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Govt resurrects emotive Land Acquisition Bill.

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photo credit: Daily Monitor

President Museveni and then Lands State Minister Aidah Nantaba in Kayunga in June 2021 where the President had gone to mediate a land dispute. The government is set to reintroduce the compulsory Land Acquisition Bill. 

The government is set to reintroduce the controversial Land Acquisition Bill that, among others, seeks to enable compulsory land acquisition for strategic government development projects.
The Bill is among the 62 proposed legislations presented by President Museveni during the State-of-the-Nation Address on Tuesday that are to be introduced by government to the 11th Parliament during its second session that started on June 7.

According to the Ministry of Lands, the object of the draft Bill is to allow the government to acquire land for timely implementation of public works and end years of prolonged acquisition processes that have in the past cost the country billions of shillings and hindered essential projects.
The idea of the government to take over even privately owned land for public works dates back to 2017, and has often raised a raging debate across the political divide that remains unsettled.
 READ: Mailo land tenure debate sparks storm

Buganda premier Charles Peter Mayiga vowed to oppose the new proposed land law that seeks to provide for compulsory acquisition of land for government development projects, warning that it is a ploy to grab people’s land.
“As Buganda Kingdom, we shall not allow any law on land that seeks to grab land from Kabaka’s subjects and undermine Kabaka’s authority over land. They [government] should stop provoking us,”Mr Mayiga told the Lukiiko (Buganda parliament).

The property law
Article 26(2) of the Constitution stipulates that: “No person shall be compulsorily deprived of property or any interest in right over property of any description except where taking possession is necessary for public use and, or, is made under the law after prompt payment of fair and adequate compensation.”
However, in 2017, the government tabled the controversial Constitution Amendment Bill, 2017 that sought, among other things,  to amend Article 26 of the Constitution to allow government “compulsory acquisition” of private land for national projects and deposit in court the compensation money it deems appropriate regardless of whether the owner consents to it or not.

In the same year, President Museveni, conducted a countrywide radio tour to face the people with the aim of softening the public to embrace the proposed amendments.
Many, however, remained unyielding.  At the time, most of the Cabinet ministers as well as NRM legislators remained silent on the matter.
But the attempts to amend Article 26, which safeguards private land until adequate and timely compensation is made, were rejected by the 10th Parliament, and the government retreated to re-strategise.

Mr Dennis Obbo, the spokesperson at the Ministry of Lands, yesterday told Daily Monitor that the draft document is with the Ministry of Justice for drafting of a new Bill, after consultations with stakeholders, across the country.
Without delving into the details of the new amendments to the proposed law, Mr Obbo said some changes have been made to ensure the processes are within the confines of the Supreme Law.
“It is important we do not delay capital investments, which has been the case. Government in the past has lost $27m (Shs101b) per year in servicing debts because of such acquisition delays. We have looked at a win-win situation, listen to the owner of the land but also make sure government does not lose out,” Mr Obbo said.
The new Bill will maintain the deposit of compensation money on an escrow account in case a land owner has reservations about the amount they are offered.

The compensation rates will be determined by government valuer, according to the Valuation Bill, 2022, another attendant legislation that seeks to harmonise the acquisition process.
The Land Acquisition Bill also established a tribunal, headed by a High Court Judge to handle any disputes. Such a complaint must be heard and decided on within 30 days, and an appeal in 45 days.
In case Parliament approves the controversial amendments, Mr Obbo reiterated that land owners will be given a notice, allowed six months to vacate the land in question, and the government will only take over the land after compensation, or settlement in case of disputes.

Other inclusions
The draft Bill, according to sources in the Attorney General’s chambers, will also provide for resettlement and relocation packages as opposed to compensation.
The government will also table the Land Act Amendment Bill, 2022 that seeks to address land issues including the rampant eviction of bibanja holders and reorganise the current land tenure systems.

A sub-committee of the Cabinet chaired by Deputy Prime minister, Gen Moses Ali, is currently studying the report by the Justice Catherine Bamugemereire Commission to inform major amendments to streamline the land business.
The Gen Ali committee is reported to be under strict instructions to come up with “incontrovertible amendments” that are needed to stop rampant illegal evictions in the country.
Government will also reintroduce the Health Insurance Bill that elapsed with the 10th Parliament. The legislation  seeks to provide universal healthcare to all Ugandans.

Bills govt will present for legislation in 2022/2023 

1. The Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces Act (Amendment) Bill 2022
2. The Social Impact Assessment and Accountability Bill
3. Uganda National Kiswahili Council Bill
4. The Employment (Amendment) Bill
5. The Occupational Safety and Health (Amendment) Bill
6. The Workers Compensation (Amend) Bill
7. Labour Unions (Amendment) Bill
8. The Culture and Creative Bill
9. The Veterinary Practitioners Bill
10. Animal Diseases Amendment Bill
11. Companies (Amendment) Bill, 2022.

12. The Insolvency (Amendment) Bill, 2022.
13. The Law Revision (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill, 2022.
14. Energy Efficiency and Conservation Bill
15. Amendment of Atomic Energy Act,2008
16. Building Substances Bill,2022
17. The National Health Insurance Scheme Bill,2019
18. The Food and Drug Authority Bill,2017
19. Health Professional Council’s Authority Bill,2016
20. The Museums and Monuments Bill 2022
21. The Nakivubo War Memorial Stadium (Amendment) Bill.
22. Business Technical Vocational Education and Training (Amendment) Bill

23. The National Teachers’ Bill.
24. The Physical Activity and Sports Bill
25. The Local Government (Amend) Bill
26. The Uganda Communication (Amendment) Bill
27. National Information Technology (Amendment)Bill
28. Engineers Registration (Amend) Bill.
29. Uganda Railways Corporation (Amendment) Bill
30. Land Acquisition Bill,2022
31. Valuation Bill,2022
32. Real Estates Bill,2022
33. Land Act (Amendment) Bill,2022

34. Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill
35. Small Arms and Light Weapons Control Bill
36. The Explosives Bill.
37. Transitional Justice Bill
38. Microfinance Deposit Taking Institutions (Amendment) Bill,2020
39. Annual Macroeconomic and Fiscal Performance Report FY 2021/2022
40. National Budget Framework Paper for FY 2023/2024
41. Semi – Annual Budget Performance Report FY 2022/2023.
42. Semi – Annual Macroeconomic and Fiscal Performance Report FY2022/2023

43. Annual Budget Estimates FY 2023/2024
44. The Appropriation Bill FY 2023/2024
45. Treasury Memoranda FY 2023/2024
46. Corrigenda FY 2023/24
47. Income Tax (Amendment)Bill,2023
48. Excise Duty(Amendment)Bill,2023
49. The Value Added Tax (Amend) Bill, 2023
50. The Stamps Duty (Amendment) Bill, 2023
51. Traffic and Road Safety (Amendment)Bill, 2023
52. Lotteries and Gaming(Amendment)Bill,2023
53. The Tax Procedures Code (Amendment) Bill 2023
54. Tax Appeals Tribunal(Amendment)Bill,2023
55. The Finance (Amendment) Bill, 2023
56. Budget Speech for FY 2023/2024.

57.The Supplementary Appropriation Bill FY 2022/2023
58. The Uganda National Council of Science and Technology (Amendment) Bill
59. Competition Bill
60. Consumer Protection Bill
61. Legal Metrology Bill
62. Industrial and Scientific Metrology Bill

Source: Daily Monitor

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Civil society groups scoff at AfDB’s New African Financial Architecture Initiative, saying it’s here to worsen challenges facing African food systems.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Civil society organizations warn that the African Development Bank’s (AfDB) newly launched New African Financial Architecture for Development (NAFAD) may reinforce existing challenges in African food systems and investment priorities.

The concerns follow the AfDB Annual Meetings in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo, from 25–29 May 2026, during which the Bank and its partners endorsed NAFAD as a framework for mobilizing large-scale development financing across Africa.

The meetings produced three outcomes: AfDB Board of Governors’ endorsement of NAFAD and its Four Cardinal Points; the launch of the African Economic Outlook 2026, estimating a $400 billion annual financing gap; and the Brazzaville Appeal, inviting civil society, diaspora, and philanthropists to support the initiative’s vision and objectives.

Meanwhile, civil society organizations such as the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) and Stop Financing Factory Farming (S3F) have issued a joint statement expressing reservations about the initiative’s direction, particularly its implications for African food systems. The groups argue that Africa’s problem is not capital shortage but governance and investment decisions.

“Africa does not have a capital shortage. It lacks democratic control over capital allocation. NAFAD addresses capital, but not governance,” the statement says.

The statement notes that Africa holds about $4 trillion in domestic savings—much of it invested outside the continent—including pension, sovereign wealth, and insurance funds. It also highlights the decline in global aid levels. These factors underscore the need to mobilize African capital for development.

However, the organizations caution that, without safeguards, the initiative may replicate existing industrial, input-intensive investment models in agriculture.

They state NAFAD lacks a clear definition of “productive investment” and specific commitments to agroecology, smallholder systems, or land rights.

It further argues that without a binding investment framework, the initiative may simply follow AfDB’s agricultural priorities.

NAFAD does not propose a new architecture. It aims to capitalize on the existing one by leveraging African savings, possibly shifting power centers while retaining the extractivist structure.

The statement also references a 2025 AFSA assessment of 20 AfDB agricultural projects using an agroecology evaluation tool, which reportedly found low alignment with agroecological principles across all projects reviewed, including flagship programs such as the Technologies for African Agricultural Transformation (TAAT) and Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones (SAPZ).

Civil society groups also voice concern about rising private-sector agribusiness investments in African agriculture by firms such as ETG, Zambeef, and DAL Group.

Another concern is what organizations call “natural capital financialization,” including carbon markets and biodiversity financing. They argue that such methods could risk land dispossession unless strong community protections are in place.

“All NAFAD-funded carbon, biodiversity, and ecosystem service programs must require binding FPIC, protect land rights, and have independent oversight with community-defined benefit sharing.”

Furthermore, the statement questions NAFAD’s governance, arguing that key stakeholder groups, such as farmer organizations and land rights movements, were not adequately represented in its design.

African pension funds, sovereign wealth, and diaspora capital could finance a large-scale agroecological transition—supporting farmer-managed seeds, territorial markets, community land tenure, and biodiverse food systems. This is the financial architecture Africa’s producers need. It requires political will to define African financial sovereignty by including the people whose labor secures Africa’s food supply, the organizations add.

The groups note that, while the Brazzaville Appeal invites civil society to “embrace the vision” of NAFAD, this should also mean greater participation in shaping its design, not just its implementation.

Despite concerns, AFSA and S3F remain open to engaging with AfDB and partners. They will independently monitor NAFAD’s impact on communities, land, and biodiversity.

They also called for reforms: a binding investment mandate with agroecological requirements, independent audits of AfDB agricultural programs, stronger protections for community land rights, and greater transparency across all NAFAD investments.

AfDB has not yet publicly responded to the specific concerns in the statement.

 

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Africa’s responsible business agenda is facing challenges as more land is taken from local communities for investment, and landowners struggle to secure justice.

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By the Witness Radio team.

In Kyankwanzi District, central region of Uganda, tens of thousands of people displaced to make way for the Kikonda Forest Plantation say they are still waiting for justice more than two decades after losing their land to Global Woods Limited in 2002 to plant trees for carbon offsetting.

Recently, Witness Radio journalists visited the project-affected families. The families described the ordeal as a deep frustration and lasting pain. They said their forceful removal from their land by government authorities paved the way for the tree-planting project. This removal was never subjected to any consultation. Former landowners never consented. To date, they have no idea how the project will improve their livelihoods.

Some families living on the plantation’s edge report ongoing tensions, intimidation, and occasional violence involving workers, along with severe weather changes that have harmed food security in the area.

The project claimed to combat climate change while contributing to local development. However, it caused a drought due to monoculture trees planted by the project implementers. For many who lost their homes and livelihoods, this tells a different story. To them, Kikonda is a painful reminder of dispossession, broken promises, and a justice process that has remained out of reach for more than twenty years.

“We were removed forcefully. We have never been compensated. We have never been heard,” said Mrs. Nalubega Zulaikah, one of the leaders of the affected families, recalling years of uncertainty and marginalization and having no hope for remedies.

Their story is not the only one. In Africa, efforts to attract investment often hurt local people’s rights. Big projects in forestry, mining, farming, and construction still help the economy, but they also raise complaints about land grabbing, forced relocation, environmental harm, poor working conditions, and limited access to justice.

At the same time, governments across the continent are embracing Business and Human Rights (BHR) frameworks designed to ensure that economic development does not come at the expense of people and the environment.

National Action Plans (NAPs), multi-stakeholder consultations, human rights due diligence, and regulatory reforms are emerging across East and the Horn of Africa. These initiatives aim to ensure businesses respect human rights and provide remedies when harm occurs. Despite this progress, sectors driving economic growth remain linked to serious human rights concerns.

These contradictions dominated discussions at a regional forum on Business and Human Rights in East and the Horn of Africa, where government officials, national human rights institutions, civil society organizations, and development partners reflected on both achievements and persistent challenges.

The two-day dialogue was concluded on Thursday, the 11th. Convened by DCA and partners, the event’s theme was “Beyond Compliance: Strengthening Accountable and Rights-Centered Supply Chains in East and Horn of Africa.” The forum brought together governments (policy and regulation), businesses (implementation), civil society (advocacy and monitoring), development partners (support and funding), and human rights defenders (case reporting and advocacy).

“We still see that people continue to suffer from business-related harms, often on a large scale, with irreversible damage done to communities and the environment,” Professor Damilola Olawuyi, a member of the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, told participants, adding that, “We still also see that speaking up against business-related risks and impacts remains a very risky undertaking in many parts of Africa, particularly for human rights and environmental defenders who raise concerns about agribusiness and other investments.”

Several countries in the region have taken significant steps toward institutionalizing the principles of Business and Human Rights.

Uganda adopted its National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights in 2021 and is already undergoing a review process. Kenya was the first African country to develop such a plan and continues to review and strengthen implementation. Tanzania has completed drafting its own NAP and awaits government approval. Ethiopia is finalizing its first plan, and Djibouti has entered the implementation phase.

Officials attending the two-day forum pointed to a growing range of initiatives aimed at improving corporate accountability. These include public awareness campaigns, training government agencies and businesses on human rights obligations, developing digital complaint-reporting systems, and introducing tools to assess the human rights impacts of investment projects.

“We have created public awareness on human rights and businesses because most times we thought businesses were only for profit and had nothing to do with human rights,” said Harriet Asibazuyo, Uganda’s National Coordinator for Business and Human Rights at the Ministry of Gender, Labor, and Social Development.

But participants at the forum said these new policies are not really improving life for many local and indigenous groups who are harmed by investment projects.

Delegates from Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Djibouti listed mining, resource extraction, farming, and large building projects as industries most often linked to human rights abuses.

In Tanzania, officials highlighted extractive industries, agriculture, and infrastructure development as major drivers of displacement and other related impacts, noting that tensions continue to emerge around these sectors, particularly as growing populations place increasing pressure on land and natural resources.

“This is where we see more violations related to land dispossession, environmental degradation, and pollution. Communities are often not adequately engaged in the development of these projects. This lack of engagement results in increased human rights violations,” Jovina Muchunguzi of Tanzania’s Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance explained.

Uganda officials also reported similar concerns. According to Asibazuyo, mining communities continue to grapple with child labor, gender-based violence, environmental pollution, economic exploitation, and land-related conflicts.

“The local communities put in a lot, but the return they get is so little,” she said.

While these National Action Plans focus on Protect, Respect, and Remedy, securing justice remains very difficult in the region.

In Ethiopia, participants pointed to under-resourced institutions and weak enforcement mechanisms. There is also widespread fear among workers who seek accountability for abuses.

“More than 80 percent of workers in fields like farming, factories, and mining are women. Sexual harassment is very common. Workers are not allowed to form groups, and some lose their jobs illegally. Many are afraid that if they go to court, they will be fired,” said Hawi Asfaw, Director of the Socio-Economic Rights Department at the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

Kenya reported an increase in litigation related to land rights, environmental harm, and business-related human rights abuses, with courts increasingly serving as arenas where affected communities seek accountability.

In Uganda, communities affected by land-based investment projects often struggle to challenge companies through legal channels. They cite financial barriers, lengthy court processes, and power imbalances.

Experts at the forum called for stronger complaint procedures and easy ways to report problems. They also urged the creation of better-funded groups to investigate complaints and ensure protections are enforced.

Participants at the meeting also said it is important to stop human rights abuses before they happen, not just react to them afterward.

Human rights due diligence is a process through which businesses identify, prevent, mitigate, and address adverse human rights impacts. This emerged as a central theme throughout the discussions.

“We must identify risks before they materialize,” said Oumalkaire Atteye Wais, highlighting the importance of early intervention and prevention.

More than two decades after eviction, families affected by the Kikonda plantation are still waiting for compensation, accountability, and recognition of harm.

For many participants at the forum, this gap between policy and reality remains the defining challenge of the Business and Human Rights agenda in the region.

As governments continue to develop National Action Plans. Businesses are encouraged to conduct human rights due diligence while institutions are pledging stronger oversight. But for communities facing displacement, progress is not measured by policies or conference statements.

They measure progress by whether justice comes to pass or whether the promise of responsible business remains out of reach for those who most need it.

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Land surveyors escape mob action in Mubende over alleged illegal demarcation.

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By Witness Radio Team.

Mubende: Residents of Kisagazi Village, Kiteera Parish, Butoloogo Sub-county, Mubende District, drove away land surveyors accused of trying to illegally demarcate land boundaries without consultation or authorization.

The situation briefly turned chaotic as over 50 residents mobilized to stop the exercise, which they say lacked their consent and clear instructions. Tensions escalated when residents noticed unknown people with surveying equipment moving through the land.

Residents allege the surveyors, led by a man named Lutalo, entered the area with “questionable land documents.” These documents were reportedly from the Mubende District land office, but had not been shared with local occupants.

Emmanuel Katende, 52, of Kisagazi Village, said he has lived on the land since the 1980s and that it has sustained his family for decades.

“I have been on this land since the 1980s. I bought these five acres and have depended on them ever since,” Katende said.

He said people were surprised when the surveyors suddenly showed up and only took action after they noticed the land boundaries being marked.

“When boundary opening began unexpectedly, we stopped them because we weren’t informed,” he added.

The land in question is about 948.8 hectares. It is located on Block 48, Plot 2, and is reportedly managed by Kakulo Alpathic Kisamula Estate. It covers Kisagazi and Kawoloro villages.

Fred Mwesigwa, another resident, said villagers acted when they realized the surveyors were unknown to them.

“I saw three men moving with a measuring tape and a theodolite. When I asked what they were measuring, they said they were acting on instructions from their bosses but refused to name them,” Mwesigwa said.

He added that residents alerted local leaders as soon as concerns about transparency grew. Another resident, Kenneth Byakatonda, said a lack of clear communication heightened tensions.

“After the surveyors gave unclear answers, I called our local leaders,” he said.

Witness Radio found the surveyors were from Surve Tech Solution Ltd and were reportedly working under instructions from an individual identified as Lutalo.

A letter reportedly signed by District Staff Surveyor Mr. Birungi Albert on April 17, 2026, authorized Surve Tech Solution Ltd to demarcate boundaries in Kisagazi Village, Kiteera Parish, Butoloogo Sub-county. Despite this, residents say they were not informed beforehand.

Residents further reported that after being ordered to leave by local leaders, who serve as the community’s primary mediators in land affairs, the survey team returned later that day with Lutalo. This second attempt triggered renewed tension. Residents again angrily mobilized and chased them away.

“Despite the leaders’ earlier decision, these people seemed ready to continue. The leaders arrived and ordered them to leave, but they returned later, angering residents,” Mwesigwa added.

Police intervened and escorted the surveyors away after the standoff escalated.

Sandra Nalwanga, Chairperson of the Butoloogo Sub-county Local Council III, said she was unaware of the surveying exercise until residents phoned her. As chairperson, she oversees local governance, community issues, and land matters. She urged authorities to consult communities before starting any land-related activities.

“Early communication can help prevent misunderstandings that may lead to violence or mob action,” she said. She warned that incidents like this could endanger lives if not managed well.

When Witness Radio spoke to Lutalo Richard, the accused survey leader, he said he was acting on behalf of his friend, whom he refused to mention.

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