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Ugandan ​​activist​ asks HSBC to put ‘lives before profit’ as campaigners target bank’s AGM

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Patience Nabukalu, who has experienced climate-related flooding, joins protestors from around the world to deliver a letter to CEO Georges Elhedery criticising the financing of oil, gas and coal projects.

At nine years old, Patience Nabukalu was devastated when her friend, Kevin, died in severe flooding that hit their Kampala suburb, Nateete, a former wetland. Witnessing deaths and the destruction of homes and livelihoods in floods made worse by extreme rainfall has had a profound impact on her.

She decided to try to bring about change – to do what she could to amplify the voices of those in the Ugandan communities worst affected by the climate crisis.

Now 27, Nabukalu is one of several young climate activists who travelled to London this week to attend what has been predicted to be the last in-person AGM held by HSBC. They will deliver a letter to the bank’s CEO, Georges Elhedery, urging him to stop financing the expansion of oil, gas and coal projects and harmful industrial agribusiness, and to stop providing money to companies that forcibly remove people from their homes to make way for such infrastructure.

“This is an opportunity to talk to real people, not just an HSBC office,” said Nabukalu, speaking before the meeting at the Intercontinental hotel. “I will be so happy to get the chance to hand over the letter and to ask: ‘Has HSBC measured the damage they have done by financing corporations that are driving the climate crisis?’”

A woman stands in front of a banner with the London financial district skyline behind her.
Nabukalu in London ahead of the protest. Photograph: Jess Midwinter/Action Aid

The letter refers to a 2023 Action Aid report, which identifies HSBC as “the largest European financier of fossil fuels in the global south”, channelling $63.5bn (£48bn) into fossil fuel activities between 2016 and 2022.

The letter to Elhedery, from young people all over the world, refers to HSBC’s plans, announced earlier this year, to review its commitment to scaling back its financing of fossil fuels.

“This has made something very clear: you value profit margins and boardroom agendas more than the lives of millions of people bearing the full brunt of your decisions,” the letter reads.

Environmentalists criticised HSBC after it delayed key parts of its climate goals by 20 years, and watered down environmental targets in a new long-term bonus plan for Elhedery that could be worth up to 600% of his salary. In February, the lender said it was reviewing its net zero emissions policies and targets – which are split between its own operations and those of the companies it finances – after realising its clients and suppliers had “seen more challenges” in cutting their carbon footprint than expected.

The activists’ letter asks “that you not only stand by your commitments to end your support for the fossil fuel industry in line with what the science requires, but also put an end to all lending and underwriting for corporations involved in fossil fuel expansion”.

Nabukalu will also urge the bank to stop funding corporations that are backing the east African crude oil pipeline from Uganda to Tanzania. Once constructed, the pipeline would produce an estimated 379m tonnes of CO2 over 25 years. The main backers of the multimillion-dollar pipeline are the French oil company TotalEnergies and the state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC).

Nabukalu, who has visited people living along the proposed route, said: “This pipeline is already causing damage even before its construction. Thousands and thousands of people have been displaced. They were promised land titles, but have none. Their livelihoods have been sabotaged. They cannot build agriculture, the water table is low, so they have little access to water.

“These people should be at the centre of the bank’s decisions.”

“We will talk to HSBC and ask them to stop financing fossil fuels that are driving the climate crisis,” said Nabukalu. “By continuing to finance TotalEnergies they are destroying our future.”

A report published in April found that those displaced along the pipeline’s proposed route had reported being inadequately compensated and rehoused.

Some western banks have declined to fund it after pressure from a coalition of organisations and community groups.

A spokesperson for HSBC said: “We follow a clear set of sustainability risk policies which support our ambition to align the financed emissions in our portfolio to net zero by 2050. We do not comment on client relationships.”

Source: The Guardian.

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Inside Eastern DRC War: The untold story of grabbing land for local and indigenous communities.

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By Witness Radio Team

For millions in eastern DRC, the war is not an event; it is a daily reality that people have lived in for the past three decades.

After being dispossessed from his land, Moise (not the real name) fled to a displacement center he believed to be safer for temporary settlement.

“I was severely affected by the conflict, as it turned my entire life upside down. In our area, clashes, armed attacks, and insecurity have become frequent. We would hear gunshots and screams, and sometimes people would flee from their homes to seek refuge, as these incidents often took place at night or early in the morning. That is what happened to my family,” Moise told a Witness Radio journalist.

Moise, once reliant on his farmland for his livelihood, illustrates how land dispossession devastates small-scale farmers across the continent, highlighting the broader human toll.

“I owned land that I used primarily for agriculture. This land enabled me to feed my family and sell a portion of the harvest to cover other needs. We grew food crops there, such as cassava, beans, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas.” He added.

Before the escalation of conflict, Moise says, life—though difficult—had some degree of stability.

“We were able to work, farm, sell our produce, and organize our family lives with a sense of hope. During the conflict, everything changed: insecurity took hold, displacement became massive, economic activity plummeted, and the population now lives in fear.” The now-displaced victim revealed

To survive, Moise relies on aid and lives in difficult conditions, highlighting ongoing hardship and the urgent need for justice.

Like Moise’s story, these are the daily struggles, confrontations, fears, and threats faced by the majority of citizens in the Eastern region of DRC, a part of a conflict-affected country where war has persisted for decades. The cost of this prolonged violence has been immense, claiming countless lives and driving widespread dispossession.

Affecting the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, victims have endured decades of armed conflict, fueled by weak state control, regional tensions, and competition over mineral-rich land. Since its resurgence in 2021, M23 has seized large areas of territory, often in strategic and resource-rich zones.

The March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group operating in eastern DRC. According to observers, fighting has been concentrated in mineral-rich areas, many of which are now under M23 control. In an effort to protect its sovereignty, the Congolese Army, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has repeatedly defended its territory but has often been overpowered by rebel forces.

Over 7 million people are internally displaced in DRC, with hundreds of thousands losing their land amid escalating clashes.

Sources reveal that the seized land is intended to resettle landless Rwandans and to provide farmland for settlers.

The coalition “Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC) International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, in an interview with Witness Radio, explained that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups, further continuing dispossession.

“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out, and when victims return to their land, they often find it occupied by Rwandans,” Dr. Deborah revealed.

On the ground, Dr Deborah alleges that the land is grabbed for economic purposes, claiming that armed groups have developed sophisticated systems of economic control.

“Land is grabbed either for agriculture or resource exploitation. Armed actors also profit from natural resource extraction, including minerals, timber, charcoal production, and bushmeat. But in the big cities like Goma and Bukavu, the M23/AFC authorities impose taxes on goods, businesses, and transport.” She added.

Victims say harsh conditions in displacement camps often force them to return to their land once violence subsides, but what they find is deeply distressing: “their land occupied, sometimes by people they describe as non-Congolese”.

“When the situation became unbearable, where we had taken refuge due to lack of food, shelter, and the means to start over, I decided to return home. But when I got there, I found other people already settled on my land, working in the fields and living in my house. They made it clear that I could no longer reclaim it,” Moise told Witness Radio.

But how do these alleged non-Congolese settlers take over the land? Another conflict victim describes what appears to be an organized pattern—one in which forced displacement creates the opportunity for land seizure, often under armed protection.

“They move in when we are forced out and occupy our land without consent. In many cases, they are backed by armed men,” the victim told Witness Radio, adding that the situation has not only affected family heads but also their families.

“My family is currently living in precarious conditions. We have lost a large part of our means of subsistence. We are facing food insecurity, as well as difficulties in securing housing, accessing healthcare, and sending the children to school,” the victim further added.

To restore peace in the war-torn Congo, several initiatives have been introduced. Among the most recent is a deal coordinated by United States President Donald Trump, aimed at bringing peace efforts in the DRC. However, the peace agreements, which are still in their early stages, have already attracted criticism.

The recent acquisition of the Chemaf cobalt mine in the Congo by the U.S.-based firm Virtus Minerals is being seen as one of the first fruits of the deals, reinforcing what war watchdogs have long argued: that peace deals are only transactions that are primarily targeting Congo’s mineral wealth and land, rather than contributing to peace, especially as the conflict remains ongoing.

Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, Frederic Mousseau, recently told our journalist in an interview that the recent deals primarily benefit the United States and Rwanda, arguing that they are not aimed at ending the conflict but at formalizing access to Congo’s mineral wealth.

“The peace agreement gives access to the US and Rwanda to Congo’s mineral resources. Rather than securing lasting peace for the suffering Congolese people, it’s all about business and money.” Frederic told Witness Radio.

But beyond peace, which has not yet been achieved, Frederic says, the Congolese government should ensure minerals benefit all, and that land is returned to its rightful owners. “Lasting peace isn’t enough; the country’s wealth must ultimately serve its people. The government needs to ensure that any deals it makes benefit the broader economy and ordinary citizens, not just a small elite in the capital or provincial centers,” he added.

Victims continue to pray that peace prevails so they can once again live normal lives.

“My prayer for the future is for true and lasting peace to return to eastern DRC. I hope that the guns will fall silent, that displaced persons may return home, that everyone may reclaim their land and their dignity, and that justice may be served for the victims.” Moise concluded.

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More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.

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By the Witness Radio team.

Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.

“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.

In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.

On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.

Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.

Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.

Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.

Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.

“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.

Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.

“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.

However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.

He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.

“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.

“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.

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Kiryandongo farmer accuses minister of grabbing 100-acre land

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Farmer Edward Balikagira at Kinyara II Village in Kigumba Sub-county in Kiryandongo District during an interview with Monitor. PHOTO/DAN WANDERA

A Kiryandongo farmer accuses Minister for Karamoja Affairs Peter Lokeris of illegally occupying his 100-acre plot, sparking a decades-long dispute now under State House scrutiny. Despite interventions, the conflict remains unresolved amid conflicting claims and documentation. Source: https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kiryandongo-farmer-accuses-minister-of-grabbing-100-acre-land-5447308

Edward Balikagira from Kinyara II Village in Kiryandongo District alleges that Minister Peter Lokeris has forcefully taken over his 100-acre land, which he bought in 1996 from the late John Bitunda Bitagasa.

Balikagira holds a 1996 handwritten sale agreement in Runyoro, detailing payment of Shs170,000, 12 goats, a bicycle, and a blanket, witnessed by local land executives.

Lokeris rejects the accusations, stating he legally obtained the land in 1996 and has occupied it peacefully for over 20 years without issues. He questions Balikagira’s ownership documents.

Balikagira recounts that in 2007, as land committee chair, he negotiated with Lokeris for adjacent land at Shs500,000 per acre, but the deal fell through due to delays.

Tensions peaked in 2022 when Balikagira was arrested for alleged trespassing during the Covid-19 lockdown. A State House fact-finding meeting followed, where Lokeris reportedly admitted to applying for only 100 acres and agreed to return any excess.

A June 2022 State House letter to the Kiryandongo RDC, signed by Nathan Bwogi, halted all activities on the disputed land and noted ongoing fencing by Lokeris’s associates, warning of potential violence.

Despite this, Balikagira says the issue lingers without court action, citing the minister’s influence. Local leaders and the Deputy RDC confirm ongoing administrative reviews but no closure.

Land wrangles like this are rampant in Uganda, especially in Kiryandongo’s former ranch areas, with police reporting a surge in such cases.

Source: Daily Monitor

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