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‘They Stole Our Ancestors’: Ministry of Water, RDCs Accused of Land Grabbing and Grave Exhumation in Kanungu

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The Ministry of Water and Environment is under scrutiny over alleged illegal procurement of a 70.2-acre piece of land in Kihanda Sub-County, Kanungu District.

According to a petition dated October 10, 2025, submitted to the State House Anti-Corruption Unit, Christine Joy Tusiime accuses officials from the ministry of land grabbing, abuse of office, and criminal conduct. The land in question is her ancestral property located in Ibarya Cell, Kihanda Parish.

Tusiime claims that in August 2023, the government, through the Ministry of Water and Environment, entered into a purported land acquisition and compensation agreement with her for the family land. However, she insists that the transaction was done irregularly and without her informed consent. She further alleges that the land was under a caveat at the time, and that no official land valuation, boundary opening, or legal procedures were followed before compensation and takeover.

The Ministry of Water and Environment is jointly accused with several officials including Hajj Shafik Sekandi (former RDC of Kanungu, now RDC of Kisoro), Amanyire Ambrose Mwesigye (current RDC of Kanungu), his deputy Gad Rugajju, and GISO Ambrose Barigye. Also implicated are local leaders: Jessica Tindimwebwa (LC I Chairperson – Ibarya Cell), Davis Asiimwe (LC III Chairperson Kihanda Sub-County), and Lemegio Tumwesigye (LC II Chairperson – Kihanda Parish).

Tusiime alleges that these officials colluded to demarcate the family land into smaller plots for personal gain, disguised as government compensation. In her words, “To our disbelief, these individuals in government offices demarcated our ancestral land into plots, which they shared among themselves to access and grab money through the Ministry of Water and Environment’s purported compensation.”

She also claims that on October 3, 2025, RDC Mwesigye led a group that stormed their ancestral home, demolishing the house and toilet. Tusiime states that these individuals, using their positions in government, forcibly occupied and destroyed family property including homes, crops, and graveyards without following legal procedures. She further alleges that the accused exhumed bodies of their deceased siblings and took them to an unknown location without the family’s knowledge or consent.

A document reportedly in the possession of the family shows that a Ministry official, identified as Paul Nuwagira—a sociologist—wrote on the land title indicating it had been received for mutation and transfer. The note reads: “Original duplicate title received for purposes of mutation and transfer to the government of Uganda represented by the Ministry of Water and Environment after consent to compensation was reached between vendors and government.”

In a March 18, 2025, letter to the Ministry, Tusiime expressed strong opposition to the transaction, raising issues such as lack of a valuation report, absence of a proper boundary survey, inadequate compensation, harassment, intimidation, and overall fraudulent conduct. Through her lawyers, she pointed out that neither she nor her elder sister had legal capacity to transact over the land. She also noted that the government had failed to issue a certificate of title for the residue land where her family was supposed to be resettled or relocate their ancestral burial grounds.

Tusiime claims the government is proceeding with the development project on the disputed land, despite failing to meet its obligations under the so-called agreement. She alleges that government officials have since taken over the land, destroyed property, and issued threats—with the support of RDC Mwesigye, his deputy Rugajju, and local police.

In an interview, Tusiime said the dispute traces back to 2004 following the death of her mother, when her sister took possession of the family land. She said this triggered a series of actions by local officials aimed at displacing her and destroying her interests. “The RDC then did a report, and from that time, they began targeting us—destroying plantations and allowing others to use the land to undermine us,” she said tearfully.

Due to continued threats and property destruction, Tusiime fled Uganda in 2023 and now lives in the United Kingdom. She maintains that the government must lawfully purchase the land and not rely on what she describes as fraudulent compensation efforts. She further alleges that RDC Mwesigye and his deputy Rugajju are now profiting from the land through activities like charcoal burning and have destroyed their house. Her appeals to the police, she says, were ignored.

She added: “I am humbly appealing to the President to intervene in this matter and rescue me from these notorious criminals pretending to work for the government.”

Tusiime also claims that her attempt to open boundaries and prove the extent of land grabbing was blocked by authorities. She accuses lawyers from Mark Mwesigye Advocates of playing a role in alleged forgery and land fraud related to her property in Ibarya Cell, Kanungu.

RDC Amanyire Ambrose Mwesigye denied any wrongdoing. He said he held meetings involving both parties and advised them to approach the Administrator General. He acknowledged that the land was part of a government irrigation project and said that several families were consulted in 2022, and valuation exercises were conducted in 2023. “Their family was among those consulted. They consented, and they were paid Shs1 billion, which was shared between Christine and her sister. The houses that were demolished are those earmarked for removal to pave way for the project,” he said.

When contacted, Paul Nuwagira, the sociologist from the ministry who handled part of the process, maintained that he acted on behalf of the Ministry. “Whatever I did was under the mandate of the Ministry of Water and Environment. If there is any complaint, it should be addressed to the ministry leadership—not to me personally,” he said. “There are proper channels for handling these matters, and people should stop addressing ministry issues to individuals.”

Despite repeated attempts, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Water and Environment, Dr. Alfred Okot Okidi, was not available for comment.

Tusiime continues to demand a full investigation into the matter, arguing that her family was defrauded and violently displaced from their land by individuals misusing government institutions.

Source: ankoletimes.co.ug

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Seed Sovereignty: Most existing and emerging laws and policies on seeds are endangering seed saving and conservation on the African continent.

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By the Witness Radio team

In Africa, farmers and civil society organizations are urgently warning about the adverse effects of existing policies on agrobiodiversity. These policies aim to erode centuries-old traditions of seed saving and exchange, effectively undermining seed sovereignty and intensifying dependency on commercial seed companies.

The struggle over seed sovereignty, particularly the rights of smallholder farmers, has become one of the most pressing issues for the continent’s agricultural future. As governments introduce new seed laws, such as the proposed East African Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill of 2024, the preservation of cultural seeds and the rights of smallholder farmers are at stake.

The Communications and Advocacy Officer at Kenya’s Seed Savers Network, Tabitha Munyeri, notes that this has heightened monoculture, thereby significantly reducing the focus on indigenous plant varieties.

“There’s a lot of loss of agrobiodiversity with people focussing on a few foods, a few crops, leaving out so many other essential crops that have sustained humankind for generations and it is also important because it is coming at a time where we are having a lot of also conversations around different seed laws that are coming up for example within the EAC  we see that there is the seed and plant varieties bill of 2024 and we are looking at it as a huge setback and there is need for us to create awareness around even the policies that exist.”

She further argues that there is a need to raise awareness and sensitise farmers to the existing policies so that they can understand their effects on agrobiodiversity.

“Even for Kenya we have been having punitive seed laws for the longest time but now we are happy that courts of law are reviewing the law, but we still think that there is need to create a lot of advocacy around the seed laws and what they really mean to farmers because some of them do not understand, some of them are not even interested but once they get to know what it means and the impacts that the laws have on them then they are also able to become more vocal and more involved in the process.” She says.

Farmers in Africa have been the custodians of agricultural biodiversity, developing and maintaining numerous varieties of crops that are suited to local soils and climates. However, over the last few decades, the focus on farming has drastically declined to a handful of “high-yield” crops and imported hybrid varieties, leaving out the diverse indigenous seeds that have sustained communities through droughts, pests, and diseases.

Munyeri warns that this decline in agrobiodiversity is accelerating, driven not merely by market pressures, but by restrictive laws that criminalise and discourage traditional seed-saving practices.

In Kenya, where smallholder farmers supply more than 80 percent of the country’s food, seed systems have long depended on the informal exchange of seeds within communities. Small-hold farmers have relied on these systems to share, adapt, and innovate with seeds suited to their local conditions. However, existing laws have tended to favour the formal sector, requiring seed certification, variety registration, and compliance with intellectual property protections that most small-scale farmers cannot afford.

The 2024 Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill, currently under discussion in several East African countries, has sparked significant controversy. It seeks to modernize agriculture and align national systems with international standards. However, smallholder farmers and critics contend that it allows corporate control over genetic resources, limiting farmers’ autonomy and threatening biodiversity. Under such a framework, only registered seed varieties can be legally traded or exchanged, effectively outlawing the informal seed networks that have sustained rural communities for centuries.

If smallholder farmers lose their rights to exchange and cultivate indigenous varieties, they may also lose control over their food systems. Dependence on improved seeds necessitates purchasing new stock each planting season, eroding self-reliance and increasing vulnerability to market fluctuations.

This awareness gap is what the Seed Savers Network hopes to address. Through training programs and advocacy initiatives, including its recently concluded regional boot camp, the organization equips participants from across Africa with knowledge about seed laws, biodiversity, and policy engagement.

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Lands ministry rejects call to save over 300 Masaka residents facing eviction

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Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021. (Credit: Dismus Buregyeya)

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.

MASAKA – The lands ministry has dismissed a plea by over 300 residents of Kasanje village in Masaka district to halt their eviction from a 400-acre plot, despite a direct appeal to President Yoweri Museveni.

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.The conflict stems from a 2019 ruling by Masaka chief magistrate Deo Ssejjemba, which sided with landlords Joseph Matovu and Methodius Kasujja in their eviction bid against the locals.

The court’s decision, upheld after residents withdrew an appeal in 2021, set the stage for the current standoff.

Despite this, the affected families, many of whom lost homes, crops, and plantations, petitioned the President in 2021, prompting former Vice-President Edward Ssekandi and the State House legal teams to intervene.

However, Mayanja emphasised that all avenues for mediation had been exhausted.

“The matter has been conclusively resolved through legal and administrative processes. No further interventions are justified,” he stated in a letter dated October 28, 2025, rejecting a last-minute plea for a site visit.

Unresolved

Nabakoba confirmed that 105 families received compensation between shillings 300,000 and 12 million from the landlords in 2021 after signing agreements.

However, a ministry report revealed 215 families remain uncompensated, pending verification of their claims.

“We closed the mediation process when the majority accepted the settlement,” Nabakoba said. However, locals like Vincent Mugerwa, leader of the Kasanje Bibanja Owners Association, denounced the payouts as “peanuts,” citing offers as low as shillings 800,000 per acre.

The dispute has drawn high-level attention, including from legislator Joanita Namutawe, who petitioned Parliament, and Prime Minister Robina Nabanja, who met with security officials in Masaka last week. Despite these efforts, the lands ministry insists the case is closed.

Residents, however, contest the land’s ownership history, alleging irregularities in transfers from the original owners, the Masaka Jaggery Mills, to current landlords. Title documents show the land was registered under Freehold Volume 59 Folio 11, transferred to Joseph Bukenya in 2021, before passing to Methodius Kasujja.

Facing eviction

Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021.

The Prime Minister’s office received a fresh petition on October 31, detailing the residents’ grievances, including destroyed property and inadequate compensation.

Original Source: New Vision

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Report reveals ongoing Human Rights Abuses and environmental destruction by the Chinese oil company CNOOC

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By Witness Radio team.

Three years into the Kingfisher oil and gas extraction project, the situation in Kikuube District is dire. Despite repeated warnings and criticism from human rights and environmental organizations, the impact on the local population remains intolerable.

In 2024, the Environment Governance Institute Uganda (EGI) and Climate Rights International (CRI) independently published reports on the Kingfisher oil production project. A year later, in September 2025, these two influential organizations united their efforts to produce a follow-up report, which revealed even more alarming results.

The report titled “Extortion, Coercion, and Impoverishment. Human Rights Abuses and Governance Failures in the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) Kingfisher Oil and Gas Project” paints a grim picture. It shows that the hardships and abuses faced by residents of the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Uganda Ltd. are not isolated incidents, but an ongoing series of violations.

Alongside the larger Tilenga project and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), the Kingfisher project is a crucial component of the extensive fossil fuel extraction operation in Uganda, which has been ongoing since 2017. The most important players involved are the French company TotalEnergies, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), and the Chinese energy giant CNOOC. While a subsidiary of TotalEnergies is implementing the Tilenga project, CNOOC serves as the executing partner for the Kingfisher project.

Last year’s reports demonstrated the immense environmental damage caused by the Kingfisher project. The Climate Accountability Institute predicted that the entire Ugandan oil production project would increase the country’s emissions. All of the projects will contribute significantly to global warming and, like all new fossil fuel extraction projects, are incompatible with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 °C warming target.

In Kikuube district, oil drilling activities along the Lake Albert shoreline have allegedly resulted in the demolition of vegetation, increased sediment runoff, and chemical leaks over the last year, leading to the loss of breeding grounds for the local fish population, which is the basis of the livelihood for most local communities. Moreover, visible water pollution is an increasing threat to public health, as the lake is the only available water source for many residents.

Most households in villages bordering the project lack the funds to afford clean water or even medication, as they are experiencing a severe loss of income. Access to the area surrounding the project, including Nsonga, Nsuzu A, Nsuzu B, Kiina, and other nearby villages, is tightly controlled by security forces, like the Counter-Terrorism Police, the regular Traffic Police, and joint UPDF and Saracen Private Security company patrols. These enforce unannounced daily curfews by threatening and beating villagers encountered out of their homes after 6 or 7 pm, which results in a decrease in earnings for street vendors, whose main trading hours are often in the evening.

Fishing and fish trading – the primary sources of employment in the area – are also suffering greatly from the situation controlled by the company. Every two weeks, fishermen are required to pay 200,000 UGX in fishing fees. Fish traders – most of whom are women or youth – also must pay fees for their goods when passing through security checkpoints, which they often cannot afford. None of these fees levied by the security forces are receipted or even explained.

In addition to the physical restrictions, there is the ongoing loss of land. The company continues to take over communal land in the communities, forcibly evicting former residents without compensation.

Violent attacks for non-compliance with the new rules and fees are not uncommon and violate international human rights laws. In addition, there has been a disturbing increase in sexual and gender-based exploitation and abuse towards particularly vulnerable women. Many lose their sources of income due to the changed conditions and are forced into prostitution. The result is an increase in teenage pregnancies and school dropouts.

While the entire oil production project has been repeatedly criticized for human rights violations and illegal evictions, CNOOC’s actions are particularly egregious. Unlike other comparable projects, the company has never published a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) setting out compensation requirements and plans for restoring livelihoods. However, this is a necessary measure according to Ugandan and international standards. Although CNOOC has officially committed to developing an accessible grievance mechanism for community members, the residents interviewed for the report are not aware of any such mechanism.

Although arbitrary violence and sexual assaults against women have decreased since a new commanding officer of the local Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces (UPDF) was appointed, restrictive military control over the area and its inhabitants remains oppressive. Even under the new commander, Mubingwa Moses, residents continue to be restricted in their traditional way of life and work by opaque rules. The systematically imposed fees further exacerbate the situation of those affected and can only be described as exploitation.

The report by EGI and CRI makes a fundamental demand: “Uganda’s oil development is perpetuating climate, environmental, and human rights harms in violation of both national and international law and should be discontinued”. Furthermore, it explains in detail what is specifically needed to change the situation for those affected. The demands include conducting an independent and transparent investigation into the documented human rights violations, environmental degradation, and socio-economic impacts.

An independent body should examine all activities and suspend them until the situation is resolved. The primary demand is to ensure reparations and corporate accountability. CNOOC is expected to adopt a strict zero-tolerance policy regarding human rights violations, violence, and corruption, and to provide accessible and effective grievance procedures and compensation for those affected. In this regard, an appeal is made in particular to state and international institutions to monitor and enforce the promises made by the company.

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