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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

Experts fault NEMA on Bugoma Forest

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Rwera-Kaseeta road through Bugoma Forest

The report also points out that 80% of Bugoma is tropical high forest and that the grasslands are sitting on hill tops, where there are frequent fires.

The Environment and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) on the conversion of part of Bugoma forest reserve is flawed, regarding its methodology and lack of public consultation, according to a report by a US environment expert.

The report containing the critique of The Proposed Kyangwali Mixed Land Use was prepared by Dr Mark Chernaik and staff scientists under the US’ Environmental Law Alliance Worldwide (ELAW), which was contacted by the Africa Institute for Energy and Governance.

The Proposed Kyangwali Mixed Land Use is under Hoima Sugar Limited’s project to turn part of Bugoma forest into a sugar plantation.

“The species of plants and animals found in the proposed project area, contained in the ESIA, is far short of detail and is inadequate in comparison to international best practices,” Chernaik said.

He pointed out that the information about biodiversity of the project relied on the vegetation types of the area, described only in reference to a publication that was produced 56 years ago.

The report states that it is inadequate to rely on a 1964 publication, about the vegetation of Uganda in general, to characterise the vegetation of a project in 2020.

The report also points out that 80% of Bugoma is tropical high forest and that the grasslands are sitting on hill tops, where there are frequent fires.

“There are grasslands which tend to be on hilltops and ridges. They are frequently burnt by fire in dry seasons,” Chernaik stated.

Birds assessment inadequate

Regarding the identity of birds and mammals within the project area, the US expert points out that the ESIA, cleared by the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), relied on field studies. However, the duration and intensity of field studies fall far short of international best practices.

“First, a four-day or five-day period is inherently inadequate to characterise bird and mammal populations of a project area, considering the large seasonal variations in animal behaviour. For example, many bird species are migratory and inhabit an area for a limited duration,” the report stated.

Sugarcane plantations close to Bugoma forest reserve

“Second, the methodology could not possibly cover the 22 squaremile extent of the project area. This is vividly presented in the ESIA report, pointing out Walked Through Areas of Interest comprise a small fraction of the project area.”

He adds: “The surveys were conducted through reconnaissance walks along routes already existent in the forests, hereafter referred to as the transects. These traversed through five general areas of the forest section of interest, with transects ranging from two to seven kilometres or just a few 100 metres. The routes are those used by members of the local community to access parts of the forest or used by herdsmen for cattle to different grazing points.”

Bugoma’s hydrological functions

“The only major river is Nkuse (Nguse) flowing along the southern boundary of Bugoma CFR, towards Lake Albert. The Kyangwali ancestral land and Bugoma CFR are poorly provided with permanent streams since most of the small ones dry up in the dry season. The only one which carries a permanent flow is Rutowa. However, Hohwa and Rwemiseke, which used to be permanent, are now seasonal.”

The ESIA frequently mentions wetlands within the project area. Regarding rivers and streams, the ESIA contains no information about the hydrological functions performed by these wetlands within the project area.

Without such information, the correct impact of the project on the environment could not be arrived at.

Climate change

The ESIA contains no information about the ecological functions of the proposed site in mitigating climate change. It also does not propose measures to enhance such functions for the purpose of ensuring long term adaptation to climate change.

The proposed project site is predominantly vegetated. As such, it mitigates the adverse impacts of climate change by taking up and storing carbon in above and below ground biomass. When cleared, such biomass results in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions.

This failure of the ESIA is compounded by the problem that sugarcane plantations have adverse impacts on the climate as sources of greenhouse gas emissions.

The US expert’s report points out that “considering climate change is an existential threat to the environment and societies, without information required by the terms of reference, stakeholders and decisionmakers are unable to rationally decide whether the proposed project is acceptable from an environmental and social standpoint”.

“Knowing that this is a water-stressed area, with the existing population already having water supply issues, it is likely to bring about conflicts when an additional workforce in thousands comes to the area,” he adds.

The expert also said no maps nor GPS co-ordinates for the project site are provided in the body of the ESIA. On the contrary, the body of the ESIA contains vague information about the location of project components.

“The proposed sugarcane plantation will be established on approximately 12-square-miles of the 22, while the remaining 10 acres will be under a natural reserve forest, planted forest, ecotourism, river and streams buffers and the planned urban centre,” Chernaik said.

Also, the Certificate of Approval of the ESIA seems to contain GPS co-ordinates of “natural forest cover for conservation and eco-tourism purposes” and “boundaries of the sugarcane plantation”.

However, being issued later in time, the Certificate of Approval of the ESIA was not a part of the assessment and, thus, any information in the Certificate of Approval was not shared with stakeholders during the ESIA process.

Poor assessment of impacts

Chernaik observed that the ESIA did not carry out a comprehensive evaluation of negative environmental and social impacts associated with project activities.

First, because the ESIA poorly characterised the existing baseline distribution of wildlife, including birds and mammals. It also lacked any data about existing baseline distribution of reptiles and pollinators.

The document is inherently incapable of comprehensive evaluation of negative impacts to wildlife.

In fact, the evaluation of negative impacts to wildlife is confined to a single sentence in ESIA.

This reads: “Loss of habitats for wildlife is another negative attribute that will arise.”

Chernaik argued that it is unreasonable to consider that the information above is a comprehensive evaluation of the negative environmental impacts to wildlife by a project that would alter the landscape of 22 square miles, adjacent to the Bugoma Central Forest Reserve.

The information contains no assessment or analysis of how the project would disturb threatened and endangered species and other keystone species that are the foundation of the biodiversity of the area.

The environment expert criticised the ESIA for not providing detailed mitigation, environmental management and monitoring plans relating to identified environmental impact of the project.

Employment

The local workers and people awarded contracts will contribute to the economy through the appropriate payment of taxes and local expenditure, according to the ESIA.

However, Chernaik points out that this statement does not quantify the number of jobs that will be created as a result of the project, as required by the terms of reference.

This, according to him, is the essential information for stakeholders and decision-makers that is missing from the ESIA.

Chernaik also noted that there will be some difficulty in accessing forestry resources neighbouring the proposed site for the mixed land use project.

“Most of these resources are being obtained from the woodland section earmarked for cane growing, hence its development will lead to total inability to access them,” he stated.

Ecotrust comments on ESIA

In a related development, the Environmental Conservation Trust of Uganda (ECOTRUST), on behalf of a group of stakeholders, said the assessment has several defects and does meet the required considerations for an ESIA.

According to the ESIA, the study is based on the National Environment Management Act, 1995, which has been repealed and replaced.

This scenario implies that the report did not cover a large proportion of what is expected by Uganda’s environmental legislation on which the ESIA is anchored.

Notably, the report is lacking in critical aspects, such as potential impact on soil characteristics, wildlife behaviour, wildlife corridors, as well as the critical environmental services of provisioning regulating, cultural and supporting services.

Reactions

On behalf of their partners, Pauline Nantongo, the director of Environmental Conservation Trust Uganda, said the critique of the ESIA for the Proposed Kyangwali Mixed Land Use was sent to NEMA’s Dr Tom Okurut.

“Your comments and conclusion are well received; I note you never saw anything positive on the requested investment,” Okurut said.

“The comments shall be matrix analysed together with input from others, then ranked to inform final decision.”

**New Vision

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

‘Food and fossil fuel production causing $5bn of environmental damage an hour’

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A farm worker ploughs fields overlooking Grangemouth petrochemical and refining plant in Scotland. Photograph: Murdo MacLeod/The Guardian

UN GEO report says ending this harm key to global transformation required ‘before collapse becomes inevitable’.

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

Britain, Netherlands withdraw $2.2 billion backing for Total-led Mozambique LNG

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LONDON, Dec 1 (Reuters) – Britain and the Netherlands are withdrawing a combined $2.2 billion in support for the TotalEnergies-led Mozambique LNG project, they said separately on Monday, after both hired firms to probe human rights concerns surrounding the development.
Britain’s government said it was rescinding its $1.15 billion backing for project after promising in 2020 a $300 million loan and insurance worth about $700 million for the $20 billion project via UK Export Finance.
The Dutch government also said on Monday Total had withdrawn a $1.1 billion export insurance request for the project.
Atradius Dutch State Business authorised $1.3 billion in export insurance via two policies, the larger of which has been rescinded at the company’s request, the Dutch finance ministry said on Monday.
TotalEnergies declined to comment. Mozambique’s government did not respond to a request for comment.

CONSTRUCTION HALTED IN 2021, BUT DUE TO RESTART

Mozambique LNG’s construction was halted in 2021 due to an Islamist insurgency. Total lifted force majeure on its development in November, but made restarting conditional on the Mozambican government’s approval of a new budget, which the president said he may dispute.
“In preparation to restart the project, UKEF was presented with a proposal to amend the financing terms it had agreed originally,” British business minister Peter Kyle said in a statement.
“My officials have evaluated the risks around the project, and it is the view of His Majesty’s Government that these risks have increased since 2020.” The interests of UK taxpayers “are best served by ending our participation in the project at this time,” he added.
Jihadist attacks have been back on the rise in Mozambique, with Total bringing in workers and equipment this year by air and sea for security reasons.

PROJECT CAN PROCEED WITHOUT UK, DUTCH FINANCING, TOTAL HAS SAID

In April TotalEnergies CEO Patrick Pouyanne told investors that project partners could move forward without UK and Dutch financing, using equity.
More than 70% of the project’s financing is secured, and about 90% of the future gas production is commercialized via contracts with buyers.
Kyle said UKEF would pay back the project for any premium paid. A UKEF spokesperson declined to name the amount.
The Dutch finance minister on Monday said TotalEnergies had asked to cancel part of its insurance via a letter dated November 24, just as an independent human rights review ordered by the ministry was being finalised.
“This means that the Netherlands will no longer be involved in financing the project,” the statement reads.
A $213 million policy insuring Dutch contractor Van Oord remains in place, a ministry spokesperson said.
TotalEnergies holds a 26.5% operating stake in Mozambique LNG. Japan’s Mitsui (8031.T), opens new tab owns 20% in the project and Mozambique state firm ENH 15%, alongside smaller stakeholders including India’s ONGS and Oil India.

CRITICISM FROM ENVIRONMENTAL, HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Human rights nonprofit ECCHR last month filed a criminal complaint against TotalEnergies, alleging it was complicit in torture and enforced disappearances allegedly carried out by government soldiers in Mozambique.
In April, UKEF hired law firm Beyond Human Rights Compliance LLP to investigate risks around Mozambique LNG following initial media reports of the alleged torture, three people interviewed by the firm told Reuters.
TotalEnergies has said those claims lack evidence.
The Dutch government said on Monday the two firms it hired to investigate — Clingendael and Pangea Risk — found the torture allegations credible, though they could not ascertain Total’s knowledge or role, if any.
A London court in 2023 dismissed a court challenge by environmental group Friends of the Earth against the British government’s funding for the project.

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS

The secretive cabal of US polluters that is rewriting the EU’s human rights and climate law

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Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven large multinational enterprises has worked to tear down the EU’s flagship human rights and climate law, the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). The mostly US-based coalition, which calls itself the Competitiveness Roundtable, has targeted all EU institutions, governments in Europe’s capitals, as well as the Trump administration and other non-EU governments to serve its own interests. With European lawmakers soon moving ahead to completely dilute the CSDDD at the expense of human rights and the climate, this research exposes the fragility of Europe’s democracy.

Key findings

  • Leaked documents reveal how a secretive alliance of eleven companies, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc., has worked under the guise of a “Competitiveness Roundtable” to get the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) either scrapped or massively diluted.
  • The companies, most of which are headquartered in the US and operate in the fossil fuel sector, aimed to “divide and conquer in the Council”, sideline “stubborn” European Commission departments, and push the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament “to side with the right-wing parties as much as possible”.
  • Chevron and ExxonMobil were in charge of mobilising pressure against the CSDDD from non-EU countries. The Roundtable companies endeavoured to get the CSDDD high on the agenda of the US-EU trade negotiations and also worked on mobilising other countries against the CSDDD, in order to disguise the US influence.
  • Roundtable companies paid the TEHA Group – a think tank – to write a research report and organise an event on EU competitiveness, which echoed the Roundtable’s position and cast doubt on the European Commission’s assessment of the economic impact of the CSDDD.

While Europeans were told that their governments were negotiating a landmark law to hold corporations accountable for human rights abuses and climate damage, a secretive alliance of US fossil fuel giants was working behind the scenes to destroy it. Collaborating under the innocent-sounding name ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’, eleven multinational enterprises have worked closely to eviscerate several EU sustainability laws, including the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). This Competitiveness Roundtable may be unknown, but its members are a who’s-who of polluting, mainly US, multinationals, including Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Dow. The group seems to have run rings around all branches of the EU and the Trump administration to get what they want: scrapping, or at least hugely diluting, the CSDDD.

 

Leaked documents  obtained by SOMO reveal how, under the pretext of the now-near-magical concept of ‘competitiveness’, these companies plotted to hijack democratically adopted EU laws and strip them of all meaningful provisions, including those on climate transition plans, civil liability, and the scope of supply chains. EU officials appear not to have known who they were up against. But the documents obtained by SOMO show a high level of organisation and strategising with a clear facilitator: Teneo, a US public relations and consultancy company.

The documents indicate that many of the companies involved wanted to stay hidden from view. After all, if it were widely known that a secretive group of mostly American fossil fuel companies like Chevron, ExxonMobil, and Koch, Inc. was working as a coordinated organisation to dilute an EU climate and human rights law, that might raise questions and serious concern among the public and the policymakers they were targeting. Many of the companies in the Roundtable have never publicly spoken  out against the CSDDD.

Big Oil’s ‘Competitiveness Roundtable’

The Competitiveness Roundtable is dominated by fossil fuel companies, including three Big Oil companies (ExxonMobil, Chevron, TotalEnergies) and three other companies with activities in the oil and gas sector (Koch, Inc., Honeywell, and Baker Hughes). Other members are Nyrstar (minerals and metals, a subsidiary of Trafigura Group); Dow, Inc. (chemicals); Enterprise Mobility (car rentals); and JPMorgan Chase (finance).

Teneo, the Roundtable’s coordinator, has a track record(opens in new window) of working with fossil fuel companies, including Chevron, Shell, and Trafigura, and was hired by the government of Azerbaijan to handle public relations(opens in new window) when it hosted the COP29 climate conference.

In February 2025, the European Commission published the Omnibus I proposal(opens in new window), which aims to “simplify” several EU sustainability laws, including the CSDDD. The documents obtained by SOMO reveal that the Roundtable companies, which have been meeting weekly since at least March 2025, worked on deep interventions within each of the three EU institutions to get the Omnibus I package to align exactly with their views. The EU institutions are expected to reach a final agreement on Omnibus I by the end of 2025.

The documents reveal that the Roundtable companies’ activities in the Parliament are far more significant than what is visible in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) Eight of the Roundtable’s lobbying meetings during the Strasbourg plenary sessions of May and June 2025, listed in the Transparency Register, show Teneo as the only attendee, thereby failing  to disclose the names of other Roundtable companies that participated in these meetings. Another three meetings the Roundtable held were not found in the EU Transparency Register(opens in new window) at all.

“Divide and conquer” the Council

In the European Council, the Roundtable plotted to “divide and conquer” EU governments to get the climate article in the CSDDD deleted. In June 2025, during the final weeks of negotiations in the Council on the Omnibus I proposal, the Roundtable discussed lobbying EU government leaders to “intervene politically” to ensure its priorities were included in the Council’s negotiation mandate. Subsequently, German Chancellor Merz and French President Macron reportedly(opens in new window) personally intervened(opens in new window) in the Council’s political process, leading to a dramatic dilution(opens in new window) of the texts(opens in new window) negotiated in the months before the intervention. Several of the changes made to the texts strongly align with the Roundtable’s demands, including delaying and substantially weakening the climate obligations, scrapping EU civil liability provisions, and limiting the responsibility of companies to take responsibility for their supply chains (the ‘Tier 1’ restriction).

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Additionally, the documents reveal that the Roundtable is still aiming to drum up a “blocking minority”  to overturn the Council’s negotiation mandate during the trilogue negotiations, which started in November 2025. By “tak[ing] advantage of the ‘weak’ Council negotiating mandate” and disagreements between EU Member States on “contentious articles”, the Competitiveness Roundtable companies hope to force the Danish Council presidency  to give up on including any form of climate obligations in the CSDDD – despite EU Member States’ agreement on this in the June 2025 Council mandate(opens in new window) .

To implement the divide-and-conquer strategy, the Roundtable assigned specific companies to “establish rapporteurships” with different EU governments. TotalEnergies would target the French, Belgian, and Danish governments, and ExxonMobil would target Germany, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Romania.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 16 May 2025.

Competitiveness Roundtable meeting document, 11 July 2025.

Circumventing “stubborn” European Commission departments

The Roundtable also discussed working on “circumvent[ing]” two “stubborn” European Commission departments involved in the Omnibus political process, DG JUST and DG FISMA,  which, in their view, were “unlikely to be willing to see our side of the story”. According to the documents, DG JUST opposed deleting the climate article and restricting the Directive’s scope to only very large enterprises. The Roundtable aimed to diminish the role of these departments by pressuring President Von der Leyen and Commissioners McGrath (DG JUST) and Albuquerque (DG FISMA) by “organising letters from Irish and German business groups” and using an event held by the European Roundtable for Industry to “target” Von der Leyen and McGrath.

Read full report: Somo.nl

Source: Somo

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