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A German Bank is under intense scrutiny for its irresponsible banking practices, which have been directly linked to displacement and human rights abuses.

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By Witness Radio Team.

Germany’s state-owned development bank, KfW, is facing heavy criticism after a new report exposed how its financing is linked to land grabs, community repression, and human rights violations across the Global South. This injustice is being perpetrated against community members and human rights defenders who, in the face of such adversity, continue to oppose projects linked to KfW bravely.

The report, titled Irresponsible Banking and produced by the Coalition for Human Rights in Development, is not just a crucial revelation but a significant milestone in the fight for justice. It uncovers that while KfW projects are branded as sustainable and pro-development, their impacts tell a darker story of dispossession and violence.

KfW, which operates through its subsidiaries KfW Development Bank, DEG, and IPEX-Bank, is one of the World’s most prominent development financiers. It is backed entirely by the German state. The German government, as the sole shareholder of KfW, has a direct responsibility to ensure that the bank’s operations align with international human rights standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and Germany’s own Supply Chain Due Diligence Act. On paper, the bank promises to uphold strict environmental and social safeguards, respect the rights of Indigenous Peoples to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent, and protect communities from harm. In practice, however, the report finds that these promises remain an empty rhetoric.

According to the findings, several sources interviewed for this analysis, as well as reports by other human rights organizations, denounce the adverse human rights impacts of KfW-funded development projects. In particular, there are numerous cases of threats and attacks against HRDs and community members who oppose KfW-funded projects.

Communities affected by these projects are rarely given adequate information, and when consultations take place, they are frequently rushed, manipulated, or conducted in languages people cannot understand. Far from protecting Indigenous rights, the bank’s operations often sideline them altogether, leaving communities vulnerable to loss of land, culture, and livelihoods.

KfW is funded with public money and is meant to serve the public good. Instead, its negligence has left a trail of suffering. By allowing projects to proceed without proper safeguards, the bank is complicit in dispossession, violence, and environmental destruction.

“KfW calls it ‘responsible banking’, but it’s using German taxpayers’ money to bankroll projects that displace Indigenous Peoples, destroy ecosystems, and endanger human rights defenders. If KfW wants to demonstrate real responsibility, it needs to listen to local communities and ensure their voices are not silenced”, says Dalile Antunez, the report’s author and researcher at the Coalition for Human Rights in Development.

The consequences are visible in case after case. On Indonesia’s Flores Island, the Ulumbu Geothermal Plant expansion, financed with KfW support, is tearing through Indigenous Poco Leok land. Sacred sites and ancestral graves have been desecrated—local activists who resist report surveillance, intimidation, and even physical attacks. Mr. Jimmy Ginting and his fellow activists are fighting against the planned expansion of the Ulumbu Geothermal Power Plant in Poco Leok, which is being implemented by Indonesian state-owned utility company PLN Limited Liability and financed by a KfW loan. The project, which is being implemented without the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent of the Indigenous community, is a clear violation of their rights.

“By not stopping their financing of the project, KfW is actually complicit in human rights violations in Poco Leok,” says Jimmy Ginting, a local human rights defender who has been supporting the struggle of the Indigenous community in Poco Leok.

In Mexico, KfW financing has supported the Topolobampo Ammonia Plant, a project threatening critical wetlands and the livelihoods of fishing communities. Fisherfolk warn that their waters are being poisoned, their future stripped away. Yet the bank’s money continues to flow.

In Sinaloa state in Topolobampo, Mexico, KfW is working together with the company Gas y Petroquímica de Occidente S.A., by financing the construction of their ammonia plant that produces fertilizer.  Ms. Claudia Susana Quintero, who founded the collective ¡Aquí no! that is opposing the Mexican project, reported on their experiences and described the project impacts and reprisals they face.

“The ecological damage brought by the project is immense and irreversible. We are told that a loss of over 60 % of local species can be observed, not to speak of the health risks, caused by the poisonous steam from the ammonia plant and the destruction of the residential fishing site that 4000 families depend on.” She revealed during the report launch webinar, which was also aired live on Witness Radio airwaves.

KfW’s investment is now further dividing our communities. From divisionism to criminalization, reports Ms Quintero, who has been fighting for the rights of the indigenous population and nature for 11 years.

“The ecological effects are immense, but the effects on the community cannot be quantified as well. The company did not offer comprehensive information about the impacts beforehand. It had already entered and divided the community before we could organize ourselves and insist on our right of inclusion. Opposing members of the community are confronted with death threats, physical violence, and criminalisation. We were free before that, but now my family and I live in fear of retaliation. Our lives don’t mean anything to them. I go to sleep every day, thinking that one day my children and I will not wake up again.”Quintero added.

In Tanzania’s Mahenge district, the Epanko Graphite Mine, backed by DEG, another KfW subsidiary, has raised alarm over forced displacement, land loss, and reprisals. Local voices critical of the mine speak of harassment and intimidation, echoing the same pattern of neglect and abuse found in Indonesia and Mexico.

What ties these cases together is not only the harm caused but also the silence of a bank that should be protecting people, not exposing them to danger. The report highlights how KfW has no robust policy to deal with reprisals against activists. Human rights defenders who speak against destructive projects face threats, beatings, and lawsuits, while the bank looks the other way. Its lack of transparency exacerbates the problem, as affected communities often cannot access critical information about the projects that are reshaping their lives.

In a video message during the online launch of the report, Dr. Pichamon Yeophantong, a member of the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights, underlined the special obligations of development banks (DFIs), like KfW. As official agents and an essential part of international development cooperation, they are obligated to act responsibly and fulfill specific moral standards in alignment with the United Nations’ guiding principles on business and human rights.

The Coalition for Human Rights in Development is calling on KfW to take urgent action. The report recommends that the bank adopt a strong and enforceable anti-reprisals policy that includes systematic risk assessments and immediate protection measures when threats emerge.

It urges KfW to guarantee genuine Free, Prior and Informed Consent for Indigenous Peoples, ensuring that they have the right not just to be consulted but to say no to harmful projects. Transparency must be drastically improved, with all project information disclosed in local languages and in accessible formats.

Monitoring must become independent, and accountability mechanisms must be strengthened to provide real remedies when rights are violated. Finally, the report stresses that when harm persists, KfW must be prepared to suspend or withdraw financing rather than continue enabling abuses.

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Why govt is launching a comprehensive digital land registry

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RDC Fatumah Ndisaba making enquiries at the MZO-Mukono’s registry desk in 2024. Govt is launching a comprehensive digital land registry

COMMENT | DAVID MUWONGE |  Land has historically symbolized wealth and power. In the past, kingdoms expanded their influence by acquiring new territories.

This pursuit continued into the colonial era, spanning the 15th to the 20th centuries, with European powers scrambling for control over Africa. They were driven by a desire not just for human labour but also for large amounts of agricultural land, political power, and the raw materials needed to fuel the Industrial Revolution in the West. As a result, the distribution and management of land became increasingly complex.

In Uganda, the colonial era ushered in the 1900 Buganda Agreement, a turning point in the nation’s land history. Among its key provisions was land reform. It introduced the mailo system at the center of it all. Under this agreement, large estates were divided. About 8,000 square miles were granted to roughly 1,000 chiefs and landowners, establishing a unique land tenure system. These changes have had lasting effects on Uganda’s approach to land ownership and governance.

Over time, this structure evolved into the four land tenure systems recognized by the 1995 Uganda Constitution: customary (traditional communal or family-based ownership), freehold (absolute ownership), mailo (a system with distinct rights for owners and tenants), and leasehold (land held for a fixed term under a lease agreement, often with rent payments).

However, even as the land tenure system evolved by law to include leasehold, controversy persisted, especially regarding government land. This ongoing tension highlights the need to address historical challenges while adapting to modern realities.

This is partly because there is no comprehensive, up-to-date inventory of government land, and the Uganda Land Commission’s limited district presence. Thus, significant tests in managing and protecting government land, making it vulnerable to mismanagement and encroachment.

Recognizing these challenges, the Government of Uganda is now taking decisive steps to modernize land management systems and restore confidence in public land administration. The government is launching a digital land inventory through the Uganda Land Commission, aiming to secure, monitor, and ensure transparent management of all state-owned land.

The Uganda Land Commission (ULC), established under Article 238 of the Constitution, is tasked with holding and managing all land in Uganda vested in or acquired by the state, ensuring it is protected, put to proper use, and fully accounted for.

According to Tom John Fisher Kasenge, a commissioner at Uganda Land Commission, much of the government land has been encroached upon. Government land includes all property managed or held by ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), government schools, health centres, hospitals, police stations, prisons, offices, farms, and army barracks. It also covers land under the National Forestry Authority. ULC is the custodian of this land and holds the titles on behalf of all MDAs.

“This inventory will also go a long way in helping to solve land disputes, wrangles and conflicts that are over land management and ownership in the country,” Kasenge remarked.

“There is a big problem now, as we talk, in distinguishing between land owned by the government and managed by the Commission; land under the Buganda Land Board; and land under the authorities, like the local governments and the cities,” Kasenge added.

“Because of that lack of accuracy in the boundaries and extent of the land and the jurisdiction of each of these bodies.”

The Land Commission’s priority is to create a digitized, accurate inventory of all government land to close information gaps. By bridging the current information divide, this initiative seeks to support proper planning, protect against encroachment, and encourage investment in projects, recognizing land as a vital national resource.

“So, planning for this land becomes very crucial at the moment that the NRM government has attracted a lot of investors, and every now and then, these investors would like to put their projects in various places around the country,” Kasenge observed. This further emphasizes the importance of reliable land records for national development.

With updated digital land records, the Commission expects to resolve disputes, reduce misallocation, and ensure efficient use of public land. These improvements are expected to build greater transparency and accountability in land administration.

Revenue Collection

Many occupants of government land are not paying ground rent largely due to limited awareness and the absence of formalized tenure, a situation that continues to affect national revenue, Kasenge revealed.

He explained that to address this gap, the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) is rolling out a new system that will regularly remind lessees of their ground rent obligations and notify them ahead of lease expiry dates, a move aimed at improving compliance.

Kasenge further noted that correcting erroneous freehold titles will allow affected lessees to regularize their tenure. This will also enable the government to collect due ground rent. He emphasizes that stronger land administration and improved revenue collection are critical to better service delivery and to ensuring government land benefits both the state and citizens.

Currently, ULC has a Financial Year revenue target of UGX 7 billion from ground rent and leases on government land. After the digitized, GIS-enabled (Geographic Information System) inventory is fully rolled out, the Commission expects collections to rise to about Shs12 billion in the first three years. Revenues are projected to gradually increase to as much as Shs40 billion in the long term.

Local governments and technical officers are playing a key role in supporting the nationwide exercise through boundary verification, data sharing and identification of government land. Their contributions include providing physical planning and land-use guidance, protecting environmentally sensitive areas, and engaging communities to raise awareness and build cooperation.

The Land Commission assures the public and current lessees that the inventory exercise is not intended to trigger evictions but is focused on documentation, compliance and improved land governance. Addressing public concerns remains central to the Commission’s approach, with an emphasis on fairness and openness throughout the process.

Uganda Land Commission has formally written to all ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), requesting details of land under their custody and the nomination of focal persons to work with the Commission in developing a comprehensive inventory, a request that has received positive responses.

In addition, the Commission has engaged 16 town clerks from cities and municipalities. It has reviewed its own records and those of the National Land Information System (NLIS), a centralized digital platform for managing national land records, to verify government land details. The Commission has also partnered with the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MLHUD) to support the exercise through surveying, valuation, and titling. These collaborative efforts highlight the collective responsibility needed to address longstanding land challenges and a need to strengthen accountability, improve compliance, and enhance management of government land across the country.

As the digital registry project continues, ongoing collaboration among government agencies, local authorities, and the public will be crucial to its success. Sustained commitment and transparent communication will ensure that the benefits of improved land management are realized for all Ugandans.

Source: independent.co.ug

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Witness Radio and Seed Savers Network are partnering to produce radio content to save indigenous seeds in Africa.

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By Witness Radio team.

Across Africa, indigenous seeds are vital, climate-resilient, and culturally significant resources that smallholder farmers deeply value for biodiversity and food sovereignty.

Today, however, these traditional seed systems face threats from commercial seed interests, restrictive laws, and policies that may impact farmers’ rights. Addressing these concerns directly can help farmers understand how the program supports their legal and cultural rights.

In response to this growing challenge, Witness Radio Uganda, in partnership with the Seed Savers Network (SSN) in Kenya, is launching a radio broadcast titled “The Struggle to Save Cultural Seeds in Africa.”

Witness Radio and Seed Savers in Africa aim to use the radio as a tool to organize, mobilize, and empower smallholder farmers across Africa and beyond.

Food production and consumption patterns in Africa have changed significantly since the pre-colonial era. The gradual introduction of exotic crops, the establishment of settler farms on land seized from local communities, and the shift from agroecological practices to agrochemical-dependent and mechanized agriculture have disrupted indigenous food systems.

While agribusinesses continue to generate profits, research by civil society organizations shows that these models have contributed to soil degradation, biodiversity loss, widening inequalities through land grabbing, and increased vulnerability among smallholder farmers. These historical disruptions have laid the groundwork for modern policies that further marginalize farmer-managed seed systems.

The struggle to save indigenous seeds affirms farmers’ rights to control their seeds and farming knowledge, empowering smallholder farmers to protect their food security and cultural heritage.

In 2025, the East African Community (EAC) Seed and Plant Varieties Draft Bill threatened farmers’ rights by criminalizing traditional seed practices and favoring multinational companies. This situation should motivate policymakers and community leaders to stand for farmers’ rights and food sovereignty.

In response to this emergency, it is critical to close this gap by placing smallholder farmers, Africa’s largest food producers, at the center of seed and food systems. This radio program draws inspiration from the 2025 Seed Savers Boot Camp organized by the Seed Savers Network Kenya. Held in Gilgil, Nakuru County, from the last week of October to the first week of November last year, the boot camp brought together farmers and civil society leaders from across Africa for hands-on training and learning exchanges.

Participants explored seed conservation methods and shared knowledge, fostering a movement that builds community resilience and revives traditional farming systems.

Witness Radio participated in this gathering alongside farmers, reinforcing a shared commitment to strengthening community resilience and farmer-led food systems across Africa.

This broadcast launches a new series from Witness Radio and the Seed Savers Network to raise awareness of seed saving and food sovereignty, offering practical tips and resources for farmers to actively participate in safeguarding farmer-managed seeds.

The live program will feature voices from across the continent, including Atim Robert Anaab from Trax Ghana and The Beela Project, who works to strengthen indigenous seed systems in Ghana’s Upper East and North East Regions. Other guests include June Bartuin, Executive Director of Indigenous Peoples for Peace and Climate Justice in Kenya, and Priscilla Nakato, Chairperson of the Informal Alliance for Communities Affected by Irresponsible Land-Based Investments in Uganda.

Together, the speakers will reflect on what motivated them to join the Seed Savers Boot Camp, what they learned, the current state of seed sovereignty in their countries, and how they are applying this knowledge within their communities.

The goal is to show how insights from the Seed Savers Boot Camp translate into tangible actions, inspiring farmers and policymakers to protect indigenous seeds for food sovereignty and climate resilience.

The program will air live on Witness Radio tomorrow, Thursday at 3:00 pm EAT, accessible via the Witness Radio App or online via www.witnessradio.org or https://radio.witnessradio.org/. to maximize reach and participation.

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Evicted from their land to host Refugees: A case of Uganda’s Kyangwali refugee settlement expansion, which left host communities landless.

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By Witness Radio team.

As Uganda continues to host more refugees than almost any other country in Africa, displaced residents in Kikuube are still waiting for accountability, restitution, and the chance to live with dignity once again. This ongoing struggle should stir feelings of compassion and urgency in the audience.

More than 60,000 people occupying 9323.96 hectares (36 square miles) were displaced from villages, including Bukinda A and B, Bukinda II, Kavule, Bwizibwera A and B, Kyeya A and B, Nyaruhanga, Kabirizi, Nyamigisa A and B, Katoma, and others in Kasonga parish, Kyangwali sub-county.

The violent forced land evictions in Kyangwali date back more than a decade. Beginning in September 2013, masterminded by officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), led by the Principal Resettlement Officer Charles Bafaki, backed by the Uganda Police Force and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF). The OPM office claimed that the contested land had been gazetted for refugee settlement, a claim former refugee host communities refute, saying they are bona fide landowners.

According to evidence seen by the Witness Radio team, most of the evictees were born on the land from the 1950s to the date they were illegally evicted.

According to Uganda’s Land Act, a bona fide occupant is a person who, before the 1995 Constitution, had occupied land unchallenged for 12 years or more, or was settled by the government. Clarifying these legal standards can help the public and policymakers understand the legal basis of land claims and potential violations.

According to the UN Refugee Agency, by the end of 2024, Uganda was hosting approximately 1.8 million refugees and asylum-seekers – the largest refugee population in Africa – reflecting a 10% increase from the previous year. The majority were from South Sudan (57%) and DRC (31%), with smaller populations from Somalia, Burundi, Eritrea, Rwanda, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Women and children made up 80% of the refugee population.

In Butyamba village, along the Hoima-Kagadi Road in Kikuube District in Western Uganda, is an informal settlement of fragile, makeshift houses that stretches across a single acre of land. It hosts over 500 people, including evictees. It’s packed tightly together, their shelters built from tarpaulins, scrap wood, and other grass thatched.

The residents, who have camped in the area since 2023, were once landowners in Bukinda and Katikala. Now, they are landless and struggling after an illegal land eviction for the expansion of the Kyangwali refugee settlement, one of Uganda’s largest refugee-hosting areas.

For many here, life changed abruptly in 2013, followed by another series of forced land evictions in 2020, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“I became a refugee in my own country,” an elderly Kabulala Oliver struggles to hold back tears as she recalls the forced land eviction that shattered her life and the lives of other members of her family.

Kabulala is among the over 60,000 people evicted from 30 villages in Bukinda, Kyangwali Sub-county. We found her together with others at the informal camp.

“When we were evicted from our land, we camped at the Kikuube Resident District Commissioner (RDC)’s premises, but this was short-lived, and we were chased away. Later, we were given this small piece of land by an area member of parliament, Hon. Natumanya,” she says.

What pains her most, she says, is that she was displaced to make room for refugees, only to become displaced herself. 

“I am a Munyoro. I had lived on my land for decades. “Why should I be evicted because the government wants land for refugees? This is total impunity where the poor are not counted as humans.” Kabulala asks?

She now lives in a small makeshift shelter with a family of 13. With no land to cultivate, survival has become a daily struggle.

“My land was taken. We have nowhere to farm. We are starving every day. Children ask for food, and I don’t know where to get it. We drink dirty water,” she says. 

Kabulala belongs to the Bunyoro tribe, which is constitutionally recognised as one of Uganda’s 56 indigenous communities.

The affected communities say they were never notified about the eviction or given meaningful consultation. According to Ahumuza and other witnesses, armed security personnel arrived in trucks, firing bullets, beating residents, and demolishing homes.

“In August 2013, OPM officials came and told us we had three hours to leave the land, which people had lived on for decades. They treated us like rebels. They beat people and destroyed all properties worth billions of Shillings, which forced people to scatter in all directions. After three days, refugees were ferried in and settled in our gardens where food was still growing.”

Ahumuza Businge, chairperson of the Internally Displaced Youth in Bukinda and Katikala. recalls 

After the eviction, many families fled to Kyangwali sub-county headquarters, seeking refuge. Others later settled in an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Butyamba, near Kiziranfumbi town, an area with no permanent services, such as water, toilets, and other essentials.

“You can also see how people are suffering. When our loved ones die, we have nowhere to bury them. Children don’t go to school. People die every day because there is no food, there is no water, and our temporary toilets are almost full,” Mbambali Fred, a former resident of Bukinda, whose land was also taken despite having a lease title, told Witness Radio. 

Mbambali says his land was grabbed at gunpoint and misused. “I had a land title, but my land was forcefully taken and used to settle people who are not even refugees. Part of it is hired out for maize farming while I, the land owner, suffer.” He added.

In 2020, during the COVID-19 lockdown, the same government security forces forcefully evicted another group of more than 20,000 people from 1812.99 hectares (7 square miles) of land. Victims revealed that security forces sealed off their area under the pretext of a disease outbreak. Journalists and political leaders were barred, and evictions resumed quietly.

According to the ministry responsible for lands, housing, and urban development’s then guidelines, during COVID-19, no land evictions were to take place. On April 16th, 2020, the government of Uganda, through the Ministry of Lands, ordered a halt to all land evictions during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The same ministry directed all local governments and security agencies to enforce the order, but the OPM disregarded it. 

Today, many of the evictees live in IDPs who are framed as encroachers on their land, landless, impoverished, and dependent on casual labor. Unable to farm, families struggle to feed themselves, educate their children, or rebuild their lives.

Thirteen years after the first eviction, the affected communities say they have reached out to all concerned offices, including the president’s office, for justice, but in vain.

“The land was our life. Without it, we are nothing.” Mbambali reacts

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