MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
A call for civil disobedience against the privatisation of peasant seeds
Published
2 years agoon

For thousands of years, communities have nurtured and taken care of the crops and seeds that sustain us. Seeds are part of human history, work and knowledge systems, and our relationship with them is a never-ending conversation of care. This mutual nurturing has given rise to specific ways of cultivating, sharing, feeding and healing that are linked to community norms, responsibilities, obligations and rights.
People’s freedom to work with seeds hinges on the responsibility of communities who defend and maintain them, who care for them and enjoy the goods they provide. And this freedom is under threat.
Today there is a strong assault on people’s seeds. It comes from the drive to regulate, standardise and privatise seeds to expand markets for corporations. This is done through plant breeders’ rights and patent laws, as well as seed certification schemes, variety registers and marketing laws. Whatever the form, it is about legalising abuse, dispossession and devastation.
Today’s attack on seeds aims to put an end to peasant and Indigenous agriculture, an end to independent food production. Where peasant food sovereignty prevails, it is difficult to turn us into cheap and dependent labour, people without territory and without history. We face a coordinated political and technocratic crusade to impose uniform and rigid laws and regulations in favour of agroindustry. There is a determined effort to discredit people’s historical practices and ancestral indigenous peasant knowledge in order to make us dependent on corporations. Communities who have resisted have faced criminalisation, repression, and even imprisonment
Whether in Africa, Asia, Europe or the Americas, communities are fighting this pressure and we are united and mobilised to actively support them.
– In Benin, social movements have stopped the national parliament from discussing a law proposal to join UPOV, the Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. UPOV sets global standards for seed privatisation in favour of transnationals like Monsanto/Bayer, Syngenta and Corteva.
– In Guatemala, Indigenous peoples are in the streets demanding that their government’s proposed bill to adopt UPOV standards be scrapped as well. They call it “the Monsanto Law” and its rejection is part of an ongoing nationwide strike.
– In El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, groups are working together to prevent the adoption of a new ruling that would open the doors to genetically modified seeds in all three countries at once.
– In Thailand, civil society organisations are fighting hard against free trade agreements that impose UPOV instead of protecting the rights of farmers and other rural communities to maintain and use their local seeds.
-In Indonesia, farmers and civil society organisations continue to reject UPOV, which is being imposed through free trade negotiations and under pressure from countries like Japan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J4pD_yZG1lc
-In the Philippines, farmers, scientists, concerned citizens and civil society organizations filed an environmental case to the Supreme Court to stop the commercial propagation of the genetically modified golden rice that is patented by Syngenta and other agrochemical corporations. Moreover, Filipino farmers are spearheading the fight for the recognition and strengthening of farmers’ rights to seeds and farmers’ seed system by forwarding seed commoning as an alternative to the UPOV-like laws in the country.
– Internationally, peasant and other social movements are also trying to get the UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP) translated into enforceable national laws.
We are determined to resist the dispossession of seeds from the hands of the people. We vigorously oppose registration, certification, patenting and marketing schemes, treaties, conventions, national and international laws and legal frameworks such as UPOV and other seed laws that promote the dispossession of the common goods and knowledge of our peoples.
We, as peoples in resistance, guardians of the seeds, will continue keeping, sharing and reproducing our seeds so our presence will germinate from our roots.
Signatories (Only organisation name displayed):
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ABSDD/Slow Food |
Burkina Faso |
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Acción Comunal |
Colombia |
|
ACDIC |
Cameroun |
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AFSA |
Africa region |
|
Switzerland |
|
|
AgriMovement |
Lebanon |
|
AIFFRS |
India |
|
AKban Mague |
Colombia |
|
Alexander von Humboldt Foundation |
USA |
|
A lo Verde Escuela de Huertos Agroecologicos |
Ecuador |
|
Alliance pour le Développement Durable et pour l’Environnement |
Côte d’Ivoire |
|
Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture |
India |
|
Amigos unidos con amor hojas de agricultura |
Colombia |
|
Anti-mining struggle committee |
India. |
|
ANAGAVEC |
Ecuador |
|
APBREBES |
Global/Switzerland |
|
Aravali Bachao |
India |
|
ARBA (Asociación para la recuperación del bosque autóctono) |
Spain |
|
Aseas |
Colombia |
|
Asoproorgànicos |
Colombia |
|
Association des Jeunes Agriculteurs de la Casamance |
Senegal |
|
Asociación de mujeres unidas por el desarrollo juanchopuquio encañada |
Peru |
|
Asociación Ecoaldea Aldeafeliz |
Colombia |
|
Asociacion Agroecologia y Fe |
Bolivia |
|
Asociación PROBIVIR |
Colombia |
|
Association pour la Défense de l’environnement et des Consommateurs (ADEC) |
Sénégal |
|
Asociación Shuar Sharup de cuidado y protección de semillas. |
Ecuador |
|
Association Sénégalaise des Producteurs de Semences Paysannes |
Senegal |
|
Association Tunisienne de Permaculture |
Tunisie |
|
Atukpamba y Red de Guardianes de Semillas de Ecuador |
Ecuador |
|
Audace Institut Afrique |
Côte d’Ivoire |
|
Bangladesh Agricultural Farm Labour Federation (BAFLF) |
Bangladesh |
|
Badabon Sangho |
Bangladesh |
|
Bendito Prashadam |
Colombia |
|
BioThai |
Thailand |
|
Biodiversity and Biosafety Association of Kenya |
Kenya |
|
Biodiversity Information Box |
Japan |
|
Biowatch South Africa |
South Africa |
|
Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU) |
India |
|
Building Futures |
USA |
|
Cabildo Indígena de la cuenca del Río Guabas |
Colombia |
|
Cámara Verde de la Amazorinoquía |
Colombia |
|
Campesinos construyendo futuro |
Colombia |
|
Caritas Diocese of Malakal (CDoM) |
South Sudan |
|
Casa de semillas El Origen |
Colombia |
|
CCPA |
Sénégal |
|
CEIP |
Colombia |
|
CENDA |
Bolivia |
|
CERAI |
Spain |
|
Chile Mejor sin TLC |
Chile |
|
Chilis on Wheels |
United States |
|
C.netzero |
DRC |
|
City Mouse Garden |
United States |
|
COAG |
Spain |
|
Coati |
Colombia |
|
Cocapeutas Cooperatica Mujeres Medicina |
Peru |
|
Colectiva de mujeres Muralistas |
Colombia |
|
Colectivo Agroecológico Del Ecuador |
Ecuador |
|
Colectivo Cultura Saravita |
Colombia |
|
Colectivo por la Autonomía / Saberes Locales |
México |
|
Colombia Humana |
Colombia |
|
Colectivo Minga de soberanía alimentaria deChia |
Colombia |
|
Colectivo Semilla Negra |
México |
|
Colectivo Xiegua |
Colombia |
|
Comité de Derechos Humanos de la Sierra Norte de Veracruz |
México |
|
Comité Ouest Africain des semences Paysannes |
West Africa |
|
Commission of Charity and Social Actions – Caritas Dalat |
Viet Nam |
|
Comunidad Moneda Luna |
Colombia |
|
Comunidad Rural de la Buitrera |
Colombia |
|
comunidad kishuar Amazanga |
Ecuador |
|
Cooperativa Huacal |
México |
|
Coordinadora Ambiental Popular de Santa Rosa de Cabal |
Colombia |
|
COPAGEN |
West Africa |
|
CORDES MAELA RENAF |
Colombia |
|
Corpalabra |
Colombia |
|
CORPONIMA |
Colombia |
|
Corporación Aluna |
Colombia |
|
Corporación Creare Social |
Colombia |
|
Corporación Compromiso |
Colombia |
|
Corporacion Frutos de Utopía |
Colombia |
|
Corporación Síntesis |
Colombia |
|
Corredor biológico Montes del aguacate costa Rica |
Costa Rica |
|
CREATE |
INDIA |
|
CSRD |
India |
|
CSFdeepinnerMusic |
Netherlands |
|
Cuatro Rumbos Para Ti |
México |
|
CULTIVISA |
Colombia |
|
Cultivo Lo Nuestro |
Colombia |
|
Custodios de Semillas Ancestrales |
Colombia |
|
Darbar Sahitya Sansada |
India |
|
DESMI, A.C. |
México |
|
Ecofeminisarte |
Colombia |
|
Ecosinergia |
Colombia |
|
EdibleBristol |
UK |
|
El Jilote, SPG |
México |
|
Enda Pronat |
Senegal |
|
ESAL |
Colombia |
|
Escuela de Líderesas del Ecuador, y mujeres por el cambio, y defensa por la salud de los pueblos |
Ecuador |
|
Evobiota Consultancy Corporation |
Philippines |
|
Extinction Rebellion València |
España |
|
FAEB / Federation Agroecologique du Benin |
BENIN |
|
FIAN Indonesia |
Indonesia |
|
Finca Carrizales |
Colombia |
|
Frente de lucha Ambiental Delia Villalba |
Uruguay |
|
Friends of the Earth Nigeria |
Nigeria |
|
Fundacion Ambiental |
Colombia |
|
Fundacion Avá |
Argentina |
|
Fundación Julia Márquez |
Colombia |
|
Fundacion Biosistemas Integrados |
Uruguay |
|
Fundación la COSMOPOLITANA |
Colombia |
|
Fundacion Luna Arte |
Colombia |
|
Fundación Runakawsai |
Ecuador |
|
Gealac |
Peru |
|
Gender Justice |
Zambia |
|
Glesi |
Netherlands |
|
Good Food Community |
Philippines |
|
GRAIN |
International |
|
Grassroots klimaatboerderij |
Belgium |
|
Grassroots Trust |
Zambia |
|
Groupe d’action Écologique pour le développement intégral |
RDC |
|
Grow Local Colorado |
United States |
|
Grupo Allpa |
Ecuador |
|
Grupo Raquira Silvestre SAS |
Colombia |
|
Grupo Semillas |
Colombia |
|
HEKS Swiss Church Cooperation |
Switzerland |
|
Humaine |
Belgique |
|
Huerta comunitaria y Jardín Polinizador Con Ojos de Amor |
Colombia |
|
Huerta Marsella |
Bogota |
|
Huertas Swa Cho |
Colombia |
|
Huerto Agroecológico Atemajac |
México |
|
Incredible Edible Lambeth |
United Kingdom |
|
Indigenous Women and Girls Initiative |
Kenya |
|
Instituto Agroecológico Latinoamericano México |
México |
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Instituto Humanitas |
Perú |
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ISRA |
Sénégal |
|
JAL Diviso |
Colombia |
|
Joint Action for Water |
India |
|
Junta de agua vereda laureles |
Colombia |
|
JVE Côte d’Ivoire |
Côte d’Ivoire |
|
Kikandwa Environmental Association |
Uganda |
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Laboratorio de Tierras |
Ecuador |
|
La Via Campesina East and Southern Africa |
Zimbabwe |
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La Tucaneta |
Colombia |
|
Lapapaya |
Colombia |
|
La Cité Idéale |
Burkina Faso |
|
La Cuica Cósmica |
Ecuador |
|
La Savia |
Colombia |
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Les amis de la Terre |
Togo |
|
Lideresa social |
Colombia |
|
Kansas interfaith Action |
USA |
|
Karnataka State Farmers Association (KRRS) |
India |
|
Malaysian Food Sovereignty Forum (FKMM) |
Malaysia |
|
MASIPAG |
Philippines |
|
Mesa Departamental de Diálogo y Concertación Agraría, Étnica y Popular de Nariño |
|
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Methods Lab |
United States |
|
MINGAnet |
Colombia |
|
Mink’a Comunicación |
Argentina |
|
Mirachik |
Ecuador |
|
Mouvement d’Action Paysanne |
Belgium |
|
Mouvement des jeunes pour l’agriculture,l’agroécologique,et Agro pastorale (M.J.A.A.P) |
R.D.Congo |
|
Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform (MONLAR) |
Sri Lanka |
|
Movimiento Agroecológico de América Latina y el Caribe-MAELA |
Colombia |
|
Movimiento Campesino de Papaye |
Haïti |
|
Movimiento pacto histórico |
Colombia |
|
Movimiento Rural Cristiano |
España |
|
Mujeres que reverdecen |
Colombia |
|
Munsenga cooperative |
Zambia |
|
National Alliance for Agroecology The Gambia |
Gambia |
|
Malawi |
|
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Ntaamba Hiinta Development Trust |
Zambia |
|
Ofraneh |
Honduras |
|
ojoVoz |
Mexico |
|
OK Seed Project |
Japan |
|
ONG YVEO |
Côte d’Ivoire |
|
Organisation des Ruraux pour une Agriculture Durable |
Benin |
|
Organización campesinos construyendo futuro (OCCF) |
Colombia |
|
Panitar Pally Unnyan Samiti |
India |
|
Paralegal Alliance Network |
Zambia |
|
Perkumpulan INISIATIF |
Indonesia |
|
Perkumpulan Kediri Bersama Rakyat (KIBAR) |
Indonesia |
|
Plataforma del País Valencià per un tren públic, social i sostenible que vertebre el territori i refrede el planeta |
Spain |
|
Primavera Zur |
Colombia |
|
Promotores ambientales del eje cafetero |
Colombia |
|
Proyecto agroecologico familiar y educativo ambiental sueño verde |
Colombia |
|
PTR Associates |
USA |
|
Punarchith |
India |
|
RADD |
Cameroun |
|
Radio Bénin |
Bénin |
|
RECHERCHE SANS FRONTIÈRES RSF |
RD Congo |
|
Red de Agricultores Urbanos Bogotá |
Colombia |
|
Red de consumo Responsable y consciente |
Colombia |
|
Red Colombiana de Agricultura Biológica de Antioquía |
Colombia |
|
Red de Custodia de Semillas Criollas y Nativas (CESTA) |
Colombia |
|
Red de foresteia análoga |
Ecuador |
|
Red de huertos agroecológicos de Cali |
Colombia |
|
Red de huertos urbanos |
Colombia |
|
Red de Resersvas / Resnatur |
Colombia |
|
Red de semillas criollas y nativas |
Uruguay |
|
Red de semillas libres de Colombia |
Colombia |
|
Red Distrital de Agricultores |
Colombia |
|
Red en defensa del Maiz |
México |
|
Red Kunagua |
Colombia |
|
Redmac |
Colombia |
|
REDMUNORCA |
Colombia |
|
Red de Pueblos Hermanos |
Colombia |
|
Red de jóvenes por la Agrobiodiversidad |
Perú |
|
Red Yuma |
Colombia |
|
Regional Schools and Colleges Permaculture |
Kenya |
|
Reservorio de Semillas Techotiva |
Colombia |
|
RESNATUR – Red de reservas |
Colombia |
|
Reseau JINUKUN |
Benin |
|
Resource Institute of Social Education |
India |
|
Salt Films |
India |
|
Sanwad |
India |
|
Save Earth Save Life Movement |
India |
|
Save Our Rice Campaign |
India |
|
Secretaria de educación de Bogotá |
Colombia |
|
Seed In A Box |
Lebanon |
|
Semillas de Nuestra Tierra |
México |
|
Semilla Nativa Colombia |
Colombia |
|
Semillas de Identidad – SWISSAID |
Colombia |
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Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia Kalbar |
Indonesia |
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SERVIHUERTA |
Colombia |
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Siyada network |
Arab région |
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Société civile environnementale et agro-rurale du Congo |
RDC |
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Sociedad libre y Neocampesina |
Colombia |
|
Soil if Cultures |
New Zealand |
|
South India Coordination Committee of Farmers Movements |
India |
|
SSN |
England |
|
Zambia and Africa |
|
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Sukrutham |
India |
|
Synergie Nationale des Paysans et Riverains du Cameroun |
Cameroun |
|
Tanzania Alliance for Biodiversity |
Tanzania |
|
Tamizhaga Vivasayigal Sangam |
India |
|
The Ecocene Project |
India |
|
The Failing Farmer |
Tunisia |
|
The Hummingbird Foundation |
Kenya |
|
The Sixth Element School |
India |
|
The Utopian Seed Project |
USA |
|
Tierra Fertil |
Colombia |
|
Tinto to go |
Colombia |
|
Tlalixpan, sobre la faz de la tierra |
México |
|
Unillanos |
Colombia |
|
Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca |
México |
|
Union Démocratique de l’Agriculture |
Maroc |
|
Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca |
México |
|
Unión nacional de organizaciones regionales campesinas autónomas (UNORCA) |
Mexico |
|
Union Régionale des Associations Paysannes de DIOURBEL URAPD |
Senegal |
|
Uruguay Soberano |
Uruguay |
|
Waia Reserva Sagrada |
Colombia |
|
We Are the Solution |
Senegal |
|
West africa sea turtles conservation network |
Côte d’Ivoire |
|
WFDFFM |
Indonesia |
|
Wild Webcap |
Australia |
|
Women’s Alliance MN |
United States |
|
WMW/ATPA |
Tunisie |
|
xermoladas |
Spain |
|
Youth talk |
RDC |
|
Yuva Kaushal Vikas Mandal |
India |
|
Zambian Alliance for Agroecology and Biodiversity |
Zambia |
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Global Peasant Movement calls for action against escalating land grabs and repression.
Published
1 week agoon
April 1, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
For more than eight years, the landscape of Kiryandongo district in western Uganda has undergone significant changes, shifting from being occupied by local farmers to a violent takeover by multinational companies.
What used to be small farms, homesteads, and community life is now dominated by endless stretches of sugarcane and grain plantations, disrupting local economies and social bonds. Families who once cultivated food and built futures now face displacement, dispossession, and uncertainty about their livelihoods and community cohesion.
“They found us living in peace. Now everything is broken: families, dreams, livelihoods. investors forcibly took away our land.” Benon Beryaija told Witness Radio, recalling the past.
Despite displacement, criminalization, and fear, some land defenders remain steadfast, inspiring the audience to value resilience and collective resistance.
Benon Beryaija, the chairperson of the Kiryandongo land eviction victims, is at the center of the resistance and continues to organize locals despite threats, arrests, and violence.
“The bigger group left, but we remain resolute. “We are defending what belongs to us; our land that was grabbed by multinationals. It is a very hard fight, and it is threatening my life. I have been arrested and tortured for defending my people.”
His experience reflects a broader pattern across Uganda and beyond, where land and environmental defenders increasingly face intimidation, legal harassment, and violence.
The situation in Kiryandongo mirrors a growing global crisis. A global coalition of small-scale farmers and rural movements has issued a strong call for international mobilization against land dispossession, state repression, and what it describes as a growing “neocolonial offensive” targeting rural communities worldwide.
In a statement released ahead of the International Day of Peasant Struggles on April 17, La Via Campesina warned that agribusiness expansion, militarisation, and restrictive trade policies are accelerating land grabs and undermining food sovereignty across continents.
Founded in 1993, La Via Campesina brings together millions of peasants, landless workers, Indigenous peoples, pastoralists, fishers, migrant farmworkers, and rural women and youth, all of whom advocate for food sovereignty and peasant agriculture.
The annual commemoration marks 30 years since the Eldorado do Carajás Massacre in Brazil, where military police killed 21 landless workers during a protest for agrarian reform. The movement says the anniversary is a reminder of “ongoing violence in our territories” and the continued impunity for crimes against land defenders.
Peasant movements warn that land grabbing is being accelerated by agribusiness expansion, extractive industries, and global financial interests often backed by foreign capital and state support.
“They do not come to restore democracy,” the statement reads. “They come to steal the land we cultivate,” accusing multinational corporations and governments of turning land and ecosystems into “speculative assets.”
Recent findings from the Food and Agriculture Organization, in collaboration with the International Land Coalition and CIRAD, reinforce these concerns. Their “Status of Land Tenure and Governance” report estimates that more than 1.1 billion people, about 23 percent of the global adult population, live under constant fear of losing their land or homes within the next five years.
The report identifies commercial pressures as a major driver of land insecurity, echoing concerns raised by peasant movements.
The statement also criticizes global trade systems, particularly agreements negotiated under the World Trade Organization, arguing that they favor multinational corporations at the expense of smallholder farmers.
La Via Campesina has called for agriculture to be removed entirely from WTO frameworks, saying free trade agreements undermine national sovereignty and expose local producers to unfair competition.
“We WARN that the capitalist and neocolonial offensive is not limited to direct violence: neoliberal trade policies are also deadly for rural life. Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), such as Mercosur’s with the European Union and others, are instruments of submission that dismantle national sovereignty to favor transnationals. We reject treating food as a commodity and trade as a weapon; we demand that tariffs be legitimate tools to protect small producers from dumping, not levers of geopolitical coercion wielded by empire.” The statement adds.
Beyond economic pressure, the group reveals what it calls the systematic criminalization of those defending land, water, and natural resources. Across Latin America, Africa, and Asia, activists are increasingly labeled as “terrorists,” arrested, or subjected to prolonged legal battles.
“The capitalist and colonial system that represses and dispossesses our peoples continues unabated to this day, enabling land grabbing, protecting the elites, and criminalizing those who fight for the land through laws and selective judicial processes and other forms of persecution.” The statement from the group mentioned
This trend is evident in many countries, including Uganda, where communities resisting land-based investments, including infrastructure, oil, and plantation projects, have faced arrests, intimidation, and shrinking civic space.
As April 17 approaches, La Via Campesina is calling for coordinated global action from protests and community dialogues to solidarity campaigns.
It is also urging governments to implement international frameworks such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to protect land rights and food sovereignty.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
U.S. Peace Efforts in the DRC: Protecting Communities or Minerals?
Published
1 week agoon
March 31, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
A three-decade conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has affected millions of people. Some have been violently shot at and killed, while others have been dispossessed from what they called their homes, with many currently placed in Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs).
A 2025 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons to the DRC revealed that Armed conflict, accompanied by natural resource governance challenges, has collectively driven over 7 million internally displaced people from their homes, placing the DRC among the top five countries globally in terms of the number of internally displaced persons.
The conflict in the DRC dates back to the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, often driven by control over mineral-rich areas, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict. This triggered the First Congo War (1996-1997) and subsequent wars that have devastated the region. Since 1996, reports estimate that the conflicts in eastern Congo, fueled by competition over resources like coltan and cobalt, have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people.
Authorities in the DRC, along with numerous United Nations reports, have for so long accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebel group, allegations that Rwanda has denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.
Different reports and analysts attribute the unending conflict to mineral resources and, perhaps, land grabbing. In an effort to end the conflict that had lasted over 30 years, the US brokered agreements between the DRC and Rwanda in June 2025, later reinforced by the Washington Accords. These agreements are intended to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.
However, beyond the language of peace and cooperation, civil society groups and observers have raised concerns about who truly benefits from these agreements-whether local communities, foreign corporations, or political elites-and how these benefits impact human rights and resource control.
They argue that much of the content reflects ‘peace for minerals,’ underscoring the need for the audience to recognize the importance of human rights protections in resource exploitation and conflict resolution.
“There’s nothing in the deal about accountability, about justice, about holding the perpetrators of the violence and the conflict accountable. It’s all about business and money. This looks like awarding players like Rwanda, who have been accused of supporting M23 in committing atrocities in the DRC,” Oakland Institute’s Policy Director Frederic Mousseau told Witness Radio journalist, in an exclusive interview.
The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and enables collaboration on regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the US to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.
While Washington frames its role as a mediator, critics argue that the structure of these deals reveals a deeper pattern: US geopolitical and economic interests, especially access to strategic minerals like cobalt and coltan, often take precedence over genuine peacebuilding efforts, reflecting broader regional and international power plays that prioritize resource control over local stability.
A familiar pattern in US foreign policy.
In 2003, the US, under President George W. Bush, led the 2003 Iraq War, citing the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the need to promote democracy in Iraq. These claims were never substantiated.
But war Critics maintained that there were other motives behind the decision of the US government to invade Iraq aside from promoting peace and democracy, claiming the invasion was motivated largely by oil-related benefits to the US, including its interest in gaining control of the oil reserves in Iraq. This was confirmed by some US officials.
In a 2013 article by CNN, some military officials attested that oil was the central goal of the US-Iraq invasion. “Of course, it’s about oil; we can’t really deny that,” Gen. John Abizaid, former head of US Central Command and Military Operations in Iraq, was quoted in an article, which also quotes several other officials.
Today, Iraq remains deeply affected by the consequences of that intervention, even as global powers continue to benefit from its vast oil reserves. In contrast, many of its citizens continue to endure the resulting hardships.
The DRC: a global mineral powerhouse.
The DRC possesses some of the world’s most important minerals for contemporary industry, yet these resources have not translated into development or improved livelihoods for its citizens. Instead, ongoing conflict and resource exploitation have often marginalized local communities, exacerbating human rights abuses and economic disparities.
According to the International Trade Administration, DRC holds some of the World’s largest reserves of cobalt (about 50–70 percent of global supply), copper, coltan, lithium, and gold, which makes it a strategic epicenter in the global race for critical minerals. These resources are indispensable for electric vehicles, renewable energy technologies, and defense and aerospace industries.
The Washington Accords are a reward for an aggressor.
Questions remain about the intentions behind the US-brokered deal, particularly given its history of resource interests, its failure to ensure parties adhere to previous agreements, and ongoing concerns over Rwanda’s continued impunity.
“The peace agreement signed in June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC under the auspices of the Trump administration raises serious concerns about whom it truly serves.” Oakland Institute’s featured report mentions, adding that the deal, “Rather than securing lasting peace for the Congolese people, it appears poised to benefit corporate and financial interests eager to access the country’s vast mineral wealth.”
Most mineral-rich areas are currently under the control of the M23 rebel group, including Rubaya, home to the largest coltan mine in the Great Lakes region. A 2024 report by a UN group of experts on the DRC stated that the AFC/M23 established a parallel administration that controlled mining activities, trade, transport, and the fraudulent taxation of minerals, which were then exported to Rwanda.
Rwanda has been a major exporter of tantalum (metallic ore derived from coltan) to the US over the last ten years, accounting for over 54% of US ore imports in certain years. A significant portion of this coltan, according to reports, was trafficked from the eastern DRC, and the problem has worsened since the M23 seized control of the Rubaya coltan mines in April 2024.
“Rwanda’s role as a refinery and export hub is of particular strategic interest to the United States, especially for securing reliable supplies of 3T minerals—tin, tantalum, and tungsten— critical to the US military-industrial complex.” Adds Mousseau.
Additionally, between 2017 and 2024, Rwanda’s mineral exports increased by nearly 500 percent –from US$373 million to US$1.75 billion – with gold the main export commodity, representing US$1.5 billion in 2024.
“The deal granted Rwanda privileged access to Congolese resources and a key role in their refining and reexport, especially for coltan and tungsten – a reward for an aggressor who has made hundreds of millions of dollars from the plundering of Congolese minerals. This impunity and injustice can’t bring peace to Congo,” added Mousseau.
In late 2025, Trinity Metals, Rwanda’s largest producer of “conflict-free” tungsten, initiated a historic direct supply chain of tungsten concentrate (WO3) to the United States with support from the US Development Finance Corporation (DFC) funds through its UK holding.
“DFC has financed Trinity Metals, and it started exporting tungsten to the US last year. And in October, there was a first shipment from this company to the US of tungsten, a critical mineral for the defense industry. Interestingly, the DFC doesn’t finance Trinity Metals directly, but through its holding company, the UK-based TechMEX, for a tune of $105 million.” Mousseau reveals.
Missing accountability for harm
With this evidence of mineral collaboration, and Rwanda being accused of exploiting minerals in the DRC, critics argue that the deal may actually create more room for exploitation rather than contribute to ending the war.
According to the MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, what the Rwandan Army is perpetrating in the DRC amounts to a crime against humanity and deserves to be held accountable rather than being rewarded to take control of DRC resources. “It’s not a normal war, of one army against another. It’s a terrorist campaign by those who invaded the DRC and took over the government. They are attempting to make people too scared to fight back.”
She further added, “They are being rewarded with exactly what they tried to seize through armed conflict. They took it by force, and now there is an agreement that effectively legalizes and normalizes the ongoing theft and the pillaging of the minerals from the DRC into Rwanda,” Dr. Deborah S Rogers told Witness Radio.
She explains that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups. In contrast, others were forced into hiding, resulting in widespread dispossession.
“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out. Residents face torture, killings, and sexual violence, making it impossible to live there safely. Many are internally displaced, while others flee to neighboring countries as refugees,” Dr. Deborah highlighted.
As Congolese seek safety, Rwandan settlers, according to Dr. Deborah, are moving into these farms and homes. “When people do return after violence has decreased temporarily in their home regions, they discover that Rwandese have taken over their lands and homes.”
Instead of addressing these serious concerns, civil society groups and experts allege that the Trump-brokered agreements focus primarily on Congolese minerals.
“The main agreements brokered by President Trump and his administration do not provide any reparations or compensation,” Frederic Mousseau revealed.
The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded some 600 summary executions, claiming more than 1,300 lives in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since October 2025.
“Nearly 1,500 people were abducted during the same period, and 1,200 others were subjected to physical violence, including torture, rape, and other inhumane treatment. The persistent use of sexual violence as a weapon of war inflicts unspeakable suffering on Congolese women and girls. Since October, our office has documented some 450 victims of sexual and gender-based violence,” said Nada Al-Nashif, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, on Wednesday, March 25.
Amid rising violent tensions, the Congolese population is being hit hardest, while the peace deals are showing no effort to provide redress. Beyond the continued violence, hunger is also spreading.
“The conflict is expanding beyond North and South Kivu into Tshopo Province, which lies far from the epicenter of the fighting,” revealed Vivian van de Perre, interim head of MONUSCO, adding that approximately 26.6 million people, about a quarter of the country’s population, face hunger as a direct result of the conflict.
While the Washington Accords are presented as a pathway to peace, they risk entrenching exploitation and rewarding those who have profited from violence. Lasting stability in the DRC will only be possible when justice, accountability, and the protection of local communities are prioritized over geopolitical and corporate interests.
Related posts:

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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Breaking: Land-related cases increase by 67% in Uganda – Police report reveals.
Published
1 week agoon
March 31, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
Kampala, Uganda; Land fraud cases in Uganda rose sharply in 2025, highlighting growing concerns over land governance and access to justice.
According to the 2025 Annual Crime Report (ACR), 663 land fraud cases were reported, underscoring systemic issues like weak enforcement and corruption that hinder land governance and access to justice.
The report further reveals significant gaps in the handling of these cases. Of the 663 reported incidents, 398 remain under investigation, raising concerns about delays in the process. Police submitted 333 cases to the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) for legal guidance.
However, 145 complainants were advised to seek civil redress, while only 74 cases have been taken to court so far.
The police report states that the most common offences related to land fraud in Uganda include fraudulent procurement of certificates of title, obtaining registration by false pretenses, criminal trespass, forgery, and obtaining money by false pretenses.
The rise in land fraud cases comes amid increasing pressure on land across Uganda for development, as disputes over ownership, documentation, and access continue to intensify.
The Annual Crime Report also shows that police recorded 196,405 criminal cases across the country in 2025, with land-related offences rising sharply.
Experts have long identified systemic challenges in land administration systems, such as weak enforcement, corruption, and power imbalances, which should concern land officials and policymakers as they hinder justice and fuel land conflicts.
The low number of cases reaching court, compared to those reported, highlights significant barriers to justice, raising concerns about whether land victims can effectively seek redress and the overall effectiveness of criminal investigations into land-related offences. This situation underscores the need to protect vulnerable landowners and communities.
Commenting on the report, Jeff Wokulira Ssebaggala, Witness Radio’s Team Leader, said the findings on land-related cases are a stark reminder of the urgency to strengthen and facilitate justice systems that investigate and prosecute land-related criminal cases to protect poor communities’ land from forced land evictions.
“The rising number of land fraud cases calls for urgent initiatives, including strengthening land registration systems, improving investigations, and promoting equitable land ownership, access, and use for the poor, and most importantly, promoting access to justice for local communities.
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