MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Kira Municipal Bosses Sued Over Land Grabbing In COVID-19 Road Scam
Published
6 years agoon

Part of the land that is under contention
A city businessman has rushed to court to stop Kira Municipality officials from forcefully grabbing his land to open up an illegal road.
Harold B. Ssemalwadde, the Managing Director of logistics giant Globe Trotters Ltd sought court redress accusing the municipal bosses led by Mayor Julius Mutebi of orchestrating a plot to deprive him of his land through coercion and violence.
In his plaint filed through his lawyers of Barnabas DK Dyadi & Co. Advocates at the High Court Land Division in Kampala, Ssemalawadde wants court to direct the Kira Municipality officials to halt any attempts of illegally running a road through his land.
This is on the grounds that on top of killing his business that employs hundreds of Ugandans, the road construction is fueled by the alleged behind-the-scenes corruption and influence-peddling that government has already stated to be the greatest enemy stifling economic growth in Uganda.
DETAILS
According to court documents seen by this publication, the current land row traces its roots to 2010, when, following exponential growth of his company, Ssemalwadde bought land measuring over 15 acres at Bbuto-Bweyogerere, intending to relocate the business which was by then situated at Kiwatule-Ntinda in Kampala district.
Later, he further expanded the initial plot by acquiring more neighbouring plots of the land situated at the border of Wakiso and Mukono districts. By that time, most of this land lay idle, with just a portion of it being used for clay mining and bricklaying as a well as vegetable growing in the swamp thereon.
And as a law abiding Ugandan investor, Ssemalwadde in 2012/13 approached Kira Municipality land office to process the requisite legal documentation for his land.
Particularly, Ssemalwadde presented his site plan. This clearly showed that off his land title he had curved a road meant to feed into his over 25 acres of his logistics hub for approval.
And given the nature of his business, he ensured that the road that branched off the main Sonde-Bweyogerere road was wide enough and well tarmacked to ease the movement of trucks/his clients to and from his business.
This was also done upon realization that the nearest main (Bbuto- Kiwanga) road was about a kilometer away yet it was the sole one that was being used as a major access for all existing neighboring companies/businesses like the Kiwanga Poultry Farm and Kiwanga Thermal Power Plant. Ssemalwadde explains that he opted to open his own road after experts assessed that because his business involved heavy trucks turning all the time, it was wise for him to have a separate road for them so as not to disrupt traffic flow on the murram road that was being used by his neighbours and the general public. Besides that, the Bbuto-Kiwanga road is situated in Mukono district while his business is situated in Kira Municipality, Wakiso district.
TROUBLE BEGINS
Ssemalwadde avers that to date the Kira Municipality bosses are yet to return his approved plan despite several pleas and meetings over the same.
For instance, court records show that on September 19, 2016, Ssemalwadde wrote to the Kira Municipality Town Clerk complaining about lack of communication and feedback from the municipal council in respect to his plan.
Ssemalwadde further averred that he suspected that the municipal bosses were biding time so as to be able to alert the former Kira Mayor and his business allies about Ssemalwadde’s project with the aim of playing along the powerful politician’s whims.
The suspicions were confirmed when to his dismay; he learnt through rumors that the municipal officers were intending to construct a motorized access road through his land without his consent or knowledge.
As per their plan, the road would be an improvement of a footpath that connects to the gardens around his plot as well as to the drainage stream that separates Kiwanga in Mukono from Bbuto in Wakiso.
Unfortunately, this same road would only be constructed by breaking his perimeter wall so as to join the new road to the tarmac road that he constructed for his business (trucks and clients).
Ssemalwadde says that after getting wind of the rumours he approached the municipal officials and complained about their move.
He also highlighted to them the fact that the road through his company premises was unsafe to residents and his business as it exposed the former to accidents from turning trucks and the latter to theft of clients’ goods and general insecurity.
Initially, the two parties consented that the road was untenable given those circumstances. The municipal officials then suggested that he provides an alternative “footpath”.
Ssemalwadde says he did so by opening a footpath around his perimeter fence. He however admits that while the locals began using the new footpath, he did not block the old footpath through his land partly because he never wanted to tamper with the water table as advised by the environmental impact assessment report from NEMA.
COVID ROAD SPRINGS UP
Ssemalwadde says since then there has been harmony but trouble erupted afresh towards the end of March 2020 when, while observing the Covid-19 lockdown that saw him scale down on business at his company, his security guards summoned him to office.
This was after they had observed that some strange people were rolling culverts at night and stationing them at the point of the stream where they wanted to open the road.
Ssemalwadde says he contacted the police but on March 29, 2020, all hell broke loose when a group of vandals stormed his company with Mayor Julius Mutebi and demolished part of his wall fence for the construction of the earlier said road.
According to CCTV footage before court, Mutebi, using seemingly populist rhetoric, told the locals to “break the fence as no one can scare you since council approved what you’re doing.”
Further footage shows that the mob action was prior planned as the goons on site had two cars that were delivering water to them as the vandalism happened.
A distraught Ssemalwadde sought police intervention that later came and arrested a few of the vandals including John Okou, Wycliff Mulinge and Robert Mulinge among others.
Later, in early April, Ssemalwadde sought a meeting with Mutebi and his council. In the meeting that took place at the Globe Trotters company premises, mutebi shocked all and sundry when he admitted that whereas he was aware that there could have been some mistakes committed in vandalizing ssemalwadde’s perimeter wall, his hands were tied by majority and populist demands from his “voters”.
”I’m a politician and so I must always be on the people’s side; it doesn’t matter whether you (globe trotters) are right or not,” Mutebi is quoted saying in the meeting.
Corruption Cited
However, independent investigations have shown, according to court records that Ssemalwadde is a victim of influence peddling occasioned on the Kira Municipal bosses by his neighbor only identified as Herbert.
It is claimed that Herbert owns an expansive chunk of land next to Globe Trotters and has since used his privilege as a personal friend and business associate of the former Kira Municipality mayor to disadvantage Ssemalwadde.
Sources say that while the said land has only the Kiwanga-Bbuto road as the main access, its value and appeal will be elevated by an alternative road through Ssemalwadde’s company to the tarmac Bweyogerere-Sonde road.
This, it is suspected, is the invisible hand behind the current squabbles. It also explains why after years of tossing Ssemalwadde around in regard to his plan, the Kira municipal authorities rushed to open the road within a single day during the Covid-19 lockdowns when companies had been advised to either close business or scale down operations.
It has also emerged that police investigations discovered that as opposed to using area security, the Kira officials hired two LDU personnel from Katosi to guard the illegal road construction that was done by a single tractor.
LOSSES ALREADY
Ssemalwadde has told court that following the standoff, his clients including SPEDAG logistics firm have withdrawn business from him. He says the withdrawal came after the vandals stormed one of the customers’ containers, vandalized it and robbed goods worth shs450m.
“The said client was paying Shs15m daily but is now gone. Our business is being killed by mere populist politics yet it has been employing hundreds of vulnerable poor people within Bweyogerere and beyond but they are now all grounded because our customers are fleeing from the chaos every single day. This is why I want the honorable court to come to my rescue,” Ssemalwadde says. There have been claims that the contentious road has existed for over 30 years but Ssemalwadde says this is a lie that court can disprove by a single visit to the scene. The road is clearly a “covid-19 project!”
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Inside Eastern DRC War: The untold story of grabbing land for local and indigenous communities.
Published
16 hours agoon
May 11, 2026
By Witness Radio Team
For millions in eastern DRC, the war is not an event; it is a daily reality that people have lived in for the past three decades.
After being dispossessed from his land, Moise (not the real name) fled to a displacement center he believed to be safer for temporary settlement.
“I was severely affected by the conflict, as it turned my entire life upside down. In our area, clashes, armed attacks, and insecurity have become frequent. We would hear gunshots and screams, and sometimes people would flee from their homes to seek refuge, as these incidents often took place at night or early in the morning. That is what happened to my family,” Moise told a Witness Radio journalist.
Moise, once reliant on his farmland for his livelihood, illustrates how land dispossession devastates small-scale farmers across the continent, highlighting the broader human toll.
“I owned land that I used primarily for agriculture. This land enabled me to feed my family and sell a portion of the harvest to cover other needs. We grew food crops there, such as cassava, beans, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas.” He added.
Before the escalation of conflict, Moise says, life—though difficult—had some degree of stability.
“We were able to work, farm, sell our produce, and organize our family lives with a sense of hope. During the conflict, everything changed: insecurity took hold, displacement became massive, economic activity plummeted, and the population now lives in fear.” The now-displaced victim revealed
To survive, Moise relies on aid and lives in difficult conditions, highlighting ongoing hardship and the urgent need for justice.
Like Moise’s story, these are the daily struggles, confrontations, fears, and threats faced by the majority of citizens in the Eastern region of DRC, a part of a conflict-affected country where war has persisted for decades. The cost of this prolonged violence has been immense, claiming countless lives and driving widespread dispossession.
Affecting the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, victims have endured decades of armed conflict, fueled by weak state control, regional tensions, and competition over mineral-rich land. Since its resurgence in 2021, M23 has seized large areas of territory, often in strategic and resource-rich zones.
The March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group operating in eastern DRC. According to observers, fighting has been concentrated in mineral-rich areas, many of which are now under M23 control. In an effort to protect its sovereignty, the Congolese Army, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has repeatedly defended its territory but has often been overpowered by rebel forces.
Over 7 million people are internally displaced in DRC, with hundreds of thousands losing their land amid escalating clashes.
Sources reveal that the seized land is intended to resettle landless Rwandans and to provide farmland for settlers.
The coalition “Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC) International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, in an interview with Witness Radio, explained that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups, further continuing dispossession.
“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out, and when victims return to their land, they often find it occupied by Rwandans,” Dr. Deborah revealed.
On the ground, Dr Deborah alleges that the land is grabbed for economic purposes, claiming that armed groups have developed sophisticated systems of economic control.
“Land is grabbed either for agriculture or resource exploitation. Armed actors also profit from natural resource extraction, including minerals, timber, charcoal production, and bushmeat. But in the big cities like Goma and Bukavu, the M23/AFC authorities impose taxes on goods, businesses, and transport.” She added.
Victims say harsh conditions in displacement camps often force them to return to their land once violence subsides, but what they find is deeply distressing: “their land occupied, sometimes by people they describe as non-Congolese”.
“When the situation became unbearable, where we had taken refuge due to lack of food, shelter, and the means to start over, I decided to return home. But when I got there, I found other people already settled on my land, working in the fields and living in my house. They made it clear that I could no longer reclaim it,” Moise told Witness Radio.
But how do these alleged non-Congolese settlers take over the land? Another conflict victim describes what appears to be an organized pattern—one in which forced displacement creates the opportunity for land seizure, often under armed protection.
“They move in when we are forced out and occupy our land without consent. In many cases, they are backed by armed men,” the victim told Witness Radio, adding that the situation has not only affected family heads but also their families.
“My family is currently living in precarious conditions. We have lost a large part of our means of subsistence. We are facing food insecurity, as well as difficulties in securing housing, accessing healthcare, and sending the children to school,” the victim further added.
To restore peace in the war-torn Congo, several initiatives have been introduced. Among the most recent is a deal coordinated by United States President Donald Trump, aimed at bringing peace efforts in the DRC. However, the peace agreements, which are still in their early stages, have already attracted criticism.
The recent acquisition of the Chemaf cobalt mine in the Congo by the U.S.-based firm Virtus Minerals is being seen as one of the first fruits of the deals, reinforcing what war watchdogs have long argued: that peace deals are only transactions that are primarily targeting Congo’s mineral wealth and land, rather than contributing to peace, especially as the conflict remains ongoing.
Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, Frederic Mousseau, recently told our journalist in an interview that the recent deals primarily benefit the United States and Rwanda, arguing that they are not aimed at ending the conflict but at formalizing access to Congo’s mineral wealth.
“The peace agreement gives access to the US and Rwanda to Congo’s mineral resources. Rather than securing lasting peace for the suffering Congolese people, it’s all about business and money.” Frederic told Witness Radio.
But beyond peace, which has not yet been achieved, Frederic says, the Congolese government should ensure minerals benefit all, and that land is returned to its rightful owners. “Lasting peace isn’t enough; the country’s wealth must ultimately serve its people. The government needs to ensure that any deals it makes benefit the broader economy and ordinary citizens, not just a small elite in the capital or provincial centers,” he added.
Victims continue to pray that peace prevails so they can once again live normal lives.
“My prayer for the future is for true and lasting peace to return to eastern DRC. I hope that the guns will fall silent, that displaced persons may return home, that everyone may reclaim their land and their dignity, and that justice may be served for the victims.” Moise concluded.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.
Published
5 days agoon
May 6, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.
“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.
In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.
On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.
Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.
Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.
Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.
Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.
“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.
Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.
“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.
However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.
He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.
“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.
“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Kiryandongo farmer accuses minister of grabbing 100-acre land
Published
6 days agoon
May 6, 2026
A Kiryandongo farmer accuses Minister for Karamoja Affairs Peter Lokeris of illegally occupying his 100-acre plot, sparking a decades-long dispute now under State House scrutiny. Despite interventions, the conflict remains unresolved amid conflicting claims and documentation. Source: https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kiryandongo-farmer-accuses-minister-of-grabbing-100-acre-land-5447308
Edward Balikagira from Kinyara II Village in Kiryandongo District alleges that Minister Peter Lokeris has forcefully taken over his 100-acre land, which he bought in 1996 from the late John Bitunda Bitagasa.
Balikagira holds a 1996 handwritten sale agreement in Runyoro, detailing payment of Shs170,000, 12 goats, a bicycle, and a blanket, witnessed by local land executives.
Lokeris rejects the accusations, stating he legally obtained the land in 1996 and has occupied it peacefully for over 20 years without issues. He questions Balikagira’s ownership documents.
Balikagira recounts that in 2007, as land committee chair, he negotiated with Lokeris for adjacent land at Shs500,000 per acre, but the deal fell through due to delays.
Tensions peaked in 2022 when Balikagira was arrested for alleged trespassing during the Covid-19 lockdown. A State House fact-finding meeting followed, where Lokeris reportedly admitted to applying for only 100 acres and agreed to return any excess.
A June 2022 State House letter to the Kiryandongo RDC, signed by Nathan Bwogi, halted all activities on the disputed land and noted ongoing fencing by Lokeris’s associates, warning of potential violence.
Despite this, Balikagira says the issue lingers without court action, citing the minister’s influence. Local leaders and the Deputy RDC confirm ongoing administrative reviews but no closure.
Land wrangles like this are rampant in Uganda, especially in Kiryandongo’s former ranch areas, with police reporting a surge in such cases.
Source: Daily Monitor
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