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Insurance firms should shun the East African Crude Oil Pipeline

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Police officers detain a Ugandan activist during a demonstration on September 15, 2023, over plans to build the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), in Kampala, Uganda [File: Abubaker Lubowa/Reuters]

The project is already devastating local communities and will contribute to climate change if completed.

Last year was the hottest on record, with extreme weather events in many corners of the globe. It was also the year in which countries reached a landmark agreement at the UN Climate Conference (COP28) to begin “transitioning away from fossil fuels”.

If governments are to comply with this agreement and avert global climate collapse, there cannot be any new expansion of coal, oil and gas production. This includes the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), one of the largest and most controversial fossil fuel projects currently under development.

Financing for EACOP is yet to be secured, but if it is and the project moves forward, a 1,443km (897-mile) pipeline will stretch from oil fields in western Uganda to the port of Tanga in eastern Tanzania.

The project’s completion would not only contribute to increased greenhouse gas emissions which fuel climate change but also harm local communities. That is why, Human Rights Watch is calling on insurance firms to stop providing support for it.

The pipeline is planned to traverse some of Africa’s most sensitive ecosystems, including Murchison Falls National Park and the Murchison Falls-Albert Delta Ramsar site. Pipeline ruptures, inadequate waste handling, and other pollution impacts would cause significant damage to the land, water, air and the species that rely on them.

Our research found that the project’s initial land acquisition process has already devastated thousands of people’s livelihoods in Uganda, causing food insecurity and household debt that has resulted in children dropping out of school.

During our interviews with local communities, many described being largely self-sufficient before the project began, using revenue from coffee, bananas and other cash crops to pay for school fees and other household expenses. When their land was allocated for the pipeline construction, they were not compensated immediately for it.

They waited an average of three to five years after the land evaluation process took place, and interviewees repeatedly told Human Rights Watch that the payments they received were not adequate to purchase replacement land. They said they were worse off than they were previously.

While they were waiting for compensation, many farmers understood that they were not permitted to access their land to tend perennial crops, and were therefore deprived of crucial income.

Residents described how the payment delays impacted their food security, pushing them to sell household assets, including livestock, or borrow money from predatory lenders at excessive rates to buy the food they would have previously grown on their plots and cover other expenses. This has left many families poorer and more insecure about their future.

If the pipeline is completed, more than 100,000 people in Uganda and Tanzania will permanently lose land to make way for it.

Civil society groups in Uganda and Tanzania have called for the pipeline not to be built, citing climate, environmental and social risks. Ugandan civil society groups say that, instead of building the pipeline, the Ugandan government should develop its abundant renewable energy resources – particularly solar and hydropower – to drive economic development and secure access to energy without further contributing to climate change.

Their demands have been met with hostility from the Ugandan authorities. Our research documented the Ugandan government’s systematic harassment, arbitrary arrests of and threats against environmental defenders and anti-fossil fuel activists for raising concerns over the pipeline project and oil development.

In this context, it is deeply troubling that insurance companies are enabling this and other big fossil fuel projects by providing insurance for them. This is despite the fact that new oil projects are wholly inconsistent with limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius and avoiding the worst consequences of climate change.

In late 2023, Human Rights Watch wrote to 15 insurance and reinsurance companies and shared our findings on the grave environmental and human rights risks associated with the pipeline. Only two companies – Lloyd’s of London and Chubb – responded to us, and neither agreed to reassess their involvement in the project.

In early March, civil society groups across the world organised a global week of action to end fossil fuels, including confronting insurance companies about their role in the climate crisis and asking them to rule out support for fossil fuel projects. Anti-fossil fuel activists held peaceful protests at regional offices of the insurance companies still involved in the East African project with the message: “Insure our futures, not fossil fuels.” Increasing numbers of insurers have made public commitments to not underwrite the pipeline, but others have persisted.

Continued support for EACOP is a mistake. By underwriting the project, insurers are helping to build the longest heated oil pipeline in the world at a time when the world is warming at dangerous levels. Insurance companies should refuse to support this project.

Original Source: Aljazeera

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More than 1.1 billion people worldwide face a risk of land eviction – Global report

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By Witness Radio team.

A global report released by the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) in collaboration with other organizations has reported that more than 1.1 billion people worldwide— about 23 percent of the global adult population—live under the constant fear of losing their land or homes within the next five years, threatening their livelihoods, food security, and resilience to climate change. 

“Too many people still live with the fear of losing their land and homes, with women and young people remaining among the most excluded—a reality that undermines food security, climate action, and biodiversity protection, and shows why secure land rights are foundational to achieving all three,” says Marcy Vigoda, Director of the International Land Coalition. 

The report, titled “Status of Land Tenure and Governance” (SLTG), was authored by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the International Land Coalition (ILC), and the French Agricultural Research Organization CIRAD. The report states that, despite progress over the past two decades, only 35 percent of the world’s land has formally documented ownership, tenure, or use rights. 

The report notes that commercial interests constitute a major driver of land insecurity. In addition to large-scale land acquisitions, corporate investments, and financialized shareholding, the report identifies factors such as weak land governance, inadequate recognition of customary tenure systems, and increasing demands for agricultural commodities as contributing to intensified land concentration. These dynamics, particularly evident in the aftermath of the 2008–2009 food and financial crises, have accelerated the transfer of land from smallholders and local communities, exacerbating vulnerabilities among populations lacking secure tenure. 

Lands once considered marginal investment opportunities are now highly sought after for industrial farming, conservation, carbon storage, and other climate-related projects. In some cases, climate mitigation projects such as renewable energy, carbon offset schemes, and biofuel plantations are also increasing pressure on these lands, especially where tenure rights are not legally recognized.

The new report is the first comprehensive global stock take designed to track how land is owned, used, and governed. It complements decades of guidance on implementing the Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries, and Forests (VGGT). It responds to the growing demand to integrate land rights with climate action, gender equality, biodiversity protection, and more.

While international and national policies on land tenure have expanded, the report highlights that implementation remains slow and uneven. Although global frameworks have been widely adopted, the uptake and application of responsible land governance principles remain limited.

Worldwide, governments legally own more than 64 percent of land, including areas under customary systems that often lack formal documentation. A little over a quarter of land is privately owned, while about 10 percent of global land has an unknown tenure status.

The findings also reveal that the top 10 percent of the largest landholders operate about 89 percent of all agricultural land, showing the high concentration of land ownership globally. Secure land tenure enables people to invest in land, improve productivity, protect ecosystems, and strengthen food security.

“Land insecurity is one of the most damaging forms of inequality, paid for in lower productivity, weaker resilience, and poorer nutrition. Secure land tenure enables sustainable investment and is the difference between short-term survival and long-term food security,” FAO Chief Economist Maximo Torero Cullen reveals.

The report highlights persistent gender inequality in land ownership. Globally, women are significantly less likely than men to own or hold secure land rights. In 2024, across 108 countries, 48 percent of men reported owning homes individually or jointly, compared to 40 percent of women. “While rural residents are more likely than urban residents to report ownership, women remain consistently disadvantaged in both settings,” the report notes.

In agriculture, the gender gap is even more pronounced. In 43 out of 49 countries with available data, men in agricultural households are more likely to own or control land. In nearly half of these countries, the gap exceeds 20 percentage points. Evidence from several countries also shows that the gap is particularly large in sole land ownership, while joint ownership arrangements often improve women’s access to land.

Despite growing global attention to land governance, data on land tenure remains limited and politically sensitive. Methodological challenges, capacity limitations, and political sensitivities often reduce the availability and transparency of land tenure data.

According to Sélim Louafi, Deputy Director for Research and Strategy at CIRAD, stronger data systems are essential for better policy decisions. “When we generate evidence with and for all stakeholders, we create the foundation for stronger, more transparent, and more equitable public policies, both nationally and internationally.”

Experts say stronger policies and political commitment are needed to secure land rights for all. The report concludes: “Progress on land tenure and governance requires a stronger, more comprehensive, and better-coordinated approach to change, both within the land sector and in conjunction with global efforts on economic recovery, climate action, biodiversity conservation, and open societies.”

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DR Congo crisis: Washington’s brokered peace agreement is rendered useless as fighting, forced land displacement, and mineral exploitation persist…

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By the Witness Radio team.

After the signing of the Washington Accords, a peace and prosperity deal between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda brokered by the United States, many Congolese hoped the agreement would finally bring stability to the country’s long-troubled eastern region.

Instead, persistent violence has continued, raising questions among civil society groups and citizens about whether the agreements can truly deliver peace.

According to the US State Department, the Washington Accords were intended to reaffirm both countries’ commitment to implementing the peace agreement signed in Washington, D.C., on June 27, 2025. The deal was also intended to advance a vision of regional cooperation through a Regional Economic Integration Framework (REIF), which aims to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.

Fighting continues in eastern Congo, involving the March 23 Movement (M23) and Congolese government forces (FARDC), with Rwanda and the DRC government each accusing the other of supporting violations of existing agreements.

Authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have long accused Rwanda of backing the March 23 Movement (M23) rebel group, allegations that Rwanda initially denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform based in Rwanda, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.

Now, Congolese civil society organizations reveal that the Washington Accords are failing to address issues of justice or Rwanda’s responsibility in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC.

The Mobilization to Safeguard Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), an ad hoc coalition of 81 Congolese civil society groups, formed to voice concerns about the occupation and to demand a lasting peace grounded in security, accountability, sovereignty, and justice in the DRC revealed in an interview with Witness Radio that these accords are taking Congolese back to the days of King Leopold, where a colonial resource grab is imposed, and might makes right.

“These agreements, pushed on the DRC by the Trump administration during the ongoing violent incursion, represent the results of a negotiation at gunpoint. It’s all about how they’re going to take the minerals and have all these business deals. There’s nothing in there that gives any detail on what they’re going to do to create peace.” MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, told Witness Radio.

The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and allows for collaboration in exploiting regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the United States to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.

But critics argue that, taken together, these agreements resemble what some observers have described as a “peace for minerals” arrangement, as both the United States and Rwanda see the DRC as a key hub for strategic minerals.

“Each of these three agreements has its own challenges. When viewed together, however, they are often framed as part of what is called the “Peace for Minerals” agreement. They are only targeting DRC’s resources, including land and minerals,” Dr. Deborah added.

Conflict in eastern Congo has persisted for decades and is deeply intertwined with regional politics and competition for natural resources.

The conflict dates back to the aftermath of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict.

The resulting violence sparked the First Congo War (1996–1997) and subsequent conflicts that have devastated the region. Since 1996, the wars in eastern Congo are estimated to have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people and the displacement of people.

Civil society groups say the violence has destroyed infrastructure, displaced millions, and caused widespread human rights abuses, including rape, targeting them to drive them off resource-rich land.

Eastern Congo is rich in natural resources, including gold, copper, diamonds, and coltan, minerals essential for global industries ranging from electronics to renewable energy.

Observers say the region’s mineral wealth has long fueled both local and international interests.

“We view this as a reward for Rwanda for having invaded and occupied these lands and seized the mine sites. They are being granted through an agreement what they initially took by force, effectively legalizing and normalizing the ongoing plundering of DRC’s minerals and their transfer to Rwanda. Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population, and in the territories,  it controls, it uses terror to drive people out,” she added.

Shockingly, civil society officials say that lands belonging to displaced Congolese are being taken over by Rwandan settlers. Families returning to their homes after temporary lulls in the violence often find their land and houses already occupied.

“Meanwhile, the people from Rwanda are coming in and settling on those farms and in those homes. So, when people come back, they discover that their lands and their homes have been taken over.” Dr. Deborah further revealed

These deals have drawn a lot of criticism from both international and National organizations, including civil societies. The Oakland Institute described the deals as ‘the latest US maneuver to control Congolese critical minerals” in its report, shafted: The Scramble for Critical Minerals in the DRC, published last year.

“US involvement in Congolese affairs has always been unequivocally tied to the goal of securing access to critical minerals. “The ‘peace’ deal comes after decades of US training, advising, and sponsoring foreign armies and rebel movements, and at a time when Rwanda and its proxy M23 have expanded territorial control in eastern DRC. This is a win-lose deal that serves US mining interests and rewards Rwanda for decades of pillaging Congolese resources,” Mr. Frédéric Mousseau, report co-author and Policy Director at the Oakland Institute, revealed.

MOSSAC also observes that the agreements do not address issues of justice or the culpability of Rwanda in the war of aggression, invasion, and occupation of eastern DRC, but instead reward Rwanda by presenting it a pathway to normalize and make legal its pillaging of Congolese land and resources.

“How can this be a proper agreement when people are being killed during the negotiation process? There’s no justice, no accountability for decades of invasion and resource theft. Lasting peace cannot happen without justice first.” Another Mossac representative told Witness Radio.

Despite the promises of peace and economic integration, violence continues in eastern Congo.

Civil society groups say M23 forces have expanded their territorial control in several provinces, including North Kivu, South Kivu, Ituri, and Maniema. They argue that ongoing attacks undermine the credibility of the agreements. “Every day since the accords were signed, there have been violations,” Dr. Deborah maintained

Efforts by Witness Radio to obtain a comment from the Congolese government were unsuccessful. Officials from the Ministry responsible for internal affairs did not respond to our calls/emails.

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Madi community accuses UPDF of fueling Zoka land conflict with Acholi settlers

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Residents of Ngoru West zone in Zoka parish, Itirikwa sub-county in Adjumani district have raised serious concerns over what they describe as growing tension between the Madi and Acholi communities.

They blame a Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officer stationed at Zoka Barracks for allegedly fueling the conflict.

Community members claim that the situation has escalated due to land disputes and alleged interference by security personnel in land management matters.

Adibaku Joseph, the secretary of the Madi community living in Zoka, said the situation has increasingly become tense as the community believes their land rights are being undermined.

“The land management situation in Zoka has been taken over by the UPDF in Zoka directed by the IO Captain Mohammed Mugeyi affecting both the central area, which is the centre and various zones of the Madi community farms,” Adibaku said.

According to him, the alleged involvement of the officer has led to displacement within the community.

“This has led to issues such as displacement where huts have been burnt down and replaced with the settlement for Acholi people from Amuru and other areas outside Amuru district,” he added.

Adibaku further claimed that attempts to report the matter to the police have not yielded results.

“Wherever such complaints are reported to the Zoka police, they failed to respond citing that the IO is above their rank and they are unable to resolve issues related to his actions,” he explained.

The community is also raising concerns about the sale of land in the area, which they say is worsening the conflict.

“Additionally, the sale of community land in Zoka is causing conflict within the community. As agreed, the resolutions the community have, the IO is directly involved in land management including overseeing land sales by Lomu Citiwell.

“While disregarding community land rights, given these circumstances, the community is calling for the IO to remove himself from his position,” Adibaku stated.

However, Captain Muhamad Mugeyi, the Intelligence Officer stationed at Zoka army barracks, strongly denied the allegations and insisted that he is only protecting government land from encroachers.

“I don’t have any plot here or even have cattle which belonged to me and here but I’m rather protecting the reserve areas which people want to encroach,” Captain Mugeyi said.

The district authorities have also weighed in on the matter, providing historical context regarding the disputed land.

Adjumani district land surveyor, Akuku Charles, explained that the land has long been part of protected areas.

“Previously this entire area was a protected land and it was referred to as East Madi Control Hunting Area. 875 km out of 1702 was the degazette and the remaining 827 square kilometres was now gazetted as East Madi wildlife reserve,” he said.

He further clarified that although part of the land was later degazetted due to increasing population pressure, it does not belong to individuals.

He added that the land remains under the jurisdiction of Adjumani district.

Meanwhile, the 501 Brigade Commander based in Zoka, Colonel Nathan Bainomugisha, called for calm among residents as the government works on finding a lasting solution.

“I would only want to request you to be patient and respect the resolutions and ideas discussed here by the district authorities of Adjumani,” he said.

“As your leaders in security we want to ensure peace particularly in this area of Apaa and Zoka we were promised a visit from the commission of inquiry from the government to come and visit Zoka and Apaa and advise the government on the way forward of this area,” he added.

Col. Bainomugisha also warned community members against selling or renting land in the disputed area.

“So, my advice to you community members is to stop renting the land under the court. Kindly don’t sell this land. Here, there is land for the National Forest Authority and land for Uganda Wildlife Authority under a game reserve and the land for the community and then the individual land. So, avoid transactions of any land or renting any land in this area that can cause conflict,” he said.

He further assured residents that allegations against the officer will be investigated.

“As for Captain Mugeyi, I’m going to sit down and investigate his movement, his actions. If I find he has any connection to what you have been alleging, I will punish him,” he stated.

However, he urged residents not to blame the entire UPDF institution for the actions of one officer.

“But don’t involve UPDF because of an individual. UPDF is your force. Is Uganda People’s Force to ensure that if one person in UPDF makes a mistake or makes a statement that is against the position of the institution, that person is taken to either the courts of law or put to disciplinary committee. The force is your force because you have your brothers in it. You have your sisters in it. Don’t generalise,” he said.

Adjumani Resident District Commissioner, Toko Swaib, also emphasised that security authorities are not taking sides in the conflict.

“I want to say security although some of you have your mind that we have taken side we can’t take side and then I also want you people to know that we don’t have power on land ownership,” he said.

“Our role is to guide you on how you can best use your land peacefully, harmoniously with other communities who are interested but they have also entered in a very rightful way and I want you people to know at the beginning that land in Uganda today belongs to the people since 1995,” he added.

He further explained that the law allows Ugandans to settle anywhere in the country.

“And the law also says any other Ugandan is free to settle in any part of the country. Our coming here is to create peace,” the RDC noted.

Despite these assurances from authorities, residents of Ngoru West said they are still hoping for urgent intervention from the government to address the land dispute and restore peaceful coexistence between the Madi and Acholi communities in Zoka and Apaa areas.

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