MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Monoculture tree plantations are a false climate solution
Published
5 years agoon

Yesterday was the 16th International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations. In 2004, rural communities in Brazil declared the day to commemorate the resistance against the expansion of monoculture tree plantations in Brazil. Through solidarity statements and actions around the world the day has evolved to become an International Day of Struggle.
This year, a group of organisations from African countries, together with the World Rainforest Movement, has issued an open letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the global South, particularly in Africa.
The letter is a response and critique of a June 2019 report titled, “Towards Large-Scale Commercial Investment in African Forestry”. The report was prepared by an outfit called Acacia Sustainable Business Advisors, which was set up by Martin Poulsen, a development banker. One of his co-authors for the study was Mads Asprem, the ex-CEO of Green Resources, a Norwegian industrial tree plantation and carbon offsets company. Green Resources’ land grabs in Mozambique, Tanzania, and Uganda have resulted in loss of land, evictions, loss of livelihoods and increased hunger for local communities.
The study was produced for the African Development Bank and WWF Kenya, with funding from the World Bank’s Climate Investment Funds.
The Open Letter (signed by 117 organisations and people) is posted here in full:
International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations
Open Letter about investments in monoculture tree plantations in the global South, especially in Africa, and in solidarity with communities resisting the occupation of their territories.
September 21st is the International Day of Struggle against Monoculture Tree Plantations. Unlike others, this Day was not created by the United Nations (UN) or by governments. The Day was created in 2004 by rural communities, gathered in the Brazilian hinterland, to denounce and shed light on the impacts of monoculture tree plantations on their territories, and affirm their determination to resist such plantations and take back their territories from the hands of corporations.
16 years later, the Day remains as relevant as ever: there is a real danger of a gigantic, worldwide expansion of monoculture tree plantation. This is promoted as a solution to prevent climate chaos and to the industrialized world’s dependence on oil, gas and coal. A group of governments, corporations, consultants, investors and major conservationist NGOs have come together to put their mega-plans[1] for tree plantation expansions on the table.
Although highly questioned, a forest as defined by the FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) and several national governments mistakenly includes monoculture tree plantations. In their eyes, plantations are “planted forests”. This definition favours only the plantation corporations, thus guaranteeing their main objective: generating profits.
Africa is the continent with “the most profitable afforestation potential worldwide”, according to a report produced in 2019 by consultants for the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the conservationist NGO WWF-Kenya. “The study has identified around 500,000 ha of viable plantation land in ten countries: Angola, Republic of Congo, Ghana, Mozambique, Malawi, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.” The study proposes the speedy creation of a Fund, headquartered in a tax haven (Mauritius), to finance the planting of the first 100,000 hectares of trees.
In order for these plantations to generate profits for private investors, the study claims that aid will be necessary from European public international cooperation agencies, i.e., taxpayers’ money from Northern European countries, namely, Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, the United Kingdom and The Netherlands, as well as from the World Bank via the International Finance Corporation (IFC), which makes loans to private companies.
The study and its recommendations leave us perplexed and indignant, given the false assumptions and inconsistencies on which it is based (see Annex I for a more detailed description). Below, we present a summary of our main criticism.
The study repeats the same treacherous and false promises that corporations and their advocates always make. It states that plantations improve communities’ living conditions, create jobs, improve the soil and the quality and quantity of water. The corporations’ ‘social’ projects would be attractive to the communities. However, plantations lead to a large number of violations of rights, create very few poorly-paid and dangerous jobs, destroy forests and savannas, degrade soils, contaminate and dry up water sources and destroy communities’ way of life. With the plantations, guards arrive who will restrict communities’ freedom of movement; cases of abuse, sexual violence against women and HIV/AIDS infections increase in number. The promise of ‘social’ projects, often not fulfilled, is the main bargaining chip for corporations to gain access to communities’ lands.
The study refers to land conflicts only as “challenges” and the proposed solution is to “follow FSC and other best practises”. Firstly, the 500,000 hectares that the study suggests corporations should plant as monoculture tree plantations are not abandoned or degraded lands. Corporations always want fertile lands, usually flat and with availability of water – in other words, lands that tend to be used by communities. By recommending the FSC, the study ignores ample documentation that proves that the FSC does not solve plantations’ structural problems, and land conflicts even less. The FSC deceives consumers by considering the model of large-scale monoculture plantations “sustainable”, for it always leads to large tracts of land being controlled by corporations and to the intensive use of agro-chemicals and synthetic fertilizers. So far, compensation for the populations that have lost their lands and means of subsistence has always been derisory or inexistent. Meanwhile, the social, environmental, economic and cultural damage caused by monoculture tree plantations in rural areas of African countries has never been compensated by corporations. There exists no way to calculate the damage and much of the harm done is irreparable.
The study references a World Bank/IFC project in Mozambique, stressing that “one important element of the IFC approach will be to define and register land rights”. In fact, the World Bank, as well as financing plantations, has a policy of encouraging governments in countries of the South to speed up the granting of individual deeds and, therefore, the privatization of land, in an attempt to prevent its collective recognition as community land. The World Bank has been promoting the handing over of community lands to private capital all over the world. It is important to highlight the fact that in recent years, the government of Mozambique has put in place a number of reforms in the forestry sector. These include a review of the Forestry Policy and its Implementation Strategy and, very recently, a public consultation process with a view to also reviewing the National Land Policy. In all of these processes the World Bank is the common denominator in terms of promotion and financial “support”. This review is taking place under the pretext of improving transparency and efficacy in land management and policies, and will inevitably force an alteration of the Land Law and respective Regulation, thus legitimizing the occupation of community lands which provide living conditions for communities and peoples.
The study states that the tree plantations would be “a stable, long-term carbon sink”, and result in “substantial adaptation benefits” vis-à-vis climate change at the local level. By stating this, the study ignores a growing body of scientific work showing that monoculture tree plantations are a false climate solution. The experiences of communities all over the world with monoculture tree plantations show that they create a local environment even less prepared for responding to the ever more perceptible impacts of climate change.
The study states that “Global oil and industrial companies” want to “become part of the solution rather than a major part of the problem. They are beginning to see the potential of forestry investments.” Oil and gas companies are an integral part of the climate crisis, regardless of such proclamations. They have not shown any interest in solving it; on the contrary, they intend to invest first and foremost in false solutions – after all, profits are above all else.
Other false statements include: “the world will need the type of intensive afforestation (…) that the Brazilian forestry industry is implementing”; and that Brazil’s neighbour, Uruguay, is “the world’s most recently developed forestry country”. The truth is that the Brazilian experience with industrial tree plantations over the course of the last few decades has led to numerous land conflicts and environmental degradation. Municipalities with the highest concentrations of plantations are among the poorest, compared with those with diversified agriculture based on smallholders. In Uruguay, the same negative impacts occur. Rural areas have seen a massive exodus of people, with the rural population reduced by half. Furthermore, citizens of Uruguay have taken on an enormous debt, owing to a recent contract between its government and Finnish multinational UPM. According to this contract, the government agreed to carry out multi-million dollar infrastructure works to service UPM and the export plans of its second pulp factory.
The study also states that “The main barrier to successful investments in African greenfield planting is low historic returns. New planting by private companies has ground to a halt in recent years.” This not only reveals that profits are what really matters to private investors, but also that the authors of the study deliberately ignore the main reason why the expansion of industrial plantations has been impeded in various African countries: the resistance of communities against such monoculture plantations.
The study also seeks to attract investors, suggesting “the possibility of planting [trees] at significantly lower costs (…), more or less half of 10 years ago (…)”. Promising companies that they will have to spend less means that the weight of the industrial plantation projects from the proposed fund will fall even more upon already indebted African countries and, consequently, on their populations, particularly rural communities that run the risk of losing their most fertile lands.
It is important to stress that a “conservationist” NGO is a co-producer of this study that promotes investments that will benefit first and foremost private companies. The study itself reveals how NGOs like WWF should no longer be considered NGOs since they function and act as the ‘right hand of the plantation industry’.
The report refers to a non-public version of the study which has not been disclosed to the public as far as we are aware. The report also notes that “(…) there is a clear coalition of DFIs [development finance institutions] interested in further discussion on this topic [creation of the Fund], including: CDC [United Kingdom], Finnfund [Finland], IFC [World Bank], NDF [Nordic countries: Finland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland] and FMO [The Netherlands]”. This demonstrates that decisions about investments are being made without the participation of the communities and other civil society organizations and social movements from the regions in question, i.e., the parties most affected. How can it still be acceptable in the 21st century that public international cooperation agencies use money from their taxpayers in this way? Hiding their decisions from their own citizens and from the populations that will be affected? When plantation corporations and their investors, after everything has been decided, state that they are applying the principle of communities’ “free, prior and informed consent”, does this merit any credibility?
We demand that the non-public version of this study be published immediately by the AfdB and WWF-Kenya, so that its content may be known to the communities and organized civil society in the countries where they intend to implement their plans.
We reiterate our indignation with regard to the channelling of public resources towards private investments, through tax havens, to be invested in highly damaging activities, such as large-scale monoculture plantations.
We further demand a wide-ranging review of the process of allocation of land to plantation corporations, ensuring the return of land to the communities that depend on this land, today and in the future. In Mozambique, for example, peasant agriculture constitutes the main guarantee of subsistence for more than 80% of the population, and the land is the only thing to which communities can resort to ensure food safety and sovereignty.
We reiterate our solidarity on this September 21st with the legitimate and just struggles of communities around the world that resist the advance of plantations and strive to take back their lost lands. They must be remembered and made visible every day. And they will certainly resist this new and insane expansion plan proposed in the AfDB and WWF-Kenya study and commented on in this Open Letter.
We appeal to the solidarity and unity, so that together we may demand the immediate abandonment of any and every afforestation programme based on large-scale monoculture plantation.
The Struggle Continues!
Plantations Are Not Forests!
Signed by:
- ADECRU (Mozambique)
- Justiça Ambiental (Mozambique)
- Missão Tabita (Mozambique)
- SUHODE Foundation (Tanzania)
- WRM (International)
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Bridging the access to justice gap: Witness Radio trains paralegals ahead of Uganda’s general election.
Published
3 days agoon
May 29, 2025
By Witness Radio team.
Kiryandongo, Uganda—Communities across Uganda are currently in the midst of a pressing and severe crisis due to the impacts of land-based investments. These include forced evictions, lack of consultation, and concealed project information. These injustices persist due to a widespread lack of legal awareness and limited access to justice among affected communities.
As Uganda enters the general election period, more farming communities’ land will continue to be forcibly taken from them by multinationals and individual investors, and the number of community land rights and environmental defenders will likely increase. This is because citizen’s liberty is at stake during electoral periods and all justice institutions quite often prioritize electoral justice during this period. Besides, perpetrators of forceful land evictions may use merits of electoral violence to criminalize land and environmental rights defenders in order to silence their activism. Community land rights and environmental defenders work to protect the rights of communities to their land and natural resources. Witness Radio has documented and provided legal representation to dozens of them whose work has been criminalized by wealthy individuals and multinationals.
“We are often evicted from our land without prior consultation, compensation, or meaningful resettlement,” said Benon Beryaija, a community representative from Kiryandongo district. “The evictors tell us they have ultimate power over our land and that we have no right to resist. These evictions happen without following the law.”
Beryaija is among the thousands of people in Kiryandongo whose land was grabbed by a group of multinationals without compensation or resettlement. According to Witness Radio, Agilis Partners Limited is among the multinational companies alongside Kiryandongo Sugar Limited and Great Seasons SMC Limited that have forcibly displaced over 35,000 people to pave the way for large-scale agricultural operations since 2017.
“But all this violence continues because we are ignorant about the law,” Beryaija added. “We don’t know what to do, what to ask for, or how to demand accountability. The companies use this gap to take advantage.”
To address this critical gap in legal knowledge, Witness Radio Uganda, in collaboration with the European Union, Dan Church Aid (DCA), and the National Coalition for Human Rights Defenders in Uganda (NCHRD-U), conducted the first-ever paralegal training for selected community activists against irresponsible Land-Based Investments (LBIs) and Land and Environmental Defenders (LEDs) in the Midwestern Subregion of Uganda. This initiative aims to equip grassroots defenders with basic legal tools to resist human rights violations and abuses as well as land injustices and environmental destruction and to advocate for their communities, instilling a sense of empowerment and hope.
“Community defenders are at the forefront of the fight for land rights and environmental justice and should provide that first-hand legal support, but they often lack the tools to engage with legal systems or resolve disputes effectively. We are currently emphasizing the importance of equipping communities with legal knowledge on land and environmental rights, a clear understanding of what to do when a defender is arbitrarily arrested and detained or disappears, what to do when an investor comes to communities’ land, how to effectively to document human rights violations/abuse, and practical ways to speak to power and hold perpetrators to account for their deeds,” said Mrs. Bulyerali Joan, Witness Radio’s Head of Community Empowerment.
The three-day training, held last week from May 19th to 21st in Uganda’s mid-western region, brought together 20 participants from eviction-prone districts, including Kiryandongo, Hoima, Masindi, Kibale, Kagadi, and Buliisa. This training, which covered key topics, was a significant step in the fight against land evictions, as highlighted in a 2024 Witness Radio report on land evictions. The report, based on extensive research and interviews with affected communities, revealed the alarming rate of land evictions and the urgent need for legal empowerment among these communities.
The training covered key topics, including understanding the criminal justice system and how it operates, how to represent others and oneself in interactions with the police or in court, understanding land and environmental rights, documenting violations, legal processes for seeking redress, community mediation techniques, and how to demand accountability from perpetrators.
“Our goal is to empower them with the legal knowledge necessary to act as first responders in their communities, especially during this upcoming general election, to stop arbitrary arrests and detention, empower communities to push back illegal land evictions, and guide others even without the immediate presence of lawyers or our organization.” Ms. Buryelari added, underlining the crucial role of the paralegals in the upcoming elections.
Oyungi Jovia, one of the Land and Environmental Defenders (LEDs) who participated in the training, described it as impactful and an eye-opener, particularly in addressing pressing community concerns and understanding their role in mitigating harm. The training has not only equipped her with the necessary legal knowledge but also boosted her confidence in supporting those who seek her help.
“We didn’t know the legal processes to follow. Now we know where to start, what documents are required, and how to collect and present evidence in land-related cases,” she shared. “I have learned how to guide community members in legal matters, and now more confident in my ability to support those who come to me for help.”
Before the training, Jovia admitted that she and others often struggled to respond to community concerns due to their limited understanding of the law. “People would come to us for advice, but we barely knew what to tell them. This training has changed everything.” She added.
As land-based conflicts continue to rise in Uganda, particularly in regions targeted by large-scale agribusiness projects, Witness Radio’s paralegal initiative represents a significant step toward community-led access to justice and legal empowerment.
“We are building a network of informed grassroots leaders,” Mrs. Bulyerali emphasized, “who can defend their peers, community land rights, document violations, and help others seek justice, even in the absence of Witness Radio.”
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Ugandan Communities Say Total’s Oil Project Is More of a Land Grab than a Development Opportunity
Published
3 days agoon
May 29, 2025
Fred Balikenda and his family were forcefully evicted from their home in Kirama village, Buliisa district on May 13, 2024 to make way for the Tilenga project. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.
When Jealousy Mugisa Mulimba, a 52-year-old father of nine in Uganda’s oil-rich Buliisa district, was informed he would need to move his family from his ancestral home because French oil giant TotalEnergies needed his three acres to build their central processing facility in the region, he was reasonable. He didn’t put up a fight. Instead, he asked that the company give him three acres nearby; somewhere out of the way of the facility, but still near the place he’d always called home, the health facilities he and his family rely upon, and his kids’ schools.
He was instead shown land far away, isolated and distant from everything and everyone he’d ever known. After a five-year legal battle, a Ugandan court expropriated his land anyway in 2023, along with that of 41 other affected people.
“They are inhuman,” he said during a recent interview. “This is my land on which my ancestors are buried. I will not just leave like they want, I will continue fighting.”
Together with other affected people, Mr. Mulimba plans to appeal the decision of the Hoima court in Uganda’s high court.

A resettlement house built by TotalEnergies for project affected persons PAPS . Some PAPs have expressed concerns that these houses are isolated compared to the communal settings they were accustomed to. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.
Although the Ugandan government promises that oil projects will lift the country out of poverty and put Uganda’s natural resources to work for the betterment of Ugandan citizens, activists are concerned not only about the hundreds of millions of tons of carbon dioxide these projects will generate, but also about the more immediate impacts. These range from the potential for spills and the impact on animals and birds in biodiverse regions, to the way the country’s burgeoning fossil fuel industry is displacing various communities, bringing them not the promised riches of an oil boom, but sending them ever deeper into poverty.
Uganda first discovered commercial quantities of oil nearly 20 years ago, but it wasn’t until TotalEnergies and the Chinese National Offshore Oil Company CNOOC inked a deal to exploit the resources in the Lake Albert region in 2022 that the country’s fossil fuel industry began in earnest. The region, which lies on the country’s western border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, is estimated to hold over 6.5 billion barrels of oil, with 1.4 billion barrels economically recoverable. TotalEnergies is the major operator for both the Tilenga oilfields, a $6 billion project covering Buliisa and Nwoya districts near the shores of Lake Albert, and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, or EACOP, project that will transport that oil from Uganda to an export port in Tanzania. Other partners are CNOOC and the state-owned Uganda National Oil Company, as well as Tanzania’s state-owned Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation.
Getting all that oil and gas to customers requires infrastructure, which is where EACOP comes in. The plan calls for a 900-mile pipeline stretching from the small town of Kabale, in western Uganda, to the Tanzanian port of Tanga. If completed, it will have the capacity to carry up to 246,000 barrels of crude a day to a storage terminal and loading jetty in Tanga. The waxy nature of Uganda’s crude will require the pipeline to be heated constantly for the crude to keep flowing. Experts say that this is the largest heated oil pipeline to be constructed.
Meanwhile, the Tilenga oilfields lie in one of not just Uganda’s but Africa’s most biodiverse regions. According to state environment regulator National Environment Management Authority NEMA, the Albertine region hosts 14 percent of all of African reptiles, 19 percent of Africa’s amphibians and 52 percent of the continent’s birds, as well as 35 percent of all of Africa’s butterflies and 39 percent of all African mammals.
The project includes the development of 6 oil fields and the drilling of about 426 wells, with 10 wellpads located inside Murchison Falls National Park, Uganda’s largest national park. It also includes an industrial area with a lake water abstraction facility and a central processing facility capable of processing up to 200,000 barrels of oil per day. Currently, the project aims to produce up to 190,000 barrels of oil daily to meet global demand. Drilling activities are ongoing at Tilenga with over 110 wells drilled so far.
Land Grab
The completion of the Tilenga and EACOP projects will not only displace animals, birds and amphibians, but also people. The projects require a land acquisition program covering some 6,400 hectares. This means relocating 775 primary residences, and affecting a total of 19,262 stakeholders, landowners, and land users.
TotalEnergies is responsible for overseeing the land acquisition process, including all administrative costs and compensation payments. However, the company contracted Atacama Consulting, a Ugandan firm, to carry out the implementation of this process.
While land and property rights in Uganda are safeguarded under Article 26 of the Constitution and the Land Act of 1998, the land acquisition process for these projects is guided by government-mandated Land Acquisition Resettlement Framework and Resettlement Action Plans (RAPS) that are part of assessments carried out by TotalEnergies. The compensation rates for land, permanent buildings, rates for crops and temporary structures are determined based on market analysis approved by the chief government valuer.
The Tilenga RAP stipulates that the project will re-establish the livelihoods of affected persons to an equal or greater level than before the project activities. Most of the land has been acquired from the 5,576 landowners or project affected people under the Tilenga project.
However, many of the people in question, like Mulimba, report unresolved disputes and claim that these projects have left them worse off than before, driving them deeper into poverty.
On December 8, 2023, the High Court in Hoima ruled that 42 households be evicted before compensation to make way for the Tilenga Project. The court allowed TotalEnergies to deposit compensation funds in court and take the land, even by force if needed. While the company made compensation payments after resolving disputes, many affected families still argue that the compensation was inadequate.
The Ugandan project, along with the vast natural gas fields of Mozambique, are at the center of TotalEnergies’s Africa strategy, which it says is to “develop responsible, low cost, low emission oil and gas production.” This strategy fits well into the plans of Uganda’s long-time leader, Yoweri Museveni, who has made the development of the $10 billion hydrocarbon industry a cornerstone of his plan to transform this impoverished East African nation.
At an event to announce the final investment decision for the $10bn project in February 2022, TotalEnergies chief executive Patrick Pouyanné said that he had travelled to Uganda more than any other country since 2018 to push through the project.
“The development of Lake Albert resources is a major project for Uganda and Tanzania, and our ambition is to make it an exemplary project in terms of shared prosperity and sustainable development. We are fully aware of the important social and environmental challenges it represents,” he said.
But allegations of rights violations to local communities have dogged the oil giant. Activists say the Tilenga project’s land acquisition process has been marked by delayed, inadequate and unfair compensation as well as the use of threats, intimidation, and other tactics to coerce many poor families into accepting bad deals for their land. This has led to resistance to the project’s efforts to fence off land in some areas, despite the company’s insistence that it sought consent and is following social safeguards.
“TotalEnergies has failed to respect the rights of local communities. It has failed to gain the informed consent of affected communities for the project as is legally required,” said Benon Tusingwire, the executive director at Navigators of Development Association NAVODA, a local rights group working in the project area. He also noted that officials from Atacama have been coercing and tricking affected people into signing consent forms for the acquisition of their land.
TotalEnergies did not reply to multiple requests for comment.
As the deadline for the production of first oil approaches, the actions of both TotalEnergies and government officials have become more aggressive, residents claim.
On the morning of May 13, 2024, Fred Balikenda (pictured in the photo at the top of this story), a local peasant farmer living on the margins of one of TotalEnergies oil wells, suffered one of the most brutal evictions to date. A group of gun-toting policemen in Toyota Pickup trucks bumped into the fenced enclosure of Balikenda’s home and ordered him and his wife out of their 4 bedroom house. As they waited in the yard, the officers, backed by around a dozen un-uniformed men, started demolishing the house.
Balikenda, along with other landowners, including Mulimba, lost the suit in April 2024 in which they had sought to halt their evictions. The Judge in Hoima city, near the oil fields, ruled that money meant for the expropriation compensation should be deposited with the court and that the government could evict locals so that TotalEnergies construction activities could go ahead.
“They threw out some of my belongings through the windows,” Balikenda said, gazing into the distance. “We are now living a life of destitution, we have lost so much land to the project and yet what we were being compensated isn’t equal to what is being taken. We no longer have access to community grazing land, all my cows and pigs have died.”
Even before this eviction, Balikenda was effectively living in an open-air prison for months after TotalEnergies fenced in his home and a 1-acre piece of land that he had refused to vacate before his replacement house was complete. His pigs starved to death because he could no longer get out of the enclosure to get them fodder, he says. Court is yet to rule on their appeal.
“We are really going through some of the roughest times,” Balikenda said. “Our families are traumatized”
The Petroleum Authority of Uganda, or PAU, the state regulator for the oil and gas sector, says that recent evictions of Tilenga affected persons followed the due legal process.
“The Tilenga Project prioritizes minimizing disruption to affected communities and ensuring that all PAPs [project-affected persons] are adequately compensate for their losses and inconveniences. Despite the comprehensive compensation and resettlement efforts, the final PAPs’ repeated refusal to relocate necessitated legal action by the government,” says a statement from PAU.
However, lawyers representing Balikenda and others insist that the court process was flawed. In a country where the justice system mostly rules in favor of the government, affected people remain helpless.
“If it were not for the harassment, intimidation, arrests, detentions and other threats that they face, they would never have accepted the low compensation,” said Tusingwire.

Pump Station 1 (PS1) of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline project in Hoima district, a critical part of the EACOP infrastructure, receiving crude oil from feeder pipelines from the Kingfisher and Tilenga oil fields and transporting it to port Tanga in Tanzania. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.
The Pattern Continues in Mozambique
More than 2000 kilometers to the south, TotalEnergies’ $20 billion natural gas project in northern Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province was saved in 2021 by a well-timed donation from France to Rwanda, which was followed just a few weeks later by the deployment of some 2,500 Rwandan peace-keeping troops to fight Jihadist fighters in the region. The deployment happened months after TotalEnergies had declared force majeure on the project due to an offensive by Islamic State-linked insurgents.
The insurgency, which has been raging since 2017, is mainly spearheaded by angry young men who resent security force abuses and believe elites monopolize the region’s natural resources while local communities starve. As in Uganda, the company’s approach to land acquisition and community outreach has not served to quell that anger; relocation efforts have often resulted in the displacement of communities far from their traditional and familial roots, with farmers being moved to non-arable land or fishermen to new villages far from the sea.
Critics of the gas project argue that while the insurgency is rooted in Cabo Delgado’s complex political and religious history, so far Total’s operations follow a familiar pattern of extracting wealth from the province with little benefit to local residents.
According to the International Crisis Group, the insurgents are fighting for a “meaningful role in the Cabo Delgado economy, so they can benefit from the opportunities created by major mining and gas projects.”
TotalEnergies has been forced to shore up more security measures, signing a security pact contracting Isco Segurança, a security company backed by Rwanda’s ruling party, to secure the gas fields. But analysts believe that such security arrangements will not leave a lasting solution since the grievances are felt deeply by large sections of the region’s impoverished population.
“Thousands of Livelihoods Devastated”
A 2023 report by Human Rights Watch indicated that the EACOP project has devastated thousands of livelihoods in Uganda and risks locking in decades of greenhouse gas emissions, contributing to the global climate crisis. More than a dozen banks and insurance companies have shunned investment in EACOP, citing environmental and human-rights concerns.
With so many lenders on the sidelines, China has been willing to show support for the project. Last year, Ruth Nankabirwa, the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, told state media that China would provide more than half of the $3.05 billion in debt financing needed, with smaller lenders taking up the rest of the slack.
According to the government, the oil industry is projected to bring a $40 billion boost to Uganda’s economy. When production is at its peak, the government will receive an anticipated $2 billion a year in revenue from the development.
Irene Batebe the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development says that the government is committed to ensuring that the oil and gas sector is exploited without breaching environmental guidelines. Commercializing Uganda’s oil and gas will provide funds to spur development and investment in more renewable energy sources. The industry will also produce Liquified Petroleum Gas, which Batebe says will provide a cleaner cooking energy source and help to save crucial forest cover.Uganda is set to produce 100,000kg of liquified petroleum gas annually at the peak of oil production which is set to be used for cooking in homes, transport and heating.
From 2001 to 2023, Uganda lost 1.10 Mha of tree cover, equivalent to a 14% decrease in tree cover since 2000 according to figures from Global Forest Watch.
Forest cover has been shrinking at a rate of 15 percent each year over the past decade, due largely to the country’s over-reliance on charcoal and firewood for cooking.
“The real problem is not EACOP or fossil fuels , the real problem is, you have at least 57%of households having access to a source of electricity meaning the bulk of us are depending on rudimentary biomass,about 80% of our population is burning fuel wood and charcoal,” Batebe says.
But not everyone agrees on what constitutes “betterment” and for which people. In an interview, Dickens Kamugisha, the Chief Executive Officer of Africa Institute for Energy Governance, contends that the Ugandan government appears bent on maximizing proceeds from the industry without regard for Indigenous communities and the environment.
“The longer we wait to reduce emissions, the greater our collective suffering will be,” said Mr. Kamugisha , who spent weeks in detention in 2021 over charges related to his environmental advocacy work around EACOP “We must reduce and eventually eliminate our dependence on fossil fuels if we are serious about halting global warming.”
Source: drilled.media
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
A decade of bloodshed: 1,088 Human Rights defenders killed for resisting corporate abuse
Published
4 days agoon
May 28, 2025
A crowd gathers at a vigil for human rights defenders Antonio Díaz Valencia and Ricardo Arturo Lagunes Gasca, who were forcibly disappeared on January 15, 2023, in Mexico. Photo Credit: Gustavo Vilchis.
By Witness Radio team.
Challenging corporate harm caused by business-related activities is a ticking time bomb, as many who dared to speak out have been silenced forever. Yet, their courage in the face of such danger is a testament to their unwavering commitment to justice.
In the last ten years, close to 1,100 human rights defenders across the globe have been murdered for speaking up against destructive corporate practices. This is not a localized issue but a global crisis that demands our attention and action.
These staggering statistics are captured in a new report titled “Defending Rights and Realising Just Economies: Human Rights Defenders and Business (2015–2024)”, published by the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre. The report paints a disturbing picture, with over 6,400 attacks on human rights defenders (HRDs) documented worldwide since 2015, and among those, 1,088 were fatal.
On average, that means every year, more than 100 people are killed simply for defending their land, water, forests, or the rights of their communities.
“Human rights defenders are on the frontlines of justice – challenging abuse, protecting our planet, and envisioning a better future for us all. Yet they continue to face relentless and often deadly retaliation simply for their defense of human rights. Said Christen Dobson, Co-Head of the Civic Freedoms and Human Rights Defenders Programme at the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre.
Most of the violence targets defenders confronting the fossil fuel, mining, and agribusiness industries — sectors notorious for land grabs and environmental degradation.
According to the report, nearly one-third of those killed were Indigenous defenders deeply connected to their land and culture. Latin America remains the deadliest region, followed closely by the Philippines, among others.
While governments have a duty to investigate these murders, the report says the majority of attacks – both lethal and non-lethal – go uninvestigated and unpunished, fostering a culture of impunity that only strengthens further violence.
“We commemorate the lives, courage, and vital work of these HRDs and their communities. While governments have a duty to investigate these murders, the majority of attacks, both lethal and non-lethal, go uninvestigated and unpunished, fostering a culture of impunity that only emboldens further violence,” the report revealed
Beyond killings, the report also details countless cases of threats, criminal charges, surveillance, and smear campaigns used to discredit and break down defenders. It demonstrates how legal systems are being increasingly weaponized to silence dissent further.
In 2024 alone, 89% of the HRDs attacked were land and environmental defenders. In addition, 96% of local community defenders experiencing attacks over the past decade were advocating for land and environmental rights, highlighting their leadership in protecting natural resources and the planet.
Some of the projects linked to the highest number of attacks over the last ten years include the Lake Albert oil extraction and development project (which consists of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline) (Uganda and Tanzania), Inversiones los Pinares (Honduras), Dakota Access Pipeline (USA), Las Bambas Mine (Peru) and Line 3 Pipeline (USA and Canada).
Many governments have aligned with the perpetrators by weaponizing legal systems to attack HRDs, setting a path for private actors to follow suit, thereby neglecting their core responsibility of protecting human rights.
The report also puts a spotlight on Uganda, where defenders resisting oil development in the Albertine region have faced an intense wave of repression. In particular, it highlights attacks related to the Lake Albert oil extraction and development projects, which include the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). This project, operated by a consortium of powerful actors, has been a source of conflict and human rights abuses in the region.
These projects are operated by a consortium of powerful actors: TotalEnergies, which owns the majority stake and operates the Tilenga project; the China National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC), which runs the Kingfisher project; and the Uganda National Oil Company.
But while the Ugandan government promotes these developments as a path to economic transformation, local communities tell a different story — one of forced evictions, sexual and gender-based violence, loss of farmland, polluted water sources, and shattered livelihoods.
According to the report, at least 102 attacks have been recorded against Ugandan defenders who have spoken out against these oil projects. These include cases of judicial harassment, arrests, and threats, among others.
The report concludes with a call to action: for governments to fulfill their duty to protect human rights defenders by investigating and prosecuting attacks against them; for corporations to respect human rights by conducting their business in a way that does not infringe on human rights; and for global solidarity to rise in defense of those who risk everything for justice, by supporting and advocating for the rights of human rights defenders.
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- LAND GRABS AT GUNPOINT REPORT IN KIRYANDONGO DISTRICT
- RESEARCH BRIEF -TOURISM POTENTIAL OF GREATER MASAKA -MARCH 2025
- The Mouila Declaration of the Informal Alliance against the Expansion of Industrial Monocultures
- FORCED LAND EVICTIONS IN UGANDA TRENDS RIGHTS OF DEFENDERS IMPACT AND CALL FOR ACTION
- 12 KEY DEMANDS FROM CSOS TO WORLD LEADERS AT THE OPENING OF COP16 IN SAUDI ARABIA
- PRESENDIANTIAL DIRECTIVE BANNING ALL LAND EVICTIONS IN UGANDA
- FROM LAND GRABBERS TO CARBON COWBOYS A NEW SCRAMBLE FOR COMMUNITY LANDS TAKES OFF
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