MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Transgenic rice once again proposed as solution to bacterial blight outbreaks, this time in Africa
Published
2 years agoon

Scientists with an international rice initiative have been raising the alarm about a strain of bacterial blight causing outbreaks in rice fields in East Africa, and they say the patented transgenic varieties they have developed are the solution.
The scientists are with the Healthy Crops Project, a non-profit consortium funded by the Gates Foundation that brings together US and German universities, the French national research institute (IRD), the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) and others. In a scientific article published in June 2023, the team claims to have identified an outbreak of a Chinese variant of bacterial blight in Tanzania, which was previously unknown on the continent, and then to have employed gene-editing techniques to confer broad resistance to bacterial blight in rice grown in Africa.
The scientists plan to first introduce their transgenic rice in Kenya, where recent regulations allow for the introduction of gene-edited crops. They have already crossed their resistant line with a variety called Komboka, which was developed by IRRI and the Kenya Agricultural and Livestock Research Organisation. While team leader Wolf Frommer told GRAIN they have “no interest in making profits from small scale producers”, he acknowledged that there is a patent on their gene-edited rice lines. He also said outbreaks of the Chinese bacterial blight strain have now spread to Kenya and Madagascar.
This is not the first time that IRRI and its partners have proposed GM rice as a solution to bacterial blight. Twenty years ago, farmer and consumer groups in Asia protested against the introduction of a rice known as “BB rice”— IRRI’s first transgenic rice to be field tested at its research centre in the Philippines. The Healthy Crops gene-edited rice varieties would be the first transgenic lines to be commercialised in Africa, if the project moves forward.
Groups in Asia that were opposed to IRRI’s “BB rice” argued that bacterial blight outbreaks are a product of IRRI’s green revolution model. The disease only began to be a major problem when IRRI’s semi-dwarf varieties were planted over large areas, replacing diverse local varieties with vast, uniform monocultures. The uniformity and reliance on huge amounts of chemical fertilisers created the ideal breeding grounds for bacterial blight and other diseases. IRRI’s response, beyond the promotion of chemical pesticides, was to try and integrate resistant genes from farmer varieties into its varieties, but this single gene resistance (or even multiple gene resistance) was inevitably overcome by the disease, leading to an endless race to try and identify and integrate new genes, and an escalation in pesticide use. Those opposing BB rice argued that the GMO rice would also not provide durable resistance, and that the only effective solution was to bring back diversity in the fields by restoring farmer seed systems and by moving away from chemical fertilisers and pesticides to practices that keep disease pressures down. IRRI never did manage to gain approval for the release of “BB rice” in Asia.
The situation is similar in Tanzania and Kenya. For decades now, farmers have resisted constant efforts by IRRI and other agencies to get them to abandon their farmer varieties and switch to the so-called high-yielding varieties (HYVs), including the Komboka variety of rice that the Healthy Crops team is now gene-editing. Farmer seeds still account for the vast majority of rice grown in Tanzania, one of the only countries in Africa that is self-sufficient in rice. This push for HYVs has been especially heavy in the “epicentre” of the recent bacterial blight outbreak identified by the Healthy Crops team: the Dakawa irrigation scheme in Tanzania’s fertile Morogoro Region.
It is noteworthy that the outbreak appears to have first affected fields planted to a variety called Saro 5, which has been promoted by numerous donors including the World Bank, USAID, AGRA and the Gates Foundation, despite its requirement for high levels of chemical fertilisers. For several years, the Norwegian fertiliser company Yara heavily promoted Saro 5, in combination with its fertilisers, under the Southern Agriculture Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT) programme. Saro 5 seeds were given out to farmers for free and were multiplied at the Chollima Rice Institute in Dakawa and distributed to farmers in other parts of the country. These different agencies and companies have thus spread a variety of rice highly susceptible to a new strain of bacterial blight across many farms in Tanzania, creating the conditions for the disease to amplify and spread.
Several rice farmers in Dakawa contacted by Tanzania’s national farmers’ organisation MVIWATA confirmed that the disease is present in their fields. They said that the government has been promoting Saro 5 to deal with the disease, but that this has failed dramatically, since Saro 5 is highly susceptible. “Saro 5 is the type of seed that is mostly affected,” says Saumini Hamisi, a rice farmer at Dakawa.
The farmers also said that the national research agency and the extension agents in the area have been telling farmers to use various pesticides against the disease, which has done nothing to help either.
Some speculate that this new strain of bacterial blight came to Dakawa via the Chinese province of Yunnan, since this strain of the disease is only found there. They say that infected material was likely brought over by the Chongqing Zhongyi Seed Company, which took over the Chinese Agro-technology Demonstration Centre built in Dakawa in 2009 with cooperation funds from China. Like the other foreign funded programmes at Dakawa, the Chinese initiative aimed to displace local varieties, in this case with Chongqing Zhongyi’s patented hybrid varieties. The Chinese seed company has not commented on these speculations, and did not respond to GRAIN’s inquiries either. The possibility raises serious concerns, given that Chinese seed companies are engaged in hybrid rice programmes in many other countries across Africa and the world.
But whether or not the Chinese seed company is the source, the disease is now spreading without it, as the Chinese project shut down last year. The question now is how to deal with the outbreak.
In Tanzania and other rice growing regions of the world, farmers have long managed bacterial blight and other diseases. Farmers in the Philippines with the farmer-scientist network MASIPAG, for instance, do regularly select for disease resistance within their farmer varieties of rice, but their main focus is not on breeding for resistance but in using farming practices that negate the factors that favour pest or disease population build-up and outbreaks. According to MASIPAG scientist and founding member, Dr. Chito Medina, this includes planting at least three different rice varieties on each farm “so that the differential resistance of each variety prevents the development and outbreak of any biotype or any continuous increase of population of any biotype or kind of pest or pathogen” (a technique that is also used to control rice diseases in Yunnan). They also deploy certain water management techniques and avoid the use of chemical fertilisers, especially nitrogen fertilisers, which increases the reproductive rate of insects and pathogens, including bacterial blight. Medina says that, because of this approach, “there have been no reports among MASIPAG farmers of any outbreaks or recurrent pest or disease problems for a long time”, despite the presence of many strains of bacterial blight across the country.
The local varieties favoured by farmers in East Africa may be susceptible to the bacterial blight strains now circulating in the region. But this does not have to lead to major crop losses. Rather than use the outbreak as another excuse to destroy farmer seed systems, efforts must focus on helping farmers to build up resistance within their local varieties through selection and seed sharing, and to utilise farming practices that can control the disease. It is bad enough that a foreign-funded programme brought a disease outbreak; it will be much worse if this paves the way for another foreign-funded programme to displace local varieties with patented, transgenic rice seeds.
Original Source: Grain.org
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Hidden iceberg: A new report identifies large scale industrial agriculture, livestock, and mining sectors as leading sources of attacks against land and environmental defenders worldwide.
Published
1 day agoon
December 15, 2025By Witness Radio team
A new global analysis report highlights a concerning rise in attacks against land and environmental defenders, aiming to inspire urgent policy and advocacy responses to this escalating violence.
The 2025 Hidden Iceberg Report reveals that nearly 2,500 non-lethal attacks against land and environmental defenders were documented across 75 countries in just two years. These attacks range from threats and surveillance to arbitrary arrests and online harassment.
The report findings by the Alliance for Land, Indigenous and Environmental Defenders (ALLIED), a global network of civil society actors that supports and protects Indigenous, Land, and Environmental Defenders, cover the period 2023-24, with Indigenous communities targeted in 1 out of every 3 cases.
According to the report, these attacks rarely make the news, yet they are often early warnings of lethal violence. Studies define lethal attacks as attacks designed to kill or cause serious harm, while non-lethal attacks aim to incapacitate or control a target temporarily.
As civic space continues to shrink worldwide, defenders and communities affected by development projects are increasingly silenced when defending their community rights or territorial land rights, which are often infringed upon by governments or project implementers.
“Every killing we document is preceded by multiple threats, intimidation attempts, and harassment, but states rarely report these cases. What we see publicly is only the tip of the iceberg.” The report mentions.
“We also saw in 2023 and 2024 that attacks against environmental concern groups expanded. Representing 10.7% of all attacks, the largest number of such attacks were registered in the United States, followed by Mexico, Uganda, and the United Kingdom.” Eva Hershaw, Global Data Lead at the International Land Coalition and Co-Chair of the ALLIED Data Working Group, revealed during the report launch.
The findings paint a stark picture where Latin America accounts for 58% of all documented non-lethal attacks, with Colombia, Guatemala, Brazil, Honduras, and Mexico emerging as persistent hotspots.
“Indigenous communities are attacked not because they are weak, but because they are powerful,” said Carla García, a legal expert from Guatemala. “They protect forests, rivers, and territories that governments and corporations want to exploit. Intimidation becomes a deliberate strategy to silence them.”
In Africa, violence against defenders takes gendered forms, with women facing online abuse, sexual violence, and social stigmatization.
“When women stand up against land grabbing or destructive projects, the attacks go beyond
threats. They target women’s dignity, their families, and their bodies. Many cases are never reported because the fear of retaliation is overwhelming,” Tawonga explained.
She adds that Environmental defenders in Africa are often brutalized by the very systems meant to protect them, making the reporting of attacks both risky and rare.
Across many African countries, environmental defenders operate in contexts characterized by state surveillance, intimidation, and harassment, with security legislation and cyber laws often used to silence them. On top of that, defenders are frequently stigmatized as anti-development or anti-investment. And this harmful narrative, usually pushed by governments and private actors, paints defenders as enemies of national progress.” She added.
One primary concern is the lack of reliable data on attacks, which should motivate policymakers and institutions to improve reporting mechanisms and foster accountability.
“This data gap is not accidental. It is the result of deep structural and systemic limitations that conceal the true scale of violence against environmental defenders here in Africa,” Tawonga explained.
The analysis identifies large‑scale industrial agriculture, livestock, and mining as the sectors most frequently targeted, guiding advocacy efforts toward these high-risk areas to enhance protective measures.
The defenders raising concerns about industrial agriculture and livestock operations were most consistently targeted. They faced the highest number of attacks, representing 29% of the total. We see that three out of every four attacks raising concerns about these business sectors were concentrated in Honduras, Colombia, Brazil, and Guatemala. After industrial agriculture and livestock, mining was the next most common sector connected with attacks.” Eva added
As the climate crisis deepens and competition over land intensifies, the report warns that attacks on environmental defenders will likely worsen unless governments, corporations, and international institutions act decisively.
The report calls on states to strengthen and sustain mechanisms for collecting and reporting data, support national human rights institutions with mandates to monitor violations, and commit to transparency regarding violence against defenders. It also urges businesses to adopt and implement public policy commitments that recognize and protect the vital role of human rights defenders.
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Women’s groups demand equality in land tenure security to boost food production.
Published
1 day agoon
December 15, 2025
By Witness Radio team.
Women’s struggle for land rights is now a critical global issue that has garnered attention from civil society organisations, policymakers, and human rights activists. Many argue that women are often excluded from land governance, hindering economic growth.
Statistics reveal that women produce a massive amount of the world’s food, especially in developing nations, with estimates often citing 60-80% of food in developing countries and roughly half globally. Recognizing this can inspire policymakers and activists to believe in women’s vital role in food security.
Edith Nalwende, a small-scale farmer from Bugiri district, is one of the many affected by the exclusion of women from land ownership and governance.
“Somebody called me, he was desperate and needed some quick money in his land. He told me I should buy this land, and I can pay by instalments. I informed my husband that there is a good deal here. I want to pay part of that money since the person is ready to receive the instalment. The response was obvious. Why do you want to buy land? Leave that land and don’t buy it,” she revealed in an interview with a Witness Radio journalist.
Many women like Nalwende face significant barriers to land ownership and recognition. Gender stereotypes in many Ugandan and African communities often bar women from owning land.
“Because of being a woman, I was stopped by my husband from buying land. I gave up. I didn’t buy the land. So, I called the seller. But he also didn’t appreciate why I told my husband, he asked me why I had told him,” said Nalwende.
ESAFF gathered rural women to share their stories. Edith was one of them, and women farmers were empowered to secure their land rights, thereby increasing productivity and promoting economic development.
While women are pivotal to small-scale agriculture, farm labour, and daily family subsistence, they face greater difficulty than men in accessing land and productivity-enhancing inputs and services. They claim they have been sidelined in issues of land governance, land ownership, and economic development.
According to research by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), less than 15 per cent of agricultural landholders worldwide are women, and 85 per cent are men. The most significant gender inequalities in access to land are found in North Africa and the Near East, where only around 5 per cent of all landholders are women.
Organised by the Eastern and Southern Africa Small-Scale Farmers Forum in Uganda (ESSAFF Uganda) and partners, the conference, attended by more than 40 small-scale women farmers and officials from various ministries, highlighted the critical role of women small-scale farmers in Uganda’s agriculture.
“Statistics show that women contribute the majority of agricultural labour in Uganda. Yet their contributions often remain undervalued and unsupported. Despite their central role, women continue to face systematic barriers to land ownership and control. Insecure land tenure undermines their productivity, limits their access to credit, and erodes their dignity.” Said Ms Christine Okumu, a representative from the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development
She adds that, “Without secure land rights, women cannot fully invest in sustainable farming practice. Nor can they pass assets to their children. This is a fact based on all the testimonies given before us here. Unless women have that right to land, they cannot fully invest in sustainable farming practice.”
It is estimated that if women small-scale farmers had the same resources as men, their yields could increase by 20–30%, significantly boosting food security.
“Closing this gender gap could add nearly $1 trillion to global GDP and lift 45 million people from hunger. Investing in women isn’t just about fairness – it’s key to Africa’s economic and agricultural future.” According to research by FAO.
Women’s land insecurity not only affects food sovereignty but also escalates gender-based violence, exposing women to rights violations and increased vulnerability.
“Insecure land tenure exposes women to heightened risk of gender-based violence. Dispossession, forced eviction, and land grabbing often come hand in hand with intimidation, harassment, and abuse. Such acts appear on social media platforms, accompanied by hurtful messages and embarrassing pictures. I’ve seen pictures of women being chased out of their homes. And I’ve seen also pictures of women who have invested in lands, and at the end of it all, because behind them, somebody took the land from them.” Added Ms Okumu.
Unlike other years, when the conference focused on topics like women in business and leadership, this year the focus has shifted to empowering women to own land, offering a hopeful path toward stronger agricultural independence.
“We are focusing on land so that we can support as many women as possible. And also, we would want to work together with the government, which has already rolled out a program of registration of land, and we think that this is something that women can take advantage of, so that they secure their land rights, and grow healthy food, and then also increase their income.” Says Ms Nancy Mugimba, the National Coordinator for ESSAFF Uganda.
She adds, “If you don’t have your own land, your ability to grow crops, generate income, and access financial services is limited. Securing land rights enables women to produce healthy food and invest in their communities.”
Ms Christine Okumu calls for the engagement of men and cultural and religious institutions in the fight for Women’s land rights, emphasizing that collective effort can lead to meaningful progress and social cohesion.
“The Ministry has also developed a strategy for male involvement. You know, this fight, we cannot do it alone. If we can get allies, it can help us. If we get a few men who can advocate for some of these issues and open the minds of other men to see that whatever they are doing is affecting their wives in a very negative way,” she said.
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Tension as Project-Affected Persons demand to meet Uganda’s President over Oil Palm growing on their grabbed land.
Published
1 day agoon
December 15, 2025
By Witness Radio team
Entebbe, Uganda: Over 250 families affected by the government’s oil palm project express deep frustration as ongoing issues highlight their sense of neglect and exclusion from the compensation process. Residents from Nairambi, Busamizi, Buvuma Town Council, and Buwooya Sub-counties are camping at the Entebbe Children’s Centre, demanding urgent attention from authorities, including a face-to-face meeting with President Yoweri Museveni.
The residents accuse government ministries of sidelining them despite a presidential directive ordering compensation for all affected households.
“We don’t know who is being compensated,” said Mr Katuntu David, chairman of the affected residents. Mr Katuntu led hundreds of people to seek a meeting with the President.
The affected households are part of the National Oil Palm Project (NOPP), a 10-year initiative to expand oil palm cultivation across Uganda. The project is implemented by the Government of Uganda (GoU), led by the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF), with funding from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). Private partners, including Bidco and Equity Bank’s, collaborate with farmer organisations to develop the sector.
Community members insist they have never received official communication on who will receive compensation, which underscores their confusion and sense of being left in the dark. Attempts to obtain the beneficiary lists from MAAIF and the Ministry of Lands have reportedly been unsuccessful, deepening their uncertainty and frustration.
“We don’t know which people on the list to be compensated. The President said we should be compensated, but we have not been contacted. Only two of us were claimed to have been paid, and even then, one person did not find the money in their account. The bank said it bounced back,” added Mr Katuntu.
Residents say the Ministry of Agriculture has refused to release compensation lists or schedules, often asking them to “give the ministry time.” At the same time, some officials claim to be unaware of any presidential directive. When contacted, the Ministry’s spokesperson, Mrs Connie Achayo, did not respond.
During a June 18th, 2025, Parish Development Model monitoring tour in Buvuma District, President Museveni was briefed by then Assistant Resident District Commissioner Patrick Mubiru about the community’s displacement, crop destruction, and land loss linked to the oil palm project. The President, after the briefing, directed that all affected households be compensated and allocated 28 billion shillings for this purpose, instructing that at least 14 billion shillings be released immediately to start payments, highlighting the government’s commitment.
Six months later, residents say the directive has yet to be implemented.
Six months later, residents say the President’s directive has yet to be implemented, leaving many in hardship and distress. “The President toured here, and he said he would help. But nothing has happened since because what he ordered was never implemented. People are suffering,” said Mr Waiswa Dan, another affected resident, emphasizing their ongoing hardship and need for action.
But earlier this month, many thought their questions had been answered when the State Minister of Agriculture, Mr Fred Kyakulaga, revealed that the government was set to compensate the affected people.
In the communication, MAAIF announced that the government had secured 24 billion shillings to compensate affected residents in Buvuma and Sango Bay in Kyotera District. According to the announcement, 14 billion shillings would go to Buvuma, while 10 billion shillings would compensate Sango Bay residents.
“Following a directive by H.E. the President, MAAIF, in collaboration with the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MoLHUD), undertook a verification exercise to identify and verify Project Affected Persons (PAPs) in Buvuma and Sango Bay. Their land was valued using the Government Valuer, with the knowledge and cooperation of the affected persons. An amount of 52 billion shillings was calculated as required for compensation,” the Ministry’s brief revealed. Providing more details on these procedures can reassure stakeholders about fairness and transparency.
It added, “Out of the required 52 billion, MAAIF has received 24 billion, of which 14 billion has been allocated to Buvuma and 10 billion to Sango Bay. Based on government valuers’ reports, full payments have been made to 301 PAPs in five villages: Bubembe, Bwaka, Buwanga, Mbekete, and Ndayiga in Buvuma District. The ministry expects to compensate a total of 1,405 PAPs across 11 villages, disclosing the list to PAPs before phased payments.”
However, Buvuma residents say the ministries have refused to confirm whether they are included in this allocation, despite the President’s directive.
“The people claimed to be compensated have never been revealed, and we don’t know them. Other areas they want to compensate are not yet disclosed to us, so who are they compensating if not us?” Mr Katuntu questioned.
The compensation dispute dates back to 2018, when over 100 residents sued the government and Bidco in Mukono High Court, accusing them of forced eviction, inadequate and delayed compensation, and failure to disclose compensation amounts. The case, which stalled for years, was transferred to the Lugazi High court in this April.
Protesters, who are also complainants, say that during the President’s June visit, he advised them to withdraw the case in favour of an out-of-court settlement, promising fast-tracked compensation. While they vowed to comply, the compensation has still not materialised.
“The President told us he is ready to compensate us, which is why we decided to follow up. But nothing has been done. When we received the communication about compensating victims of palm oil expansion, we approached the relevant ministries, who have since turned us down,” Mr Katuntu further revealed.
Community leaders say they provided proof of land ownership as requested. The Ministry of Agriculture, however, allegedly insisted on written confirmation from the Ministry of Lands. Even after residents provided the requested documentation, Agriculture did not respond.
“We gave them whatever they wanted, but they didn’t act. This has caused us doubt. That is why we want to meet their boss, the President,” said Waiswa.
The protestors, including elderly farmers, women, and youth, have vowed to stay at the Entebbe Children’s Park until the President meets them.
“We cannot leave here without meeting the President. We are sure he will hear us, and we shall be compensated. That is why we are here, and we are not ready to go,” they added.
Since its initial implementation, the oil palm project has affected thousands of people. For people in Buvuma, Mr Katuntu revealed that some affected families have endured more than a decade of suffering since the oil palm project began expanding, losing homes, land, and livelihoods. They are calling for the President’s intervention to ensure full compensation of all legitimate project-affected persons.
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