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Why Atiak Sugar Project is not firing on all cylinders.

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Photo Credit: Daily Monitor.

Ms Amina Hershi, the chief executive officer of Horyal Investment Ltd, displays some of  the bags of sugar produced at Atyak Sugar Factory in Amuru District recently.

Atiak Sugar Limited is battling an acute shortage of sugarcane to supply the multi-billion sugar factory located in Atiak Sub-county, Amuru District. The vast bulk of its sugarcane plantations in both Amuru and Lamwo districts were ravaged by suspected arson attacks from alleged aggrieved members of two separate outgrowers societies.

The Atiak Sugar Project is still being spoken of in the present tense. It is essentially a public-private-community partnership between the National Agriculture Advisory Services (Naads), participating farmer cooperatives and respective local governments of Amuru, Lamwo and Horyal Investment Holdings Ltd.

The first bags of sugar from Horyal Investment Ltd’s multi-billion investment in the post-conflict north hit the streets of Gulu City once President Museveni commissioned the factory on October 22, 2020. The factory was initially meant to provide a ready market for the sugarcane outgrowers in the region where sugar production has already begun.

Under the partnership, the community under Atiak Outgrowers and Gem-pachilo Cooperative Societies are to plant cane on the land and weed the plantations. Once the cane is ready, the plantation—apportioned to the outgrowers by Naads—would be harvested and sold to the factory.

At its inception, the project targeted to cover 13,841 acres at the main plantation at Atiak in Amuru District. An expansion of 15,000 acres was, however, later made in Ayu-alali, Palabek Kal Sub-county, Lamwo District, in 2020. A further expansion of 31,159 acres is planned and is being established in Palabek-ogili, Lamwo District, bringing the total acreage to 60,000.

In September 2020, before its commissioning, Ms Amina Hershi, the chief executive officer of Horyal Investment Ltd, told a delegation of government officials that 3,000 acres of sugarcane were ready for supply to the factory to begin its maiden production. This section of the plantation belonged to Gem Pachilo and Atiak Outgrowers Cooperative Societies, she revealed, adding, “…we also now produce 6 MWh of electricity to the national grid, which is generated through biogas from the bi-products of the cane.”

At this point, the plant was, according to Ms Hershi, only waiting for calibration by the International Organisation for Standardisation to ensure the quality, safety, and efficiency of products, services, and systems.

Two years later, however, Saturday Monitor has learnt that simultaneous incidents of fire outbreaks that ravaged hundreds of hectares of the plantation appear to cast a dark shadow on the potential of the factory.

Outgrowers and the factory’s management accounts have indicated that since 2017, wildfires have gutted hundreds of hectares of the sugar plantation in the dry season. The burnt portions were usually canes that were nearing harvest or ready for harvest. We also understand that the portions burnt by the fire were always those owned by the outgrowers. These were not insured against fire, damages, or any other risks.

Late last month, the proprietors of the factory said sugar production had been suspended after cane supply to the factory hit rock bottom. According to the company, the suspension comes in the aftermath of wildfires that have in previous months destroyed the sugarcane plantation.

Mr Mahmood Abdi Ahmed, the company’s director for plantation and agriculture, told Saturday Monitor that production had drastically slowed down. He, however, hastened to add that operations haven’t been suspended as a result of the acute shortage of canes.

“The biggest challenge we have had is the gaps in our structural planning relating to the sugarcane production, and this failure is blamed on all of us the stakeholders,” Mr Mahmood said in an interview, adding, “The land (customary) ownership setup in the Acholi area has served a really big disadvantage to sugarcane growing because you don’t see people growing sugarcane on subsistence basis as we see in other regions producing sugar.”

According to him, in areas such as Busoga and Bunyoro sub-regions, “you find people growing sugarcane everywhere because the land is not communally owned and individuals decide on their own whether to grow sugarcane. But the communal ownership disfavours this, and this is one challenge we did not foresee.”

He also said the lack of associated amenities such as roads and urban trading centres where interested labour (workers) can reside has exacerbated things.

“The road infrastructure in communities here is still poor to boost sugarcane production,” he said, adding, “Even if communities grew these canes, the road networks are still underdeveloped to ease transportation of the canes.”

 The company also lacks the infrastructure and human resources to deploy in sugarcane production. For example, Atiak Town Council or Elegu Town Council— the nearest trading centre—is 25km away from the factory, making transportation of the labour force over the distance a huge daily burden.

A fortnight ago, Ms Hersi told the media that the factory was temporarily suspending operations. According to her, the factory’s biggest problem was the lack of canes to supply the plant to produce sugar. She was, however, quick to add that the plantation would resume production once canes in Ayu-alali plantation in Palabek-kal Sub-county, Lamwo District, mature between July and August.

Sabotage galore

Ms Joyce Laker, the chairperson of Atiak Outgrowers Cooperative Society, however recently revealed that they were disappointed that Naads refused to pay their members.

During a public gathering at the factory, Ms Laker described the wildfires that swept across the plantations as deliberate sabotage. She also called for the government’s intervention after revealing that discontented cooperative members have openly threatened to continue burning down the sugar plantation until their grievances are settled.

“I will say it without shame…,” she stated. “…there are issues which the government has to come in and settle because at one point, in a meeting, some people said if these issues are not resolved, the sugarcane will continue getting burnt down.”

The longstanding dispute between the sugarcane outgrowers and the management of the sugar factory did not only delay the commencement of sugar production. Saturday Monitor also understands that the dispute has reportedly caused persistent and deliberate burning of the canes.

Ms Laker said the finger of blame can also be pointed elsewhere.

She referred specifically to the 2017 incident when Naads cut down more than 160 acres of sugarcane plantations belonging to Atiak Outgrowers and Gem-pachilo cooperative societies.

Saturday Monitor has established that the outgrowers are yet to be paid. We have also established that there are several instances of tension between the outgrowers, Horyal Investment Ltd and Naads over royalties and accumulated payments for canes cut and served to the factory.

Before President Museveni launched the factory in October 2020, the farm could not initialise sugar production for nearly eight months. This was due to the failure of the government to compensate two cooperatives for the sugarcane supplied to the factory.

Ms Grace Kwiyocwiny, the State Minister for Northern Uganda, told Saturday Monitor that roundtable talks between the leadership of the factory and the cooperative members are in the offing.

“We should protect all the little developments that are coming up in our region because all developments are supported by communities,” she said, adding, “I want to … come and meet with the leaders of the community because of the sugar [cane] that is continuously burning down.”

Earlier in March, when this newspaper visited the facility, the factory remained closed to production due to supply chain issues (shortage of cane). A perfect storm—including the pandemic, suspected arson attacks and insufficient production of canes by plantations in both Amuru and Lamwo districts—has contrived to create supply chain problems.

No respite from the east

In January 2021, Horyal Investment Ltd started sourcing its cane from the Busoga Sub-region. Sugarcane farmers in Busoga Sub-region, under the Greater Busoga Sugarcane Farmers’ Union (GBSGU), last month signed a memorandum of understanding with Atiak Sugar Factory to supply cane for six months. Under the arrangement, the government shall intervene by subsidising the transport costs and also avail fueled trucks to ferry the cane.

Inside sources have, however, told Saturday Monitor that the arrangement looks to have fallen flat on its face. The cost the investor incurred in transporting a truckload of canes is six times higher than what it paid for canes alone. A source who did not want to be named said while a truckload of canes fetched approximately Shs200,000, it costs between Shs800,000 to Shs1m to transport the consignment.

“They failed to sustain that arrangement because it was very expensive and the company realised it was sinking in losses to that effect; although the costs were being shared between the investor and Naads,” our source revealed.

Mr Michael Lakony, the Amuru District chairperson, fears that the suspension of the sugar production will destroy livelihoods in the sub-region.

“Hundreds of workers, including young men and women from the district here have been rendered jobless,” he told us in an interview, adding, “If the company wants to gain from the factory, it should get serious other than politicking.”

Mr Lakony added that because the government was allegedly not serious about streamlining the impasse and ensuring that Horyal Investments Ltd respects its terms in dealing with the outgrowers, the investor could continue grappling with suspicious fires.

“The plantations keep getting burnt because it is owned by no one and that means nobody cares, and if nobody cares, no one takes interest in taking care of it, including the neighbours because benefits in terms of payments to the out-growers are not being met,” he said.

Mechanisation drive

To address the challenge of labour deficiency and lack of funds to establish low-cost housing facilities in the factory to accommodate workers, Mr Mahmood said they are moving towards mechanising production.

“We don’t have the financing to build accommodation facilities to house thousands of workers who we would need to work on the plantation daily,” he told Saturday Monitor, adding, “Instead, we are strategising to focus on mechanising our production using the limited resources at our disposal now.”

He further revealed that they have procured a new fleet of sugarcane planters, weeders and harvesters due to arrive at the back-end of this year.

“The machines, we believe, are more efficient and can do much more work compared to human labour and that will solve the puzzle,” he noted.

Although Mr Mahmood did not disclose the source of the funding, in a separate interview, Mr Lakony—the Amuru LC5 chairperson—said the company had been granted a Shs108 billion bailout by the government for mechanising production.

“We had a meeting with the management as a district and also shareholders and the latest update is that the government has allocated Shs108 billion to the company through UDC [Uganda Development Corporation],” Mr Lakony said, adding, “The plan is to leave rudimental and turn to mechanised production. Instead of using human labour, they want to use machines.”

A fraction of the same funds will also be used to establish an irrigation system on River Unyama that cuts through the sugar plantation to help in irrigating the canes during the dry season when immature and young canes dry and die out, Mr Lakony added.

Saturday Monitor understands the Shs108 billion is the same funding thrown out by Parliament’s Budget Committee last November. This was after the investor made a supplementary budget request to finance production. The request tabled by junior Trade minister David Bahati, and backed by the UDC’s top brass, failed to convince the lawmakers, who in turn sent them away.

The MPs declined to endorse Ms Hersi’s request to the government, reasoning that there was a need for proof that her investment was making a substantial contribution to the economy. The MPs instead demanded a forensic audit into how she has spent more than Shs120 billion received from the government. Similar financial requests were made by the Atiak Sugar leadership to the 10th Parliament, but most of them were rejected, although it later emerged that they were, nevertheless, granted.

Some of the fire incidents at Atiak Sugar project

In 2016, a fire caused an estimated loss of Shs150m after it gutted 150 acres of sugarcane plantation at the factory.

In December 2018, another mysterious fire destroyed an estimated 250 acres of sugarcane at the facility.

An estimated 600 acres of sugarcane at the plantation was then burnt down in February 2019.

And in January 2021, a fire that lasted for nearly a week destroyed nearly 60 percent of the plantation after the police fire brigade fought it with little success.

Eventually, more than 600 acres of sugarcane estimated at Shs3 billion were reported to have been destroyed in the fire.

In fact, that fire in January of 2021 was the worst to ever hit the plantation. The police attributed the rapid spread of the fire to narrow fire lines that do not allow fire trucks to move in fast.

Enter January of 2022, a similar fire burnt down an estimated 3,500 acres of the sugarcane plantation.

According to Mr David Ongom Mudong, the Aswa River Region police spokesperson, the fire razed down 14 huts belonging to a Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) detachment. The soldiers, who were supposed to stand as sentinels at the plantation, watched helplessly as 250 acres were burnt down.

Background

About the factory

Atiak Sugar Factory, located at Gem Village in Pachilo Parish in Atiak Sub-county in Amuru District, is jointly owned by the Uganda and Horyal Investment Holdings Company Ltd. The latter belongs to Ms Hersi.

The factory—located 17kms north of Atiak off the Gulu-Nimule Road—is the first major investment in the region.

Lawmakers have, however, continued to question why the government’s stakes in it have remained significantly low compared to that of Horyal Investments despite the huge capital portfolio injected in the past years into the venture.

Last September, Parliament’s Committee on Trade questioned why the government—the lowest shareholder in Atiak Sugar Limited—continues to invest the most money in the factory.

The government’s shareholding in the plant has remained static at 40 percent despite an injection of more than Shs120 billion.

In May 2018, when the government injected Shs20 billion, its shareholding stood at 10 percent. In the same year, it injected another Shs45 billion—raising its shares to 32 percent.

The committee also questioned the circumstances under which Naads contracted the company to clear, plant, and harvest sugar cane valued at Shs54 billion instead of working directly with the outgrowers.

Source: Daily Monitor

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Africa’s responsible business agenda is facing challenges as more land is taken from local communities for investment, and landowners struggle to secure justice.

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By the Witness Radio team.

In Kyankwanzi District, central region of Uganda, tens of thousands of people displaced to make way for the Kikonda Forest Plantation say they are still waiting for justice more than two decades after losing their land to Global Woods Limited in 2002 to plant trees for carbon offsetting.

Recently, Witness Radio journalists visited the project-affected families. The families described the ordeal as a deep frustration and lasting pain. They said their forceful removal from their land by government authorities paved the way for the tree-planting project. This removal was never subjected to any consultation. Former landowners never consented. To date, they have no idea how the project will improve their livelihoods.

Some families living on the plantation’s edge report ongoing tensions, intimidation, and occasional violence involving workers, along with severe weather changes that have harmed food security in the area.

The project claimed to combat climate change while contributing to local development. However, it caused a drought due to monoculture trees planted by the project implementers. For many who lost their homes and livelihoods, this tells a different story. To them, Kikonda is a painful reminder of dispossession, broken promises, and a justice process that has remained out of reach for more than twenty years.

“We were removed forcefully. We have never been compensated. We have never been heard,” said Mrs. Nalubega Zulaikah, one of the leaders of the affected families, recalling years of uncertainty and marginalization and having no hope for remedies.

Their story is not the only one. In Africa, efforts to attract investment often hurt local people’s rights. Big projects in forestry, mining, farming, and construction still help the economy, but they also raise complaints about land grabbing, forced relocation, environmental harm, poor working conditions, and limited access to justice.

At the same time, governments across the continent are embracing Business and Human Rights (BHR) frameworks designed to ensure that economic development does not come at the expense of people and the environment.

National Action Plans (NAPs), multi-stakeholder consultations, human rights due diligence, and regulatory reforms are emerging across East and the Horn of Africa. These initiatives aim to ensure businesses respect human rights and provide remedies when harm occurs. Despite this progress, sectors driving economic growth remain linked to serious human rights concerns.

These contradictions dominated discussions at a regional forum on Business and Human Rights in East and the Horn of Africa, where government officials, national human rights institutions, civil society organizations, and development partners reflected on both achievements and persistent challenges.

The two-day dialogue was concluded on Thursday, the 11th. Convened by DCA and partners, the event’s theme was “Beyond Compliance: Strengthening Accountable and Rights-Centered Supply Chains in East and Horn of Africa.” The forum brought together governments (policy and regulation), businesses (implementation), civil society (advocacy and monitoring), development partners (support and funding), and human rights defenders (case reporting and advocacy).

“We still see that people continue to suffer from business-related harms, often on a large scale, with irreversible damage done to communities and the environment,” Professor Damilola Olawuyi, a member of the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, told participants, adding that, “We still also see that speaking up against business-related risks and impacts remains a very risky undertaking in many parts of Africa, particularly for human rights and environmental defenders who raise concerns about agribusiness and other investments.”

Several countries in the region have taken significant steps toward institutionalizing the principles of Business and Human Rights.

Uganda adopted its National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights in 2021 and is already undergoing a review process. Kenya was the first African country to develop such a plan and continues to review and strengthen implementation. Tanzania has completed drafting its own NAP and awaits government approval. Ethiopia is finalizing its first plan, and Djibouti has entered the implementation phase.

Officials attending the two-day forum pointed to a growing range of initiatives aimed at improving corporate accountability. These include public awareness campaigns, training government agencies and businesses on human rights obligations, developing digital complaint-reporting systems, and introducing tools to assess the human rights impacts of investment projects.

“We have created public awareness on human rights and businesses because most times we thought businesses were only for profit and had nothing to do with human rights,” said Harriet Asibazuyo, Uganda’s National Coordinator for Business and Human Rights at the Ministry of Gender, Labor, and Social Development.

But participants at the forum said these new policies are not really improving life for many local and indigenous groups who are harmed by investment projects.

Delegates from Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Djibouti listed mining, resource extraction, farming, and large building projects as industries most often linked to human rights abuses.

In Tanzania, officials highlighted extractive industries, agriculture, and infrastructure development as major drivers of displacement and other related impacts, noting that tensions continue to emerge around these sectors, particularly as growing populations place increasing pressure on land and natural resources.

“This is where we see more violations related to land dispossession, environmental degradation, and pollution. Communities are often not adequately engaged in the development of these projects. This lack of engagement results in increased human rights violations,” Jovina Muchunguzi of Tanzania’s Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance explained.

Uganda officials also reported similar concerns. According to Asibazuyo, mining communities continue to grapple with child labor, gender-based violence, environmental pollution, economic exploitation, and land-related conflicts.

“The local communities put in a lot, but the return they get is so little,” she said.

While these National Action Plans focus on Protect, Respect, and Remedy, securing justice remains very difficult in the region.

In Ethiopia, participants pointed to under-resourced institutions and weak enforcement mechanisms. There is also widespread fear among workers who seek accountability for abuses.

“More than 80 percent of workers in fields like farming, factories, and mining are women. Sexual harassment is very common. Workers are not allowed to form groups, and some lose their jobs illegally. Many are afraid that if they go to court, they will be fired,” said Hawi Asfaw, Director of the Socio-Economic Rights Department at the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

Kenya reported an increase in litigation related to land rights, environmental harm, and business-related human rights abuses, with courts increasingly serving as arenas where affected communities seek accountability.

In Uganda, communities affected by land-based investment projects often struggle to challenge companies through legal channels. They cite financial barriers, lengthy court processes, and power imbalances.

Experts at the forum called for stronger complaint procedures and easy ways to report problems. They also urged the creation of better-funded groups to investigate complaints and ensure protections are enforced.

Participants at the meeting also said it is important to stop human rights abuses before they happen, not just react to them afterward.

Human rights due diligence is a process through which businesses identify, prevent, mitigate, and address adverse human rights impacts. This emerged as a central theme throughout the discussions.

“We must identify risks before they materialize,” said Oumalkaire Atteye Wais, highlighting the importance of early intervention and prevention.

More than two decades after eviction, families affected by the Kikonda plantation are still waiting for compensation, accountability, and recognition of harm.

For many participants at the forum, this gap between policy and reality remains the defining challenge of the Business and Human Rights agenda in the region.

As governments continue to develop National Action Plans. Businesses are encouraged to conduct human rights due diligence while institutions are pledging stronger oversight. But for communities facing displacement, progress is not measured by policies or conference statements.

They measure progress by whether justice comes to pass or whether the promise of responsible business remains out of reach for those who most need it.

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Land surveyors escape mob action in Mubende over alleged illegal demarcation.

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By Witness Radio Team.

Mubende: Residents of Kisagazi Village, Kiteera Parish, Butoloogo Sub-county, Mubende District, drove away land surveyors accused of trying to illegally demarcate land boundaries without consultation or authorization.

The situation briefly turned chaotic as over 50 residents mobilized to stop the exercise, which they say lacked their consent and clear instructions. Tensions escalated when residents noticed unknown people with surveying equipment moving through the land.

Residents allege the surveyors, led by a man named Lutalo, entered the area with “questionable land documents.” These documents were reportedly from the Mubende District land office, but had not been shared with local occupants.

Emmanuel Katende, 52, of Kisagazi Village, said he has lived on the land since the 1980s and that it has sustained his family for decades.

“I have been on this land since the 1980s. I bought these five acres and have depended on them ever since,” Katende said.

He said people were surprised when the surveyors suddenly showed up and only took action after they noticed the land boundaries being marked.

“When boundary opening began unexpectedly, we stopped them because we weren’t informed,” he added.

The land in question is about 948.8 hectares. It is located on Block 48, Plot 2, and is reportedly managed by Kakulo Alpathic Kisamula Estate. It covers Kisagazi and Kawoloro villages.

Fred Mwesigwa, another resident, said villagers acted when they realized the surveyors were unknown to them.

“I saw three men moving with a measuring tape and a theodolite. When I asked what they were measuring, they said they were acting on instructions from their bosses but refused to name them,” Mwesigwa said.

He added that residents alerted local leaders as soon as concerns about transparency grew. Another resident, Kenneth Byakatonda, said a lack of clear communication heightened tensions.

“After the surveyors gave unclear answers, I called our local leaders,” he said.

Witness Radio found the surveyors were from Surve Tech Solution Ltd and were reportedly working under instructions from an individual identified as Lutalo.

A letter reportedly signed by District Staff Surveyor Mr. Birungi Albert on April 17, 2026, authorized Surve Tech Solution Ltd to demarcate boundaries in Kisagazi Village, Kiteera Parish, Butoloogo Sub-county. Despite this, residents say they were not informed beforehand.

Residents further reported that after being ordered to leave by local leaders, who serve as the community’s primary mediators in land affairs, the survey team returned later that day with Lutalo. This second attempt triggered renewed tension. Residents again angrily mobilized and chased them away.

“Despite the leaders’ earlier decision, these people seemed ready to continue. The leaders arrived and ordered them to leave, but they returned later, angering residents,” Mwesigwa added.

Police intervened and escorted the surveyors away after the standoff escalated.

Sandra Nalwanga, Chairperson of the Butoloogo Sub-county Local Council III, said she was unaware of the surveying exercise until residents phoned her. As chairperson, she oversees local governance, community issues, and land matters. She urged authorities to consult communities before starting any land-related activities.

“Early communication can help prevent misunderstandings that may lead to violence or mob action,” she said. She warned that incidents like this could endanger lives if not managed well.

When Witness Radio spoke to Lutalo Richard, the accused survey leader, he said he was acting on behalf of his friend, whom he refused to mention.

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NEMA ‘evictions’: how the process reveals NEMA’s mistakes and failures to ascertain whether people who have lived on their land in Kawaala since the 1940s are lawful occupants.

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By the Witness Radio team.

On August 24th this year, as Namala Christine turns 66, she might have been celebrating her life. Instead, she wonders what went wrong and now faces her next birthday homeless.

“I do not know why I am being punished to this extent,” she told the Witness Radio Journalist.

In 1968, at age eight, Namala joined her grandfather, Mr. Sam Walakira Musoke, on land in Kawaala Zone II, Rubaga Division. He bought it in 1955. Since then, Namala and her family have lived there. Today, NEMA classifies this land as a wetland.

Namala herself has lived on the land for more than 58 years.

On June 4th this year, the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) removed Namala from the land where she had lived for many years. When Witness Radio visited, she sat quietly on broken bricks, what was left of her home. Her face showed shock, sadness, and worry as she thought of her next step.

“As we grew up, each of us was given a portion of the land to settle on. Today, I am the eldest in the family, and I was entrusted with the responsibility of caring for our family’s land,” Namala revealed.

In my talk with her, as she remembered what happened on June 4, her voice shook, and tears came to her eyes as she spoke of how armed men tore down her house and everything the family owned.

“Everything has been destroyed; there is nothing I can show, not even household items. They didn’t allow me to remove any of my belongings from the house,” She told our team.

She now lives by chance. At night, she and other people who lost their homes sleep at the site in old clothes and bags.

“This is what my neighbors gave me. I use it as a mattress and blanket,” she said, explaining that they make a fire at night to keep warm.

After witnessing years of political and social change, Namala finds herself homeless and uncertain about the future.

“I hoped to live well up to death, but look, I don’t even know the next move. I don’t know what to do with my family,” she reveals.

Namala is among the hundreds of villagers in Kawaala Zone II who were evicted from their land.

A Witness Radio investigation found that many people forced out had lived on what is now called “a wetland by NEMA” as land users since the 1940s.

“We have people that we call Bataka (elders) in our Buganda culture. Those people lived on this land starting in the 1940s, and those are the people most of us bought land from,” Mr. Abbas Ssegujja, another resident who lost property worth millions during the evictions, told Witness Radio.

Some documents seen by Witness Radio show that those forced out had paid fees to the Buganda Land Board (BLB) since the 1940s. The families lived on Mailo land, one of Uganda’s forms of land ownership, which belonged to the Buganda Kingdom and is administered by the BLB.

According to Witness Radio’s Team Leader, Jeff Wokulira Ssebaggala, these families living in Kawaala Zone II are accepted by Ugandan law. Jeff says that when residents have real proof of land use or legal stay, government offices must check their claim before removing them.

He added that, in addition to people taking over wetlands, NEMA must also follow the rules. Otherwise, people forced out deserve to be paid for what they lost, and their houses should be rebuilt. NEMA’s committee responsible for overseeing eviction processes is expected to ensure that investigations into lawful occupation status are conducted before any eviction takes place.

“NEMA is in a better position to establish and understand the historical and social attachment of this land to the urban poor community before passing a judgment of eviction and implementing it,” Ssebaggala stressed.

Article 26 of Uganda’s Constitution (1995) gives everyone the right to own property, alone or with others, and says the government cannot take property unless it is needed for public use, and where prompt, fair, and adequate compensation is paid before the taking of possession, Article 237(8) of the Constitution protects the rights of those who legally live on Mailo, Freehold, or Leasehold land, and the Land Act, Cap. 236, also protects Ugandans like Namala.

Uganda has four land ownership types: Mailo, Freehold, Customary, and Leasehold. Mailo is split into two: private and official Mailo. In Kawaala Zone II, people have lived on official Mailo land.

In Uganda, a Kibanja holder is a tenant who uses land without an official ownership paper. The 1995 Constitution and the Land Act (Cap 236) state that Kibanja holders are legal or true tenants. This provides them with strong protection and keeps them safe from removal without a fair reason.

“The government has not clearly matched laws protecting the environment with property rights where people already live in protected places. Because there are no clear plans for moving people, environmental groups focus on restoring the land, and affected families look to property laws for help. So, even though the government has the right to repair and protect wetlands, any removal or demolition must comply with the rules, provide fair compensation, and involve those affected. If needed, they must also help people find new homes.” He added.

Notices seen by Witness Radio indicated that Namala and others were occupying a wetland. Residents had been directed to remove their structures at their own expense before the forced demolition.

NEMA’s Public Relations Officer, William Lubuulwa, told Witness Radio that the affected people are occupying a wetland. He insists that the evictions are lawful. Namala and others had lived on their land since at least the 1940s. This was long before the older NEMA Act CAP 153, which was replaced with CAP 181 in 2019, was enacted.

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