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‘Oil is a curse’: villages in Uganda face land ownership uncertainty

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For as long as Moses K. Asaba can remember, his family has lived on the ancestral land they call home.

A resident of Bugana village in Uganda’s Buliisa district, he speaks with a deep sense of uncertainty and frustration, no longer certain that he and his descendants will continue living there.

“I say the discovery of oil within our district, it was a curse to me and to my parents, because the land-grabbers got interested in Buliisa,” Asaba says, referring to what happened after the discovery of oil in mid-western Uganda in 2006.

In a race to kick off oil production in Buliisa, French energy and petroleum giant TotalEnergies E&P has been setting up infrastructure. While Ugandan officials promise that the industry will transform the fortunes of the country, Asaba thinks otherwise.

A SYMBOL OF CONFLICT

Their homes are located about 2.5 kilometres from an oil well, a petroleum terminology that refers to the area where a rig will be installed for drilling, one of the several places designated for drilling in the community.

Our reporters waded through a small river, guided by children found bathing in the stream, in order to get to the Ngara oil well, less than 50 metres beyond the river.

Hidden from view by tall grass and wild trees, it is neatly demarcated and fenced, with no indication that the land it sits on has been under dispute for 15 years.

This well is a symbol of the complex land conflicts sparked by the discovery of oil and the construction of oil-related infrastructure in the Albertine region. The conflict pits the local community members against Francis Kahwa, a businessman in his 70s. The businessman acquired a title deed for the piece of land.

“It’s not only Kahwa. There are very many prominent names behind the land-grabbing,” Asaba says. This land dispute also reveals how land conflicts supposedly resolved by the locals evicting the Balaalo pastoralist community due to oil discovery were never resolved.

‘It’s not the government’s fault’ government officials don’t want to take any blame for this particular strife between the local community and Kahwa.

“That dispute is not with the government,” Ali Ssekatawa, director of legal and corporate affairs at the Petroleum Authority of Uganda (PAU), said.

The Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development said the land where TotalEnergies E&P company is operating, which includes the Ngara oil well, is where “compensation remains outstanding and is subject to court proceedings”.

Government officials also insist that this conflict won’t derail the start of oil production scheduled to begin before the end of 2026.

They indicate that the Ngara oil well is not among those that will be drilled first for oil production.  Its drilling is not expected to begin for another seven to 10 years, officials said, adding that TotalEnergies can continue its operations while the ownership dispute is resolved in court. Any rent payments will be held in escrow and released to the legal owner once the case is settled.

THE SPAN OF THE CONFLICT

According to community leaders, Kahwa claims to have bought more than 500 acres from the local council chairman in the area around 2011 when the Balaalo pastoralists had been evicted.

“He has an agreement and a stamp. How is it possible?” Kamanda Kabagambe, Buliisa sub-county chairperson, said.

Repeated requests to Kahwa for an interview went unanswered. After the eviction of pastoralists, Uganda President Yoweri Museveni directed that the land should be placed under the Buliisa district land board for supervision.

Local leaders question how the land slipped through the hands of the district’s land board into the hands of a private businessman like Kahwa.

In 2011, Museveni also issued several directives – both verbal and written – that all land titles that had been issued in Buliisa district be revoked.

The Ministry of Lands announced in 2017 that it had cancelled all land titles issued in the district between 2010 and 2017.

In a subsequent interview, Uganda’s then-minister of lands Betty Amongi argued that one person couldn’t own the size of the land that Kahwa claimed to have purchased through the right channels.

Despite these directives and the cancellation of titles, Kahwa ultimately prevailed in court. In 2022, he won a ruling recognising him as the rightful owner of more than 500 acres of land.

The court issued orders directing the government to pay him rent for the oil well situated on the land. However, the community appealed to a higher court, extending the court battles. As a result, government payments for rent on the designated oil parcels stopped once again.

The money is “being held in an account until we see the winner because for us, we don’t know the winner”, Ssekatawa says.

Last year, the government’s anti-corruption unit arrested Kahwa and prosecuted him for allegedly using forged documents to claim ownership of land in the same oil district.

The case, however, concerned a different parcel from the one on which the Ngara oil well is located. Land ownership, a national challenge In interviews, Ugandan government officials credit themselves for doing excellent work.

Total Energies EP has said it has registered a 99% land compensation rate. Ssekatawa argues that the land conflicts seen in oil-producing areas are not unique to the sector or region of Uganda.

He explains that Uganda’s land tenure system is “fundamentally distorted”, with multiple ownership systems often overlapping on the same piece of land. Land disputes are a nationwide problem, with more than 70 per cent of High court cases relating to land or succession.

This, Ssekatawa adds, leads to disputes between private individuals or communities, or between individuals and the government, often regarding compensation.

“The oil and gas footprint is so small in the country,” he says, noting that the same challenges occur whether land is acquired for an oil rig or any other government project.

Collins Opio, Total Energies EP Uganda project manager for land acquisition and livelihood restoration, also says the absence of formal land titles, undocumented inheritance arrangements and unmapped land boundaries frequently lead to ownership disputes and delays in compensation.

“This resulted in recurring boundary disputes and required extensive community engagement, repeated surveys, and legal support to ensure compensation reached the rightful beneficiaries,” Opio said in a 2025 Total report.

To address land disputes, Ssekatawa says the government set up a multi-level system to verify land ownership, helping conflict parties mediate, which resulted in ensuring that compensation only went to the right people.

For the land needed for Total’s project, more than 5,500 total stakeholders were impacted by land acquisition, with 775 primary residences relocated.

“Over 99% of compensation agreements have been signed and paid, and 100% of the planned resettlement houses for physically displaced persons have been constructed and handed over, complete with land titles,” the ministry said in a written response.

In the 2025 Total report, the company says it held more than 10,000 engagements in project-affected areas of Buliisa district.

It also leveraged mass communication channels to broaden its outreach, broadcasting 1,445 radio engagements, including talk shows, advertisements and public announcements. However, it doesn’t detail if any of the engagements were related to land.

More oil-related conflicts Many other disputes in Uganda — especially land conflicts — have been sparked by oil discovery and the development of oil-related infrastructure, some of which have been in litigation for more than a decade and are still ongoing.

One such conflict involves a piece of land measuring more than 300 acres where TotalEnergies is building a central processing facility. Some of the affected landowners took the government to court, resisting attempts to resettle them in areas with poorer or no social services.

In 2023, 26 Ugandans, supported by local and international NGOs, filed a case in Paris, France, accusing TotalEnergies’ Tilenga and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) projects of causing serious human rights violations.

Juliette Renaud, senior campaigner at Friends of the Earth France, one of the organisations that sued TotalEnergies, said that under French law, the company has a responsibility to prevent human rights violations associated with its activities anywhere in the world.

“Part of prevention is identifying risks, and what we are saying is that they haven’t identified the human rights violations linked to the project,” she says.

Diana Nabiruma, manager for programmes and communication at the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO), says communities affected by the Tilenga oil project have repeatedly called on TotalEnergies to hold public meetings.

AFIEGO, a Ugandan non-profit, provides legal support to dozens of people involved in land disputes in the region. Residents want a forum to collectively discuss compensation and other concerns related to land conflicts.

Nabiruma says the company largely prefers engaging households individually rather than meeting communities as a group.

“Communities believe that when they are together, their negotiating power is much stronger,” Nabiruma says, explaining that individual meetings can leave vulnerable landowners feeling intimidated and less able to raise concerns.

Enos Babyenda, who was born in Bugana village, home to Total’s Buliisa District oil well, says whether individually or together, he feels deluded by the whole process.

“When we first heard of oil, we thought that oil had come as a blessing to us, but it has now become the opposite,” he said.

Source: observer.ug/

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As World Bank Holds Annual Meetings, 84,000 Tanzanians Call for Justice

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Oakland, CA – As the World Bank convenes its Annual Meetings in Thailand this week, the accountability of the institution is entirely omitted from the agenda. Yet, its lack of accountability to the millions of people displaced or harmed by its programs around the world has never been more appalling.

The Bank claims that recent 2026 reforms would strengthen its accountability mechanism, but the facts show a total disregard for the devastation it has caused. In Tanzania, it has failed to act on damning findings from its own Inspection Panel – whose investigation detailed systemic violations of its own Operating Procedures and a “critical failure” in project planning and supervision, leaving local villagers to continue bearing the brunt of harsh, unmitigated serious harms.

Between 2017-2024, the World Bank poured over US$100 million into REGROW, doubling the size of Ruaha National Park in Southern Tanzania and funding the paramilitary park rangers (TANAPA) implicated in egregious human rights abuses – including killings and forced disappearances. Following an independent investigation, the project was officially cancelled.

“The park expansion effectively criminalized over 84,000 people on their own land, stripping them of their livelihoods by barring essential farming and grazing. The Bank’s REGROW initiative turned poor villagers into targets for park rangers. Despite clear evidence that the devastation it unleashed continues today, the Bank has completely failed to provide redress, compensate or support the communities whose lives it upended,” said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute, who represented villagers in their complaint to the Inspection panel.

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Women threatened by RUNAPA’s expansion in Mbarali District. The Oakland Institute

In April 2025, ignoring community demands for reparations and the return of land, the Board approved a largely insufficient and inadequate Management Action Plan (MAP). On September 4, 2026, the Bank officially “closed” the REGROW case after deeming all actions in the MAP had been completed.

“The World Bank has destroyed our lives. Since the project started, rangers have killed or disappeared 18 of us. We are banned from farming our lands and grazing our livestock. Thousands of our cattle were confiscated. We are still waiting for justice and reparations for our losses. How can the World Bank walk away after being found responsible for this catastrophe?” said a local villager who filed the initial complaint.

Today, despite the Bank’s assertions that livelihoods could resume, many farmers remain barred from their fields, and pastoralists face continuous threats and fines for grazing cattle. The international spotlight that the Institute put on the dire situation has brought a halt to fatal shootings by TANAPA rangers since May 2025 – a grim baseline for “progress” from a paramilitary force that has terrorized communities since the Bank bolstered their capacity. The families of those murdered by TANAPA, including 27-year-old Hamprey Mhaki and 20-year-old Kulwa Igembe, continue to be denied justice.

“The Inspection Panel presented undeniable evidence of the Bank’s wrongdoings, yet the Bank’s Board and senior management refused to take responsibility. Affected communities took monumental personal and collective risks to expose these abuses, offering the Bank every opportunity to correct course. Instead, management turned its back on the very people it harmed – leaving a permanent stain on the institution’s credibility. The Oakland Institute will continue to stand with communities in their fight for justice,” concluded Mittal.

The World Bank’s expanding accountability crisis is further deepened by its decision to join the Trump-established Board of Peace (BoP) for Gaza, proactively enabling impunity for crimes against humanity and genocide. By joining the BoP, the Bank directly violates its own mandate and policies, international humanitarian law and decades of UN General Assembly Resolutions. Furthermore, the move defies provisional orders and advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and rulings from the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Source: oaklandinstitute.org

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Tanzanian Government Abducts Maasai Villagers in an Unconscionable Attack on Indigenous Land Defenders

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  • Human rights conditions in northern Tanzania have deteriorated sharply since August, as the Tanzanian government carries out a coordinated campaign of violence and arrests against the Indigenous Maasai.
  • In Ngorongoro, five Maasai were arrested last week; Over 30 community members have been arrested over the last two months; In neighboring Loliondo, thousands of livestock have been confiscated.
  • The government is pressuring Maasai to leave the area to reach its goal of expanding the number of safari tourists and trophy hunters to eight million by 2030.
  • The last arbitrary arrests unfolded in Arusha as Tanzania hosted the 153rd Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, centered on the theme of “enhancing good governance and empowering communities through inclusivity, trust and opportunities for all.”

Oakland, CA – On the night of October 6, the Tanzanian government forcefully abducted five Maasai men, Nangei Meitaya, Salangat Makko, Ezekiel Kishau, Dickson and Thadeus Clamian, holding them under arbitrary detention at the Arusha Central Police Station. While the individuals were released the following night, these targeted arrests are a dangerous escalation in the government’s systemic oppression of the Indigenous Maasai people.

Since August, human rights conditions in northern Tanzania have worsened sharply as the state carries out a wave of coordinated violence and arrests against the Maasai. In the Ngorongoro Division, authorities have detained more than 30 community members, while confiscations of livestock have intensified in neighboring Loliondo. Local advocates state these actions are part of a systemic campaign to suppress peaceful dissent and dismantle civil society, through economic restrictions, intimidation, and unlawful incarceration of Maasai pastoralists.

“Far from being an isolated incident, this is a calculated campaign of intimidation. Driven by its goal to attract eight million safari tourists by 2030, the Tanzanian government is escalating pressure to evict the Maasai from their ancestral lands. As a result, community leaders have been driven into hiding once again, describing a rapidly deteriorating situation across the region,” said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute.

While detained, the victims were deprived access to their families or legal counsel. Four of those arrested are employees of the Pastoral Women’s Council (PWC), a local NGO dedicated to the “sustainable empowerment of Indigenous pastoralist women and girls in northern Tanzania.” Furthermore, authorities searched the homes of other staff members without due process.

“The abduction and subsequent detention of our community members is one of the many incidents of lawless targeting of the Maasai people in Ngorongoro – a deliberate campaign to instill fear and censorship, designed to make state dispossession and displacement easy. When a regime normalizes abductions and uses public hospitals as hunting grounds, it reveals a complete breakdown of common sense and basic humanity,” said Joseph Moses Oleshangay, a prominent Maasai human rights lawyer and activist from the Ngorongoro District in Tanzania.

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Tanzanian police forcing Maasai people out of their ancestral land in Loliondo, Ngorongoro District to build a game reserve, June 2022

The arbitrary arrests unfolded in Arusha as Tanzania hosted the 153rd Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, centered on the theme of “enhancing good governance and empowering communities through inclusivity, trust and opportunities for all.” This international gathering of parliamentarians from around the world comes a year after the rigged October 2025 national elections, during which the security forces violently suppressed pro-democracy demonstrations and killed thousands of civilians. Meanwhile, in March 2026, President Hassan accepted recommendations from sham land commissions advocating for the widespread eviction of Maasai communities from their ancestral lands in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) and Loliondo.

The government plans to drastically reduce Maasai presence in the NCA to expand safari tourism and trophy hunting. To pressure residents to leave, the government has stopped basic medical, education, and water services while restricting access to grazing land for pastoralists. Massive mobilizations by the Maasai against this forced resettlement have exposed the government’s lie that people are leaving willingly.

“As international visitors plan safari tours to Tanzania, they must recognize that tourism revenues are inadvertently financing the government’s violent attack on Maasai communities whose ancestral lands are being stolen in plain sight,” concluded Mittal.

Source: oaklandinstitute.org

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Global Scramble for Minerals Wages War on People and Planet

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Last week, 54 members of Congress called for transparency and stronger protections for labor rights, human rights, and the environment in the Trump administration’s critical minerals deals. The Oakland Institute had been advocating towards Congressional representatives, urging them to sign the letter to the administration.

But what is really driving the global race for minerals?

Our new report, RUSH: Global Scramble for Minerals Wages War on People and Planet, has debunked the claim that massive new mining is necessary to address the climate crisis. More than 70% of current mineral demand comes from industries outside of the energy transition, including the military, automotive, aerospace, and technology sectors. The report, instead, exposes the prevailing cronyism of the US administration, with companies linked to the families of Donald Trump and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick profiteering from US mineral deals.

What is driving the global mining boom? What is at stake?

Read the report

Source: oaklandinstitute.org

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