Connect with us

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Govt resurrects emotive Land Acquisition Bill.

Published

on

photo credit: Daily Monitor

President Museveni and then Lands State Minister Aidah Nantaba in Kayunga in June 2021 where the President had gone to mediate a land dispute. The government is set to reintroduce the compulsory Land Acquisition Bill. 

The government is set to reintroduce the controversial Land Acquisition Bill that, among others, seeks to enable compulsory land acquisition for strategic government development projects.
The Bill is among the 62 proposed legislations presented by President Museveni during the State-of-the-Nation Address on Tuesday that are to be introduced by government to the 11th Parliament during its second session that started on June 7.

According to the Ministry of Lands, the object of the draft Bill is to allow the government to acquire land for timely implementation of public works and end years of prolonged acquisition processes that have in the past cost the country billions of shillings and hindered essential projects.
The idea of the government to take over even privately owned land for public works dates back to 2017, and has often raised a raging debate across the political divide that remains unsettled.
 READ: Mailo land tenure debate sparks storm

Buganda premier Charles Peter Mayiga vowed to oppose the new proposed land law that seeks to provide for compulsory acquisition of land for government development projects, warning that it is a ploy to grab people’s land.
“As Buganda Kingdom, we shall not allow any law on land that seeks to grab land from Kabaka’s subjects and undermine Kabaka’s authority over land. They [government] should stop provoking us,”Mr Mayiga told the Lukiiko (Buganda parliament).

The property law
Article 26(2) of the Constitution stipulates that: “No person shall be compulsorily deprived of property or any interest in right over property of any description except where taking possession is necessary for public use and, or, is made under the law after prompt payment of fair and adequate compensation.”
However, in 2017, the government tabled the controversial Constitution Amendment Bill, 2017 that sought, among other things,  to amend Article 26 of the Constitution to allow government “compulsory acquisition” of private land for national projects and deposit in court the compensation money it deems appropriate regardless of whether the owner consents to it or not.

In the same year, President Museveni, conducted a countrywide radio tour to face the people with the aim of softening the public to embrace the proposed amendments.
Many, however, remained unyielding.  At the time, most of the Cabinet ministers as well as NRM legislators remained silent on the matter.
But the attempts to amend Article 26, which safeguards private land until adequate and timely compensation is made, were rejected by the 10th Parliament, and the government retreated to re-strategise.

Mr Dennis Obbo, the spokesperson at the Ministry of Lands, yesterday told Daily Monitor that the draft document is with the Ministry of Justice for drafting of a new Bill, after consultations with stakeholders, across the country.
Without delving into the details of the new amendments to the proposed law, Mr Obbo said some changes have been made to ensure the processes are within the confines of the Supreme Law.
“It is important we do not delay capital investments, which has been the case. Government in the past has lost $27m (Shs101b) per year in servicing debts because of such acquisition delays. We have looked at a win-win situation, listen to the owner of the land but also make sure government does not lose out,” Mr Obbo said.
The new Bill will maintain the deposit of compensation money on an escrow account in case a land owner has reservations about the amount they are offered.

The compensation rates will be determined by government valuer, according to the Valuation Bill, 2022, another attendant legislation that seeks to harmonise the acquisition process.
The Land Acquisition Bill also established a tribunal, headed by a High Court Judge to handle any disputes. Such a complaint must be heard and decided on within 30 days, and an appeal in 45 days.
In case Parliament approves the controversial amendments, Mr Obbo reiterated that land owners will be given a notice, allowed six months to vacate the land in question, and the government will only take over the land after compensation, or settlement in case of disputes.

Other inclusions
The draft Bill, according to sources in the Attorney General’s chambers, will also provide for resettlement and relocation packages as opposed to compensation.
The government will also table the Land Act Amendment Bill, 2022 that seeks to address land issues including the rampant eviction of bibanja holders and reorganise the current land tenure systems.

A sub-committee of the Cabinet chaired by Deputy Prime minister, Gen Moses Ali, is currently studying the report by the Justice Catherine Bamugemereire Commission to inform major amendments to streamline the land business.
The Gen Ali committee is reported to be under strict instructions to come up with “incontrovertible amendments” that are needed to stop rampant illegal evictions in the country.
Government will also reintroduce the Health Insurance Bill that elapsed with the 10th Parliament. The legislation  seeks to provide universal healthcare to all Ugandans.

Bills govt will present for legislation in 2022/2023 

1. The Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces Act (Amendment) Bill 2022
2. The Social Impact Assessment and Accountability Bill
3. Uganda National Kiswahili Council Bill
4. The Employment (Amendment) Bill
5. The Occupational Safety and Health (Amendment) Bill
6. The Workers Compensation (Amend) Bill
7. Labour Unions (Amendment) Bill
8. The Culture and Creative Bill
9. The Veterinary Practitioners Bill
10. Animal Diseases Amendment Bill
11. Companies (Amendment) Bill, 2022.

12. The Insolvency (Amendment) Bill, 2022.
13. The Law Revision (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill, 2022.
14. Energy Efficiency and Conservation Bill
15. Amendment of Atomic Energy Act,2008
16. Building Substances Bill,2022
17. The National Health Insurance Scheme Bill,2019
18. The Food and Drug Authority Bill,2017
19. Health Professional Council’s Authority Bill,2016
20. The Museums and Monuments Bill 2022
21. The Nakivubo War Memorial Stadium (Amendment) Bill.
22. Business Technical Vocational Education and Training (Amendment) Bill

23. The National Teachers’ Bill.
24. The Physical Activity and Sports Bill
25. The Local Government (Amend) Bill
26. The Uganda Communication (Amendment) Bill
27. National Information Technology (Amendment)Bill
28. Engineers Registration (Amend) Bill.
29. Uganda Railways Corporation (Amendment) Bill
30. Land Acquisition Bill,2022
31. Valuation Bill,2022
32. Real Estates Bill,2022
33. Land Act (Amendment) Bill,2022

34. Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill
35. Small Arms and Light Weapons Control Bill
36. The Explosives Bill.
37. Transitional Justice Bill
38. Microfinance Deposit Taking Institutions (Amendment) Bill,2020
39. Annual Macroeconomic and Fiscal Performance Report FY 2021/2022
40. National Budget Framework Paper for FY 2023/2024
41. Semi – Annual Budget Performance Report FY 2022/2023.
42. Semi – Annual Macroeconomic and Fiscal Performance Report FY2022/2023

43. Annual Budget Estimates FY 2023/2024
44. The Appropriation Bill FY 2023/2024
45. Treasury Memoranda FY 2023/2024
46. Corrigenda FY 2023/24
47. Income Tax (Amendment)Bill,2023
48. Excise Duty(Amendment)Bill,2023
49. The Value Added Tax (Amend) Bill, 2023
50. The Stamps Duty (Amendment) Bill, 2023
51. Traffic and Road Safety (Amendment)Bill, 2023
52. Lotteries and Gaming(Amendment)Bill,2023
53. The Tax Procedures Code (Amendment) Bill 2023
54. Tax Appeals Tribunal(Amendment)Bill,2023
55. The Finance (Amendment) Bill, 2023
56. Budget Speech for FY 2023/2024.

57.The Supplementary Appropriation Bill FY 2022/2023
58. The Uganda National Council of Science and Technology (Amendment) Bill
59. Competition Bill
60. Consumer Protection Bill
61. Legal Metrology Bill
62. Industrial and Scientific Metrology Bill

Source: Daily Monitor

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Accountability in Crisis: Development banks, while funding Asia’s energy transition, are accused of silencing Asian local and Indigenous communities, highlighting the central tension between a clean-energy push and the repression of those most affected.

Published

on

By the Witness Radio Team.

As the world races to abandon fossil fuels and embrace renewable energy to avert climate catastrophe, development banks, governments, and corporations promote this transition as a global priority. In Asia, this transition, presented as a path to a clean-energy future, is shadowed by serious concerns about who bears its costs.

However, for many Indigenous peoples, farmers, fisherfolk, and urban poor living on lands targeted by these projects, the energy transition has led to displacement, repression, and the loss of livelihoods.

This alternative reality is documented in a new regional report, Financing the Transition, Silencing Defenders. The report details how communities raising concerns about renewable energy projects across seven Asian countries have faced reprisals ranging from harassment and arrests to military occupation and killings.

The report challenges the region’s energy transition. It argues that renewable energy projects use vast resources, burdening Indigenous and local communities who have contributed little to the climate crisis. The report documents how these projects cause displacement, loss of cultural identity, ecological disruption, health risks, and increased debt.

Security forces were often reported to have carried out reprisals. Police and the military were frequently deployed to sites. Communities described beatings, arrests, and intimidation during consultations, compensation, and construction.

Rather than providing security, the report concludes that “in most contexts, their presence does not make communities feel secure, but rather threatened and silenced.”

The report goes on to describe how, in several documented cases, security personnel forcibly entered villages, dismantled community barricades, demolished homes, and stopped peaceful protests. According to the report, these confrontations often escalated tensions and contributed to the criminalization of local resistance.

The report underscores a central argument: when communities raise concerns, their voices are systematically silenced through SLAPPs, attacks, criminalization, intimidation, and discrimination—primarily by local authorities and security forces. These practices form a system of control involving governments, security forces, corporations, and development banks to repress dissent and maintain project momentum.

The 44-page report examined 12 renewable energy and energy-transition projects across seven Asian countries—India, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Tajikistan, Thailand, and the Maldives. It was produced by the Coalition for Rights in Development, a global network representing over 100 social movements, civil society organizations, grassroots groups, and partners.

Despite variations in scale and technology among these projects, affected communities across these countries consistently reported being excluded from decision-making processes.

Many projects moved forward without real consultation or Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) of Indigenous Peoples. Communities said they were told about decisions after the fact, kept from key project details, or pressured to accept compensation.

As the report notes, when projects exclude rights holders from decision-making, it often leads to protests, legal challenges, and revoked permits. These outcomes raise costs and cause delays. More importantly, leaving out affected communities creates mistrust toward specific projects and the broader energy transition narrative that justifies them.

In Assam, India, Indigenous Karbi, Naga, and Adivasi communities oppose a solar project projected to affect more than 20,000 people. Community representatives report that consultations were held in only 9 of the 23 impacted villages, leaving thousands excluded from the process. They claim the project threatens livelihoods, land rights, biodiversity, bamboo forests, and elephant habitats.

“The project was approved without ensuring the communities’ Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC). Consultations were held in only 9 out of 23 impacted villages, thus excluding thousands from the process,” the report states.

Researchers found that when communities attempt to challenge the harmful impacts of these projects, they are often labeled anti-development, extremists, or threats to national interests. In response, authorities, corporations, and local officials have reportedly targeted outspoken community leaders and sought to isolate them.

According to the report, “government authorities, private companies, and other actors who have a vested interest in the projects identify the most vocal community members and human rights defenders who are raising concerns and stigmatize them.”

In another case, in Pakistan, activists opposing hydropower projects reported receiving threats from authorities. They have also been accused of working against national development goals. The Madyan Hydropower Project is funded by the World Bank. The Torwali Indigenous community worries about their land, culture, and future.

Similarly, in the Philippines, environmental defenders and Indigenous leaders who oppose dam projects have faced “red-tagging.” This is a tactic that labels activists as communist sympathizers or security threats. The report says these tactics have created fear and deterred people from participating in public consultations.

Poorly planned projects imposed without meaningful consent harm communities, and those voicing concerns face intimidation and reprisals.

Many projects are led by major public development finance institutions. These include the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. These institutions are directly implicated in reported abuses and the silencing of communities.

The findings directly challenge development banks: they must choose either to fund actors implicated in human rights violations or to actively leverage their influence to uphold community rights and genuine participation in Asia’s energy transition.

“Banks can either look the other way and continue funding government and corporate entities that have historically disregarded human rights and environmental sustainability, or they can use their influence to ensure that the highest standards and safeguards are upheld. The report states that development banks have responsibilities regarding both the prevention of and response to reprisals,” the report states.

The report calls on development banks to improve environmental and social safeguards. Banks should conduct thorough risk assessments and implement measures to ensure safe, meaningful engagement with affected communities. This should happen throughout the energy transition.

Development banks invoke the push to abandon fossil fuels to underscore urgency, but the report warns that this urgency is sometimes misused to accelerate approvals, rush assessments, and limit community consultation—thereby undermining both human rights and the legitimacy of the transition.

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Agroecological Entrepreneurship: African farmers are redefining agriculture by building agroecological businesses that challenge industrial models.

Published

on

By the Witness Radio team.

In rural Senegal, women’s groups use roasting, grinding, and mixing equipment to turn local beans, spices, and traditional ingredients into a natural product called Sumpak. This product is offered as an alternative to the industrial bouillon cubes common in West African kitchens. Sumpak is marketed as a locally sourced option rooted in agroecological farming and traditional food knowledge.

For its creators, Sumpak symbolizes a continent-wide movement where small-scale farmers and grassroots groups create businesses that embody self-reliance, sustainability, and a shift away from dependence on industrial agribusiness.

In Uganda, Senegal, Cameroon, and other African countries, farmer groups are trying local food processing, seed systems, ecological farming, and direct markets. They want to change how healthy food is produced, processed, and sold. Their efforts are not just for the environment. They are also driven by economic survival, food sovereignty, and frustration with systems that depend on imported inputs, foreign-controlled supply chains, and industrial food products.

Highlighting these grassroots efforts, the initiatives were recently discussed during a webinar organized by the Agroecology Fund to launch a report documenting grassroots agroecological enterprises across the continent.

“We asked ourselves what would happen if we combined the creativity and power of social movements. This was an effort to provide support to networks and organizations within the Agroecology movements that are also working to support the agroecology enterprises,” Daniel Moss, co-director of the fund, said during the online report launch.

The report, Agroecological Entrepreneurship Starts Here, draws from business planning grants awarded to 15 organizations across Africa. The projects supported by the grants ranged from cassava flour processing in Uganda to local bread-making flour initiatives in Cameroon and women-led food processing enterprises in Senegal, among others.

The report contends that agroecology represents both an environmental practice and a strategic pathway for building locally controlled, sustainable economies.

For decades, the agricultural industry in Africa and globally has favored industrial systems. These rely on hybrid seeds, chemical fertilizers, and export crops. Big agribusinesses and commercial farms often get grants, subsidies, financing, and policy support. Meanwhile, small-scale agroecological enterprises struggle to access even modest capital.

The report launch noted that many grassroots agricultural businesses need $10,000 to $250,000. They require funds to expand production, improve packaging, or buy processing equipment. However, the findings show that most lenders and investors focus on much larger commercial projects.

“There’s a huge finance gap,” Jennifer Astone, a co-author of the report, revealed, adding that “Smallholder farmers, cooperatives and agroecological entrepreneurs are systematically excluded from finance and policy support that fuels conventional industrial agribusiness.”

In Uganda, the Eastern and Southern Africa Small Scale Farmers Forum (ESAFF) worked with farmer groups producing okra powder, cassava flour, pineapple products, and biomass briquettes.

According to ESAFF, some groups received grinding machines and value-addition equipment, while others were trained in packaging, branding, and marketing. Several enterprises, with the support of the grant, later registered formally as businesses after seeing growth opportunities emerge.

Nancy Mugimba, coordinator of ESAFF, said the grants helped transform loosely organized farmer activities into more structured enterprises.

“One of the things we discovered is that these businesses can actually work. The farmers became more organized and innovative.” Nancy said.

According to Nancy, one women’s group producing cassava flour improved its drying and processing methods to target health-conscious consumers, including people managing diabetes, while another youth group shifted from chemically grown pineapples to organic production after discovering growing demand for sweeter agroecological fruit.

“Farmers were trained on how to handle their products for their target markets. As a result, they are now producing higher-quality products than before and have successfully introduced them to the market,” she added.

In Senegal, the women-led movement, Nous Sommes la Solution, focused on replacing industrial bouillon cubes with natural products made from local ingredients.

The movement joins more than 500 rural women’s associations and 175,000 members across West Africa. It claims that more processed food additives have raised health concerns such as hypertension and kidney disease.

This bouillon uses low-cost beans and several prep steps: pre-cook, peel, wash, then ferment the beans. The beans are then processed into a powder. We rely on local skills and local produce. We also aim to promote high-nutritive value products, said Mariama Sonko during the report launch. She added that women can make something local, providing income to support a healthy lifestyle.

Their product, Sumpak, uses fermented local beans, spices, and traditional knowledge. With support from the grants, the women obtained food safety certification, trademark registration, and improved packaging.

This grant lets us focus on administrative tasks for production and sales. We received Food Safety Certification in Senegal. We can now produce and sell Sumpak, Sonko said. She noted that demand has grown faster than expected, making producers consider expanding storage and processing.

In Cameroon, another agroecological initiative focused on the problem of dependence on imported wheat, which has affected many African countries. The West African country imports significant amounts of wheat for bread production, exposing local food systems to global market disruptions and price shocks.

Global disruptions, such as the Russia-Ukraine war and COVID-19, worsened these vulnerabilities. This led to soaring prices. Data from the National Shippers’ Council of Cameroon shows that the country imported 278,408 tons of wheat in Q2 2025, at a cost of over CFA45 billion.

According to the report, the Cameroonian organization Service d’Appui aux Initiatives Locales de Développement (SAILD) responded by promoting bread and pastries made partly from locally produced cassava and sweet potato flour.

The project brought together flour processors, bakers, regulators, and financial institutions to explore how local alternatives could replace imported wheat.

“We realized that dependence on imports weakens local economies. We need local production and local consumption systems.” Mr.  Rodrigue Kouang, Coordinator of SAILD’s agroecology program, mentioned.

The report urges policies and networks that empower agroecological entrepreneurship and recommends practical support for farmer organizations.

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

The 2nd edition of East Africa Business and Human Rights opens in Nairobi, highlighting the critical issue of African States’ limited participation in global treaty-making, which risks leaving the continent’s specific needs unaddressed.

Published

on

By the Witness Radio Team

Nairobi, Kenya: Prof. Damilola Olawuyi, Chairperson of the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, has urged African countries to take an active and leading role in international treaty negotiations to ensure that global treaties address the continent’s unique challenges, warning that passive participation could result in agreements that overlook Africa’s needs.

He said that in international law, you don’t get what you deserve; you get what you negotiate.

Delivering the Keynote at the Dialogue, Prof. Olawuyi stressed that African governments are not sufficiently engaged in negotiations to create a legally binding international treaty on business and human rights—a lack of involvement that could undermine African interests.

The two-day dialogue, convened by DCA and partners, has the theme: “Beyond Compliance: Strengthening Accountable and Rights-Centered Supply Chains in East and Horn of Africa.” It brings together governments, businesses, civil society organizations, development partners, and human rights defenders. Participants discuss how growing investments can better align with human rights standards and responsible business conduct.

Building on the momentum of the 2023 inaugural conference in Kampala, the event aims to shift discussions from commitments to implementation. It focuses on rapidly expanding investments in land-based sectors and their impact on communities.

He reiterated that the persistent absence of African states from these talks may result in global rules that ignore African priorities.

He warned the end result might be an instrument that does not reflect African priorities and interests. It could contain pre-packed solutions that impose higher environmental, sanitary, climate, and ESG standards on African products, limiting their competitiveness and market access.

He urged the EAC, AU, and member states to unite around a common position in negotiations, underscoring the importance of African leadership in ensuring investments support both economic growth and human rights.

Prof. Olawuyi argued that the absence of binding international standards continues to undermine efforts to hold corporations accountable for human rights abuses, particularly in sectors such as agribusiness, mining, and large-scale land-based investments.

He cited an upcoming report on agribusiness, food security, and human rights. He said investment-driven agricultural projects in several countries continue to be linked to child labor, sexual exploitation, modern slavery, gender injustice, forced displacement, land grabbing, and other rights violations.

He recommended that National Action Plans must be rigorously implemented across all sectors, including agribusiness, to effectively address human rights abuses.

The concerns voiced by the UN expert were also reflected in discussions throughout the forum. Karen Poore, Country Director for DanChurchAid Kenya (DCA), spoke on behalf of the event host. She called on governments, businesses, civil society organizations, and local communities to work together proactively, urging them to take concrete steps that ensure investments respect human rights and deliver equitable benefits for all involved.

Poore described DCA’s role as both a convener and bridge-builder, creating spaces where different actors can engage honestly on difficult issues surrounding business conduct and human rights.

She said spaces like this, where honesty and constructive challenge are possible, are important. More transparency and openness about root causes, and a willingness to move beyond appearances, are needed, as business and human rights are evolving quickly and new standards are shaping expectations.

She stressed that responsible business conduct is not only about accountability but also about creating fairer and more sustainable economic opportunities.

“Access alone is not enough if it does not come with dignity and rights,” Poore noted, adding that transparency and long-term thinking are increasingly linked to resilient and sustainable business models.

She called for immediate action to address structural barriers affecting women, youth, and marginalized communities, ensure equal access to grievance mechanisms, and actively promote participation in decision-making processes.

Matthew Brooke, Head of Governance, Digital and Macroeconomics at the European Union Delegation to Kenya, represented the European Union Delegation. He acknowledged that past investment projects have been linked to human rights violations, exploitation, and abuse.

“Human rights violations in investment projects, exploitation and abuse have all been seen and witnessed, and they need to continue to be documented,” Brooke said.

He argued that such practices are unsustainable investments. He also explained that the European Union is shifting away from purely voluntary approaches toward stronger due diligence requirements. These requirements aim to prevent human rights and environmental harm in global supply chains.

According to Brooke, the EU’s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) requires large companies operating in the EU market to identify and address human rights and environmental risks throughout their operations and supply chains, engage affected stakeholders, and take measures to prevent or mitigate harm.

Continue Reading

Resource Center

Legal Framework

READ BY CATEGORY

Facebook

Newsletter

Subscribe to Witness Radio's newsletter



Trending

Subscribe to Witness Radio's newsletter