagira’s allegations as false.

Balikagira pleads with the government, and in particular the president of Uganda, to advise his minister to evacuate his land. He says, “Lokeris knows that he is an honorable minister, and since I am poor, I cannot do anything to him. I therefore request the president to help me so that the minister evacuates my land.”

The Deputy Resident District Commissioner (D/RDC) of Kiryandongo District, Jonathan Akweteireho, told Witness Radio that Balikagira has repeatedly reported the land dispute to his office over the years.

“He says the minister is his neighbor who grabbed his land. He maintains that the minister is not the rightful owner of the land,” Akweteireho said.

According to the deputy RDC, the RDC’s office has already written to the Ministry of the Presidency requesting intervention and investigations into the rightful ownership of the contested land.

“We wrote to our line ministry to take up the matter since we could not directly reach the minister involved. However, we have not yet received any response,” he explained. “We also wrote to the Kiryandongo District Land Board to follow up on the matter and establish the rightful owner of the land, but we have not yet received feedback from them either.”

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Inside Eastern DRC War: The untold story of grabbing land for local and indigenous communities.

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By Witness Radio Team

For millions in eastern DRC, the war is not an event; it is a daily reality that people have lived in for the past three decades.

After being dispossessed from his land, Moise (not the real name) fled to a displacement center he believed to be safer for temporary settlement.

“I was severely affected by the conflict, as it turned my entire life upside down. In our area, clashes, armed attacks, and insecurity have become frequent. We would hear gunshots and screams, and sometimes people would flee from their homes to seek refuge, as these incidents often took place at night or early in the morning. That is what happened to my family,” Moise told a Witness Radio journalist.

Moise, once reliant on his farmland for his livelihood, illustrates how land dispossession devastates small-scale farmers across the continent, highlighting the broader human toll.

“I owned land that I used primarily for agriculture. This land enabled me to feed my family and sell a portion of the harvest to cover other needs. We grew food crops there, such as cassava, beans, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas.” He added.

Before the escalation of conflict, Moise says, life—though difficult—had some degree of stability.

“We were able to work, farm, sell our produce, and organize our family lives with a sense of hope. During the conflict, everything changed: insecurity took hold, displacement became massive, economic activity plummeted, and the population now lives in fear.” The now-displaced victim revealed

To survive, Moise relies on aid and lives in difficult conditions, highlighting ongoing hardship and the urgent need for justice.

Like Moise’s story, these are the daily struggles, confrontations, fears, and threats faced by the majority of citizens in the Eastern region of DRC, a part of a conflict-affected country where war has persisted for decades. The cost of this prolonged violence has been immense, claiming countless lives and driving widespread dispossession.

Affecting the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, victims have endured decades of armed conflict, fueled by weak state control, regional tensions, and competition over mineral-rich land. Since its resurgence in 2021, M23 has seized large areas of territory, often in strategic and resource-rich zones.

The March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group operating in eastern DRC. According to observers, fighting has been concentrated in mineral-rich areas, many of which are now under M23 control. In an effort to protect its sovereignty, the Congolese Army, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has repeatedly defended its territory but has often been overpowered by rebel forces.

Over 7 million people are internally displaced in DRC, with hundreds of thousands losing their land amid escalating clashes.

Sources reveal that the seized land is intended to resettle landless Rwandans and to provide farmland for settlers.

The coalition “Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC) International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, in an interview with Witness Radio, explained that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups, further continuing dispossession.

“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out, and when victims return to their land, they often find it occupied by Rwandans,” Dr. Deborah revealed.

On the ground, Dr Deborah alleges that the land is grabbed for economic purposes, claiming that armed groups have developed sophisticated systems of economic control.

“Land is grabbed either for agriculture or resource exploitation. Armed actors also profit from natural resource extraction, including minerals, timber, charcoal production, and bushmeat. But in the big cities like Goma and Bukavu, the M23/AFC authorities impose taxes on goods, businesses, and transport.” She added.

Victims say harsh conditions in displacement camps often force them to return to their land once violence subsides, but what they find is deeply distressing: “their land occupied, sometimes by people they describe as non-Congolese”.

“When the situation became unbearable, where we had taken refuge due to lack of food, shelter, and the means to start over, I decided to return home. But when I got there, I found other people already settled on my land, working in the fields and living in my house. They made it clear that I could no longer reclaim it,” Moise told Witness Radio.

But how do these alleged non-Congolese settlers take over the land? Another conflict victim describes what appears to be an organized pattern—one in which forced displacement creates the opportunity for land seizure, often under armed protection.

“They move in when we are forced out and occupy our land without consent. In many cases, they are backed by armed men,” the victim told Witness Radio, adding that the situation has not only affected family heads but also their families.

“My family is currently living in precarious conditions. We have lost a large part of our means of subsistence. We are facing food insecurity, as well as difficulties in securing housing, accessing healthcare, and sending the children to school,” the victim further added.

To restore peace in the war-torn Congo, several initiatives have been introduced. Among the most recent is a deal coordinated by United States President Donald Trump, aimed at bringing peace efforts in the DRC. However, the peace agreements, which are still in their early stages, have already attracted criticism.

The recent acquisition of the Chemaf cobalt mine in the Congo by the U.S.-based firm Virtus Minerals is being seen as one of the first fruits of the deals, reinforcing what war watchdogs have long argued: that peace deals are only transactions that are primarily targeting Congo’s mineral wealth and land, rather than contributing to peace, especially as the conflict remains ongoing.

Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, Frederic Mousseau, recently told our journalist in an interview that the recent deals primarily benefit the United States and Rwanda, arguing that they are not aimed at ending the conflict but at formalizing access to Congo’s mineral wealth.

“The peace agreement gives access to the US and Rwanda to Congo’s mineral resources. Rather than securing lasting peace for the suffering Congolese people, it’s all about business and money.” Frederic told Witness Radio.

But beyond peace, which has not yet been achieved, Frederic says, the Congolese government should ensure minerals benefit all, and that land is returned to its rightful owners. “Lasting peace isn’t enough; the country’s wealth must ultimately serve its people. The government needs to ensure that any deals it makes benefit the broader economy and ordinary citizens, not just a small elite in the capital or provincial centers,” he added.

Victims continue to pray that peace prevails so they can once again live normal lives.

“My prayer for the future is for true and lasting peace to return to eastern DRC. I hope that the guns will fall silent, that displaced persons may return home, that everyone may reclaim their land and their dignity, and that justice may be served for the victims.” Moise concluded.

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More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.

“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.

In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.

On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.

Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.

Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.

Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.

Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.

“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.

Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.

“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.

However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.

He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.

“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.

“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.

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