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How food and water are driving a 21st-century African land grab

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A woman tends vegetables at a giant Saudi-financed farm in Ethiopia.

An Observer investigation reveals how rich countries faced by a global food shortage now farm an area double the size of the UK to guarantee supplies for their citizens.

We turned off the main road to Awassa, talked our way past security guards and drove a mile across empty land before we found what will soon be Ethiopia’s largest greenhouse. Nestling below an escarpment of the Rift Valley, the development is far from finished, but the plastic and steel structure already stretches over 20 hectares – the size of 20 football pitches.

The farm manager shows us millions of tomatoes, peppers and other vegetables being grown in 500m rows in computer controlled conditions. Spanish engineers are building the steel structure, Dutch technology minimises water use from two bore-holes and 1,000 women pick and pack 50 tonnes of food a day. Within 24 hours, it has been driven 200 miles to Addis Ababa and flown 1,000 miles to the shops and restaurants of Dubai, Jeddah and elsewhere in the Middle East.

Ethiopia is one of the hungriest countries in the world with 2.8 million people needing food aid, but paradoxically the government is offering at least 3m hectares of its most fertile land to rich countries and some of the world’s most wealthy individuals to export food for their own populations.

The 1,000 hectares of land which contain the Awassa greenhouses are leased for 99 years to a Saudi billionaire businessman, Ethiopian-born Sheikh Mohammed al-Amoudi, one of the 50 richest men in the world. His Saudi Star company plans to spend up to $2bn acquiring and developing 500,000 hectares of land in Ethiopia in the next few years. So far, it has bought four farms and is already growing wheat, rice, vegetables and flowers for the Saudi market. It expects eventually to employ more than 10,000 people.

But Ethiopia is only one of 20 or more African countries where land is being bought or leased for intensive agriculture on an immense scale in what may be the greatest change of ownership since the colonial era.

An Observer investigation estimates that up to 50m hectares of land – an area more than double the size of the UK – has been acquired in the last few years or is in the process of being negotiated by governments and wealthy investors working with state subsidies. The data used was collected by Grain, the International Institute for Environment and Development, the International Land Coalition, ActionAid and other non-governmental groups.

The land rush, which is still accelerating, has been triggered by the worldwide food shortages which followed the sharp oil price rises in 2008, growing water shortages and the European Union’s insistence that 10% of all transport fuel must come from plant-based biofuels by 2015.

In many areas the deals have led to evictions, civil unrest and complaints of “land grabbing”.

The experience of Nyikaw Ochalla, an indigenous Anuak from the Gambella region of Ethiopia now living in Britain but who is in regular contact with farmers in his region, is typical. He said: “All of the land in the Gambella region is utilised. Each community has and looks after its own territory and the rivers and farmlands within it. It is a myth propagated by the government and investors to say that there is waste land or land that is not utilised in Gambella.

“The foreign companies are arriving in large numbers, depriving people of land they have used for centuries. There is no consultation with the indigenous population. The deals are done secretly. The only thing the local people see is people coming with lots of tractors to invade their lands.

“All the land round my family village of Illia has been taken over and is being cleared. People now have to work for an Indian company. Their land has been compulsorily taken and they have been given no compensation. People cannot believe what is happening. Thousands of people will be affected and people will go hungry.”

It is not known if the acquisitions will improve or worsen food security in Africa, or if they will stimulate separatist conflicts, but a major World Bank report due to be published this month is expected to warn of both the potential benefits and the immense dangers they represent to people and nature.

Leading the rush are international agribusinesses, investment banks, hedge funds, commodity traders, sovereign wealth funds as well as UK pension funds, foundations and individuals attracted by some of the world’s cheapest land.

Together they are scouring Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Malawi, Ethiopia, Congo, Zambia, Uganda, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Mali, Sierra Leone, Ghana and elsewhere. Ethiopia alone has approved 815 foreign-financed agricultural projects since 2007. Any land there, which investors have not been able to buy, is being leased for approximately $1 per year per hectare.

Saudi Arabia, along with other Middle Eastern emirate states such as Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi, is thought to be the biggest buyer. In 2008 the Saudi government, which was one of the Middle East’s largest wheat-growers, announced it was to reduce its domestic cereal production by 12% a year to conserve its water. It earmarked $5bn to provide loans at preferential rates to Saudi companies which wanted to invest in countries with strong agricultural potential .

Meanwhile, the Saudi investment company Foras, backed by the Islamic Development Bank and wealthy Saudi investors, plans to spend $1bn buying land and growing 7m tonnes of rice for the Saudi market within seven years. The company says it is investigating buying land in Mali, Senegal, Sudan and Uganda. By turning to Africa to grow its staple crops, Saudi Arabia is not just acquiring Africa’s land but is securing itself the equivalent of hundreds of millions of gallons of scarce water a year. Water, says the UN, will be the defining resource of the next 100 years.

Since 2008 Saudi investors have bought heavily in Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia and Kenya. Last year the first sacks of wheat grown in Ethiopia for the Saudi market were presented by al-Amoudi to King Abdullah.

Some of the African deals lined up are eye-wateringly large: China has signed a contract with the Democratic Republic of Congo to grow 2.8m hectares of palm oil for biofuels. Before it fell apart after riots, a proposed 1.2m hectares deal between Madagascar and the South Korean company Daewoo would have included nearly half of the country’s arable land.

Land to grow biofuel crops is also in demand. “European biofuel companies have acquired or requested about 3.9m hectares in Africa. This has led to displacement of people, lack of consultation and compensation, broken promises about wages and job opportunities,” said Tim Rice, author of an ActionAid report which estimates that the EU needs to grow crops on 17.5m hectares, well over half the size of Italy, if it is to meet its 10% biofuel target by 2015.

“The biofuel land grab in Africa is already displacing farmers and food production. The number of people going hungry will increase,” he said. British firms have secured tracts of land in Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria and Tanzania to grow flowers and vegetables.

Indian companies, backed by government loans, have bought or leased hundreds of thousands of hectares in Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and Mozambique, where they are growing rice, sugar cane, maize and lentils to feed their domestic market.

Nowhere is now out of bounds. Sudan, emerging from civil war and mostly bereft of development for a generation, is one of the new hot spots. South Korean companies last year bought 700,000 hectares of northern Sudan for wheat cultivation; the United Arab Emirates have acquired 750,000 hectares and Saudi Arabia last month concluded a 42,000-hectare deal in Nile province.

The government of southern Sudan says many companies are now trying to acquire land. “We have had many requests from many developers. Negotiations are going on,” said Peter Chooli, director of water resources and irrigation, in Juba last week. “A Danish group is in discussions with the state and another wants to use land near the Nile.”

In one of the most extraordinary deals, buccaneering New York investment firm Jarch Capital, run by a former commodities trader, Philip Heilberg, has leased 800,000 hectares in southern Sudan near Darfur. Heilberg has promised not only to create jobs but also to put 10% or more of his profits back into the local community. But he has been accused by Sudanese of “grabbing” communal land and leading an American attempt to fragment Sudan and exploit its resources.

Devlin Kuyek, a Montreal-based researcher with Grain, said investing in Africa was now seen as a new food supply strategy by many governments. “Rich countries are eyeing Africa not just for a healthy return on capital, but also as an insurance policy. Food shortages and riots in 28 countries in 2008, declining water supplies, climate change and huge population growth have together made land attractive. Africa has the most land and, compared with other continents, is cheap,” he said.

“Farmland in sub-Saharan Africa is giving 25% returns a year and new technology can treble crop yields in short time frames,” said Susan Payne, chief executive of Emergent Asset Management, a UK investment fund seeking to spend $50m on African land, which, she said, was attracting governments, corporations, multinationals and other investors. “Agricultural development is not only sustainable, it is our future. If we do not pay great care and attention now to increase food production by over 50% before 2050, we will face serious food shortages globally,” she said.

But many of the deals are widely condemned by both western non-government groups and nationals as “new colonialism”, driving people off the land and taking scarce resources away from people.

We met Tegenu Morku, a land agent, in a roadside cafe on his way to the region of Oromia in Ethiopia to find 500 hectares of land for a group of Egyptian investors. They planned to fatten cattle, grow cereals and spices and export as much as possible to Egypt. There had to be water available and he expected the price to be about 15 birr (75p) per hectare per year – less than a quarter of the cost of land in Egypt and a tenth of the price of land in Asia.

“The land and labour is cheap and the climate is good here. Everyone – Saudis, Turks, Chinese, Egyptians – is looking. The farmers do not like it because they get displaced, but they can find land elsewhere and, besides, they get compensation, equivalent to about 10 years’ crop yield,” he said.

Oromia is one of the centres of the African land rush. Haile Hirpa, president of the Oromia studies’ association, said last week in a letter of protest to UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon that India had acquired 1m hectares, Djibouti 10,000 hectares, Saudi Arabia 100,000 hectares, and that Egyptian, South Korean, Chinese, Nigerian and other Arab investors were all active in the state.

“This is the new, 21st-century colonisation. The Saudis are enjoying the rice harvest, while the Oromos are dying from man-made famine as we speak,” he said.

The Ethiopian government denied the deals were causing hunger and said that the land deals were attracting hundreds of millions of dollars of foreign investments and tens of thousands of jobs. A spokesman said: “Ethiopia has 74m hectares of fertile land, of which only 15% is currently in use – mainly by subsistence farmers. Of the remaining land, only a small percentage – 3 to 4% – is offered to foreign investors. Investors are never given land that belongs to Ethiopian farmers. The government also encourages Ethiopians in the diaspora to invest in their homeland. They bring badly needed technology, they offer jobs and training to Ethiopians, they operate in areas where there is suitable land and access to water.”

The reality on the ground is different, according to Michael Taylor, a policy specialist at the International Land Coalition. “If land in Africa hasn’t been planted, it’s probably for a reason. Maybe it’s used to graze livestock or deliberately left fallow to prevent nutrient depletion and erosion. Anybody who has seen these areas identified as unused understands that there is no land in Ethiopia that has no owners and users.”

Development experts are divided on the benefits of large-scale, intensive farming. Indian ecologist Vandana Shiva said in London last week that large-scale industrial agriculture not only threw people off the land but also required chemicals, pesticides, herbicides, fertilisers, intensive water use, and large-scale transport, storage and distribution which together turned landscapes into enormous mono-cultural plantations.

“We are seeing dispossession on a massive scale. It means less food is available and local people will have less. There will be more conflict and political instability and cultures will be uprooted. The small farmers of Africa are the basis of food security. The food availability of the planet will decline,” she says. But Rodney Cooke, director at the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development, sees potential benefits. “I would avoid the blanket term ‘land-grabbing’. Done the right way, these deals can bring benefits for all parties and be a tool for development.”

Lorenzo Cotula, senior researcher with the International Institute for Environment and Development, who co-authored a report on African land exchanges with the UN fund last year, found that well-structured deals could guarantee employment, better infrastructures and better crop yields. But badly handled they could cause great harm, especially if local people were excluded from decisions about allocating land and if their land rights were not protected.

Water is also controversial. Local government officers in Ethiopia told the Observer that foreign companies that set up flower farms and other large intensive farms were not being charged for water. “We would like to, but the deal is made by central government,” said one. In Awassa, the al-Amouni farm uses as much water a year as 100,000 Ethiopians.

• This article was amended on 22 March 2011. Owing to an editing error the original said that more than 13 million people in Ethiopia need food aid. This has been corrected.

Original Post: The Guardian

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East African women unite and meet in Nairobi to develop strategies to protect communal tenure systems and collectively resist false climate solutions.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Women in East Africa are on the front lines of land and climate struggles against harmful extractive investments, land grabs, and land giveaways that have not only damaged their livelihoods but also continued to harm the environment.

In Tanzania’s Manyara and Arusha regions, Maasai pastoralists face environmental disasters and land conflicts driven by encroachment and land degradation.

Paulina Peter, a Community Development Officer with the KINNAPA Development Program in Kiteto District, Tanzania, has witnessed these changes firsthand.

“Deforestation for agriculture is a major challenge. Some pastoralists are diversifying into crop farming, which affects environmental conservation. At the same time, population growth and land degradation are driving migration into pastoralist areas.” She explains, in an interview with Witness Radio

These pressures are not only ecological, but they are also fueling conflict. According to Paulina, disputes have emerged between local communities and incoming agriculturalists seeking access to community lands, sometimes escalating into legal battles.

To address these challenges, KINNAPA is supporting pastoralist communities through land rights awareness, environmental education, and the development of village land use plans. These initiatives, particularly the formalization of shared rangelands, have helped reduce conflict and promote more sustainable land use.

While Tanzanian communities struggle with gradual encroachment, the story of the Mosopisyek of Benet Indigenous community in Eastern Uganda reflects a more abrupt and violent history of land loss, which has had an overwhelming impact on thousands of local communities for decades.

The Benet Indigenous community in Uganda lost its ancestral land in 1993 when it was designated as a national park, causing decades of displacement and hardship.

“In 1993, the government evicted hundreds of people without compensation. During the initial giveaway of our land, we were not consulted to give consent,” Chelangat Scovia, a women’s leader of the Mosopisyek of Benet Indigenous community, told Witness Radio, recalling the trauma of forced evictions from their ancestral lands on Mount Elgon.

The government has promised to resettle them, but the affected communities in Sebei still await justice after more than 30 years, underscoring their resilience.

Following the 1993 evictions, thousands were left in temporary settlements without adequate land or support. In 2008, again, the government further displaced more than 170 families and destroyed homes in a violent eviction.

Today, many Benet remain landless, surviving through casual labor or relying on aid, while continuing to face harassment when they attempt to access their ancestral lands for grazing or cultural practices.

Despite these challenges affecting their communities, women like Paulina and Chelangat are not only victims but also inspiring leaders driving efforts to defend and reclaim the commons.

Both are attending the East Africa Women’s Land and Climate Justice Convergence in Nairobi, where grassroots women leaders, activists, and organizations from Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania have gathered from April 26 to May 1 to confront land dispossession, extractivism, and false climate solutions.

The convergence comes at a critical moment when Africa’s commons—land, forests, water, and cultural systems—are under growing threat. Most land on the continent is held under communal tenure systems that sustain rural populations. However, weak legal protections continue to expose these systems to state control, corporate exploitation, and large-scale land grabs.

While communal systems are vital, they are also shaped by deeply entrenched patriarchal norms. Women, despite being the backbone of food production, often access land through male relatives. This leaves them particularly vulnerable during moments of crisis such as widowhood, divorce, or family disputes.

The convergence seeks to challenge this model by advancing a different vision, one that strengthens, rather than dismantles, the commons while centering women’s leadership.

The convergence aims to build collective strategies to protect communal lands and resist extractive industries and false climate solutions, empowering communities to act together.

“The convergence will also explore the new threats to the commons in the form of mega ‘green’ energy and mining projects, and the false solutions to the climate crisis, such as carbon capture and storage, as well as REDD+, typically involving the capturing and privatization of land, forests, and water bodies. We will also explore the question of climate debt and how it is deeply interlinked with the continued commodification of the commons,” Says Womin in its press release.

Bringing together 35 to 45 participants, primarily women living under communal tenure systems, the convergence includes farmers, fisherfolk, pastoralists, indigenous women, and activists resisting extractive projects. Organized by Womin in partnership with allied organizations, the gathering runs until May 1.

Witness Radio will continue to provide updates on all developments from the convergence.

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African women push for reparations and environmental accountability after landmark Climate Justice Day.

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By Witness Radio team

Women’s community organizations and grassroots movements across Africa are intensifying calls for climate reparations and environmental accountability following the inaugural African Women’s Climate Justice Day, marked on April 15.

Organized by the West and Central African Women’s Climate Assembly (WCA) under the theme “Our Lands, Our Voices: African Women United for Reparations and Climate Justice,” the convergence took place across multiple parts of the continent, highlighting how women in regions like West and Central Africa face unique climate impacts such as droughts and land degradation, demanding tailored solutions.

The WCA provides a powerful space to analyze the intersecting crises affecting their communities collectively and to develop strategies of resistance rooted in climate justice, food sovereignty, and the Right to Say NO to destructive extractivist and mega-development projects that displace communities, erode ancestral ways of life, and destroy ecological futures.

Since 2022, women from across Central and West Africa have gathered annually through the Women’s Climate Assembly (WCA) — a growing Pan-African, grassroots-led platform that brings together over 120 activists, ecofeminist leaders, and community organizers to collectively build strategies for climate justice, strengthen solidarity across movements, and advance community-led resistance against harmful, destructive projects while amplifying women’s voices.

On the 15th, the Women’s Alliance on Natural Resources Governance (WANRG) led nationwide actions across four districts in Sierra Leone, bringing climate justice conversations directly to communities most affected by environmental degradation. In the West African country, Climate change has had a significant impact on agriculture, exacerbating the existing challenges of low productivity and food insecurity.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), women make up almost 70% of Sierra Leone’s agricultural workforce, and FAO’s support aims to empower women to adapt to climate shocks that threaten food production and household incomes.

These impacts, including unpredictable rainfall patterns, prolonged droughts, and increasing occurrences of extreme weather events such as floods and storms, are disrupting farming activities and resulting in declining crop yields. Further, environmental concerns caused by extractive projects are adding salt to the injury.

In the eastern districts of Kono and Kenema, outreach efforts focused on women working on the front lines of natural resource management, highlighting how extractive activities and climate change are eroding livelihoods.

“Climate justice is a women’s rights issue! Across four districts, we took bold action to ensure women’s voices are at the heart of environmental protection,” the organization’s statement read.

The alliance brought together local leaders and policymakers in Bo District for a stakeholder dialogue to develop and implement gender-sensitive climate policies, with commitments to integrate women’s voices into national climate strategies and to demonstrate tangible policy support for climate justice.

“When women lead, the planet wins. We are not just victims of climate change; we are the leaders, the innovators, and the defenders of our land,” The organization’s statement highlighted. This should inspire the audience with pride and confidence in women’s vital role in climate justice.

Across the continent, similar demands were echoed. In Liberia, the Natural Resource Women Platform (NRWP) described the moment as critical, warning that climate change continues to disproportionately affect women in rural, coastal, and resource-dependent communities.

“Across Liberia and the wider region, women are experiencing the harsh impacts of environmental degradation, land dispossession, and the growing burden of sustaining livelihoods amid the climate crisis,” the organization said in a statement from Monrovia.

The group pointed to worsening coastal erosion in Buchanan, increasing urban pollution, and challenges for women farmers due to erratic rainfall and soil decline. These realities should evoke empathy and a sense of urgency in your audience to support community-led solutions.

Central to the demands raised during the day of action are calls for reparations for communities affected by historical and ongoing environmental exploitation, an end to destructive extractive practices, and greater accountability from governments and corporations driving climate harm.

These calls were reinforced by regional movements such as the Global Convergence of Struggles for Land, Water, Seeds, Forests, Savannas, and the Sea in Central Africa, which framed the climate crisis as part of a broader system of dispossession.

“Land, water, forests, and the sea are fundamental rights, not commodities,” the coalition declared, calling for the dismantling of extractivist systems and for communities to be placed at the center of decisions affecting their territories.

In Central Africa, women’s organizations are already moving from declarations to strategy. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Indigenous Women and Local Communities for Sustainable and Participatory Development (FACID) brought together civil society groups to develop joint action plans and strengthen advocacy for climate justice.

“These are our struggles, and African women across the region have come together to reflect on climate change issues. There is drought, water pollution, air pollution, and soil pollution, as well as deforestation. All these scourges of climate change are affecting the African continent.  Since we cannot work in isolation, we have established the Constituent Assembly of African Women on Climate Justice to fight for climate justice through actions that bring about solutions that serve everyone,” said Marie Dorothée Lisenga, a coordinator with FACID, adding that women are at the forefront of the fight against climate change, and their leadership must shape the response.

As momentum builds beyond the April 15 mobilizations, organizations say the focus is now on sustaining pressure through advocacy, alliance-building, and grassroots action to ensure that climate justice is not reduced to rhetoric.

“We commend the growing movement of African women rising in unity to demand systemic and transformative change. Their call for reparations is not only for compensation; it is for dignity, justice, and the restoration of lives, lands, and livelihoods,” The group emphasized. This framing should foster respect and moral support among your readers.

The African Women’s Climate Justice Day was organized by NGO partners, civil society, and community-based organizations, and allies across Africa, including Women and Development (Nigeria), WoMin African Alliance, SynDev (Senegal), Green Development Advocates, and RADD (Cameroon), among others, who hosted solidarity actions and activities.

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Nigerian Banks under fire over ESG failures as a new report exposes Weak Climate and Human Rights Compliance.

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By the Witness Radio team.

A new policy assessment has raised serious questions about the environmental and social conduct of Nigeria’s banking sector, revealing that major financial institutions are significantly underperforming on global sustainability standards while continuing to finance high-risk industries with limited transparency. 

The report, produced by Fair Finance Nigeria (FFNG) Coalition, comprising BudgIT, Oxfam, Policy Alert, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Connected Development (CODE), and Sustainable Transformation and Empowerment Programme (STEPS) assessed four Nigerian major banks including Access Bank, UBA, Zenith Bank, and Standard Chartered Bank against international Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) benchmarks. 

Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) is a framework for understanding how a company behaves, not just in terms of profit, but also in terms of its impact on people and the planet. 

The environmental side looks at how responsibly a company treats the natural world. This includes how it uses resources, manages waste, reduces pollution, and responds to climate change. The social side focuses on how a company relates to people. That means how it treats its employees, works with suppliers, serves customers, and engages with the communities where it operates, while the governance side is about how the company is run and ensures accountability. 

The assessment was based on the updated 2025 methodology of Fair Finance International, which uses 19 thematic indicators grouped into environmental, social, and governance categories. The evaluation relied solely on publicly available policy documents, sustainability reports, and annual disclosures. 

Acknowledging that Nigerian banks scored an average of 1.7 out of 10 across key sustainability indicators highlights the urgent need for banks and regulators to take responsibility for improving ESG standards, inspiring a sense of duty in stakeholders.

The report identified significant weaknesses in external accountability, particularly in how banks manage the environmental and social risks of the companies they finance, underscoring the need for stronger regulations. 

Despite years of sustainability reporting and regulatory guidance, the report concludes that Nigerian banks remain far from aligning with global ESG expectations.

“It is not only about how banks assess their internal operations—such as limiting discrimination in recruitment or increasing the representation of women in senior leadership positions. They must also examine how these standards are applied across their entire business and supply chains. This includes the companies they invest in, those they lend to, and those they actively finance or support.

Banks should ensure that these companies also comply with international standards. This approach does not only apply to financial institutions themselves; it also plays a critical role in mitigating financial, reputational, and operational risks across their investment portfolios.” Dr. Augustine O’Keary, the lead researcher and research officer of Connected Development, mentioned during the presentation of the research findings.

The report highlights a concerning climate-related disclosure score of 0.9 out of 10, exposing critical gaps in how banks communicate climate risks to stakeholders.

Researchers found limited evidence of credible transition plans aligned with global temperature targets, despite Nigeria’s increasing exposure to climate-related risks. 

By continuing to finance carbon-intensive sectors without publicly disclosing portfolio-level transition strategies, banks risk eroding trust, underscoring the need for greater transparency to civil society and advocacy groups.

“We see continued financing of high-emission sectors without clear commitments to reduce exposure or align with a 1.5°C pathway,” the report noted. 

Environmental analysts warn that this disconnect exposes Nigeria’s financial system to long-term systemic risk as global markets tighten climate regulations.

The Fair Finance Nigeria Coalition is calling for stronger regulatory alignment with global ESG standards, particularly through updates to Nigeria’s sustainability banking principles.

Stakeholders argue that existing frameworks remain outdated and insufficiently aligned with international best practices, especially in climate finance and corporate accountability.

Strong calls for improved engagement between banks, regulators, and civil society organizations aim to foster collaboration, making stakeholders feel involved and motivated to enhance policy frameworks and disclosure standards.

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