SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS
They should not be called public development banks
Published
5 years agoon

From 9-12 November 2020, 450 finance institutions from around the world will gather for the first international meeting of public development banks, dubbed the “Finance in Common” summit, hosted by the French government. The institutions, which range from the World Bank to the China Development Bank, collectively spend $2 trillion a year on so-called development projects – roads, power plants, agribusiness plantations and more. Much of this spending is financed by the public – us – which is why they called themselves “public development banks”. But our partners on the ground and our experience teach us they are not public and what they fund is not development.
For the most part, these institutions get their money from public coffers, fuelled by people’s labour and taxes. As state-owned institutions, they have the obligation to respect and protect human rights in their policies and operations. And they are supposed to be accountable to the public, through government oversight bodies. But that accountability hardly exists. From Proparco in France, to BIO in Belgium, to DFC in the US, few people have heard of these development banks much less know what they are up to.
In contrast to development cooperation bodies, which provide grants and loans to governments of the global south, development banks invest in the private sector for a financial return. They argue that companies drive growth and jobs, and, for this to happen, financiers have to take risk, for example through debt and private equity. A few million dollars from a development bank gives companies a form of guarantee that they can then use to raise more millions from private lenders or other development banks, often at a cheaper rate. This is how the development banks play such a critical role in enabling corporations operating in the global south to expand further into markets and territories – from polluting coal plants in Bangladesh, to controversial hydroelectric dams in Honduras, to hazardous soybean plantations in Paraguay – in ways they could not otherwise.
As civil society organisations working closely with partners and communities in the global south, we are most familiar with these institutions’ involvement in agriculture. What they contribute to can hardly be called development. We have witnessed how they invest primarily in agribusiness companies and an industrial model of agriculture that is a main driver of both pandemics and the climate crisis. Development banks have little track record for supporting locally-controlled food systems or peasant-led agroecological farming, which are the real solutions to these two problems.
Over the past five years, for instance, a number of groups have worked together to support communities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo badly affected by a Canadian oil palm plantation company that received more than $140 million in financing from numerous development banks, including approximately $88 million from the UK development bank CDC Group. The company, Feronia Inc, was majority-owned by the development banks until it went bankrupt this year and was handed over to a private equity fund based in the tax haven of Mauritius. Feronia, which never made a profit but paid its expat staff handsomely, would have collapsed years ago had it not been for the intervention of the development banks.
It was argued that the involvement of these institutions would provide leverage for the local communities living in and around the plantations to address their long-standing grievances that have existed ever since the lands were stolen from them at gunpoint over a 100 years ago by the then Anglo-Dutch giant Unilever and colonial Belgium’s King Leopold. They have suffered immensely over the past century, and any sincere commitment to “development” could only be possible if it began by addressing the theft of their lands and forests and led to land restitution and reparations. But the development banks have resisted any meaningful movement down this path. In fact, it’s been quite the opposite.
They have taken no action to address the historic conflicts over the nearly 100,000 hectares of land concessions or the allegations of corruption plaguing the project. Their environmental, social and governance (ESG) plans did nothing to alleviate poverty in the communities. And the involvement of the various banks did not reduce rampant human rights violations against villagers or workers. What’s worse, the banks have acted to undermine the community efforts to use the grievance mechanisms that they themselves established.
The reality is that no matter the ESG guidelines or codes of conduct against land grabbing, there is no way that development bank investments in industrial plantations can contribute to “sustainable development”. These plantations are colonial relics, designed purely to extract profits for their owners and to produce commodities for foreign buyers. They require stolen lands, exploited labour and armed violence to keep distraught villagers and workers from rising up. The creation of “jobs” and social projects, like poorly equipped schools and health clinics, that the development banks use to justify their presence is merely the theft and destruction of lands and resources that the villagers once had to sustain themselves.
Let us be clear: public development banks are disconnected from any sense of what “public” means and any argument about what “development” should look like. In food and farming, the backbone of our very existence, they finance corporate agribusiness. They were not set up to support any other model and have no real capacity to do so. As industrial agriculture is responsible for up to 37% of the world’s annual greenhouse gas emissions, the case to dismiss development banks is clear. We need a very different approach to international finance that supports communities rather than companies, and food systems free of corporate control.
Signed by
Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa – Africa
WoMin African Alliance – Africa
Entraide & Fraternité – Belgium
FIAN Belgium – Belgium
CIDSE – Belgium
Friends of the Earth Europe – Belgium
Associação Brasileira de Reforma Agrária – Brazil
SOS Chapada dos Veadeiros – Brazil
Movimento Ciencia Cidadã – Brazil
CAPINA – Cooperação e Apoio a Projetos de Inspiração Alternativa – Brazil
Terra de Direitos – Brazil
Comissão Pastoral da Terra – Brazil
Amigos da Terra Brasil – Brazil
FAOR – Fórum da Amazônia Oriental – Brazil
FASE – Solidariedade e Educação – Brazil
IPDMS – Instituto de Pesquisa, Direitos e Movimentos Sociais – Brazil
Rede Jubileu Sul – Brazil
Via Campesina – Brazil
Emater – Brazil
Campaign in Defense of the Cerrado – Brazil
Réseau des acteurs du développement durable (RADD) – Cameroon
Synaparcam – Cameroon
REFEB – Côte d’Ivoire
DIOBASS Platform – Democratic Republic of Congo
Réseau d’information et d’appuis aux ONG en République démocratique du Congo (RIAO-RDC) – Democratic Republic of Congo
Acción Ecológica – Ecuador
Confédération paysanne – France
CCFD-Terre Solidaire – France
Les Amis de la Terre – France
Attac France – France
Survie – France
Muyissi Environnement – Gabon
FIAN Germany – Germany
APVVU – India
Indian Social Action Forum – India
Growthwatch – India
Karavali Karnataka Janabhivriddhi Vedike – India
Sahanivasa – India
Bina Desa – Indonesia
KRuHA – Indonesia
SNI – Indonesia Fisherfolk Union – Indonesia
Suluh Muda Inspirasi – Indonesia
GERAK LAWAN – Indonesia
Serikat Tani Merdeka (SETAM) – Indonesia
Front Perjuangan Pemuda Indonesia (FPPI) – Indonesia
Indonesia for Global Justice – Indonesia
Koalisi Rakyat Untuk Keadilan Perikanan (KIARA) – Indonesia
Solidaritas Perempuan – Indonesia
Global Legal Action Network – Ireland
Trócaire – Ireland
SONIA for a Just New World – Italy
Africa Japan Forum – Japan
Africa Rikai Project – Japan
Eriko Yano – Japan
Network between Village and Town – Japan
Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC) – Japan
Friends of the Earth Japan – Japan
Missionary Society of Saint Columban – Japan
WE21 Japan – Japan
Indigenous Strategy & Institution for Development – Kenya
SOS FAIM- Luxembourg
Collectif pour la défense des terres malgaches – TANY – Madagascar/France
Milieudefensie – Netherlands
Pakistan Kissan Rabita Committee – Pakistan
Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas – Philippines
Organización Boricuá de Agricultura Ecológica de Puerto Rico, CLOC-LVC – Puerto Rico
Kamara Organic Promoter – Rwanda
La Via Campesina South Asia – South Asia
Korea Women Peasants’ Association – South Korea
Bread for all – Switzerland
Generation Engage Network – Uganda
Corner House – United Kingdom
Global Justice Now – United Kingdom
Friends of the Earth United States – United States
The Oakland Institute – United States
Thousand Currents – United States
Grassroots International – United States
Family Farm Defenders – United States
National Family Farm Coalition – United States
Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) – International
GRAIN – International
Biofuelwatch – International
World Rainforest Movement – International
Original source: Collective statement
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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS
Top 10 agribusiness giants: corporate concentration in food & farming in 2025
Published
2 months agoon
August 28, 2025


Ranking
|
Company (Headquarters)
|
Sales in 2023
(US$ millions)
|
% Global market share 19
|
1
|
Bayer (Germany)20
|
11,613
|
23
|
2
|
Corteva (US)21
|
9,472
|
19
|
3
|
Syngenta (China/Switzerland)22
|
4,751
|
10
|
4
|
BASF (Germany)23
|
2,122
|
4
|
Total top 4
|
27,958
|
56
|
|
5
|
Vilmorin & Cie (Groupe Limagrain) (France)24
|
1,984
|
4
|
6
|
KWS (Germany)25
|
1,815
|
4
|
7
|
DLF Seeds (Denmark)26
|
838
|
2
|
8
|
Sakata Seeds (Japan)27
|
649
|
1
|
9
|
Kaneko Seeds (Japan)28
|
451
|
0.9
|
Total top 9
|
33,695
|
67
|
|
Total world market29
|
50,000
|
100%
|
Ranking
|
Company (Headquarters)
|
Sales in 2023
(US$ millions)
|
% Global market share
|
1
|
Syngenta (China/Switzerland)43
|
20,066
|
25
|
2
|
Bayer (Germany)44
|
11,860
|
15
|
3
|
BASF (Germany)45
|
8,793
|
11
|
4
|
Corteva (US)46
|
7,754
|
10
|
Total top 4
|
48,472
|
61
|
|
5
|
UPL (India)47
|
5,925
|
8
|
6
|
FMC (Germany)48
|
4,487
|
6
|
7
|
Sumitomo (Japan)49
|
3,824
|
5
|
8
|
Nufarm (Australia)50
|
2,056
|
3
|
9
|
Rainbow Agro (China)51
|
1,623
|
2
|
10
|
Jiangsu Yangnong Chemical Co., Ltd. (China)52
|
1,595
|
2
|
Total top 10
|
67,982
|
86
|
|
Total world market53
|
79,000
|
100
|

Ranking
|
Company (Headquarters)
|
Sales in 2023
(US$ millions)
|
% Global market share
|
1
|
Nutrien (Canada)72
|
15,673
|
8
|
2
|
The Mosaic Company (US)73
|
12,782
|
7
|
3
|
Yara (Norway)74
|
11,688
|
6
|
4
|
CF Industries Holdings, Inc, (US)75
|
6,631
|
3
|
Total top 4
|
46,774
|
24
|
|
5
|
ICL Group Ltd. (Israel)76
|
6,294
|
3
|
6
|
OCP (Morocco)77
|
5,967
|
3
|
7
|
PhosAgro (Russia)78
|
4,989
|
3
|
8
|
MCC EuroChem Joint Stock Company (EuroChem) (Switzerland/Russia)79
|
4,298
|
2
|
9
|
OCI (Netherlands)80
|
4,188
|
2
|
10
|
Uralkali (Russia)81
|
3,497
|
2
|
Total top 10
|
76,007
|
39
|
|
Total world market82
|
196,000
|
100
|

Ranking
|
Company (Headquarters)
|
Sales in 2023
(US$ millions)
|
% Global market share
|
1
|
Deere and Co. (US)89
|
26,790
|
15
|
2
|
CNH Industrial (UK/Netherlands)90
|
18,148
|
10
|
4
|
AGCO (US)91
|
14,412
|
8
|
3
|
Kubota (Japan)92
|
14,233
|
8
|
Total top 4
|
73,583
|
43
|
|
5
|
CLAAS (Germany)93
|
6,561
|
4
|
6
|
Mahindra and Mahindra (India)94
|
3,156
|
2
|
7
|
SDF Group (Italy)95
|
2,197
|
1
|
8
|
Kuhn Group (Switzerland)96
|
1,583
|
0.9
|
9
|
YTO Group (China)97
|
1,493
|
0.9
|
10
|
Iseki Group (Japan)98
|
1,057
|
0.6
|
Total top 10
|
89,629
|
52
|
|
Total world market99
|
173,000
|
100
|

Ranking
|
Company (Headquarters)
|
Sales in 2023
(US$ millions)
|
% Global market share
|
1
|
Zoetis (US)115
|
8,544
|
18
|
2
|
Merck & Co (MSD) (US)116
|
5,625
|
12
|
3
|
Boehringer Ingelheim Animal Health (Germany)117
|
5,100
|
11
|
4
|
Elanco (US)118
|
4,417
|
9
|
Total top 4
|
23,686
|
49
|
|
5
|
Idexx Laboratories (US)119
|
3,474
|
7
|
6
|
Ceva Santé Animale (France)120
|
1,752
|
4
|
7
|
Virbac (France)121
|
1,348
|
3
|
8
|
Phibro Animal Health Corporation (US)122
|
978
|
2
|
9
|
Dechra (UK)123
|
917
|
2
|
10
|
Vetoquinol (France)124
|
572
|
1
|
Total top 10
|
32,727
|
68
|
|
Total world market125
|
48,000
|
100
|

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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS
Maasai demand Volkswagen pull out of carbon offset scheme on their lands
Published
3 months agoon
July 24, 2025
Maasai Indigenous people in Tanzania have called on Volkswagen (VW) to withdraw from a controversial carbon credits scheme which violates their rights and threatens to wreck their livelihoods.
In a statement, the Maasai International Solidarity Alliance (MISA) denounced the “loss of control or use” of vital Maasai grazing grounds, and accused VW of making “false and misleading claims” about Maasai participation in decision making about the project.
Many Maasai pastoralists have already been evicted from large parts of their grazing lands for national parks and game reserves, with highly lucrative tourist businesses operating in them. Now a major new carbon-credit generating project by Volkswagen ClimatePartner (VWCP) and US-based carbon offset company Soils for the Future Tanzania is taking control of large parts of their remaining lands, and threatening livelihoods by upending long-standing Maasai grazing practices.
The Maasai have not given their free, prior and informed consent for the project. They fear it will restrict their access to crucial refuge areas in times of drought, and threaten their food security.
Ngisha Sinyok, a Maasai community member from Eluai village, which is struggling to withdraw from the project, told Survival: “Our livestock is going to be depleted. We will end up not having a single cow.” Asked about VW’s involvement in the project, he replied, “It is not a solution to climate change. It is just a business for people to make money using our environment. It has nothing to do with climate change.”
Another Maasai man, who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, said: “They use their money to control us.” A third said: “Maasailand never had a price tag. In Maasailand, there is no privatization. Our land is communal.”
Survival International’s Director of Research and Advocacy, Fiona Watson, said today: “The carbon project that Volkswagen supports violates the Maasai’s rights and will be disastrous for their lives, all so the company can carry on polluting and greenwash its image. It takes away the Maasai’s control over their own lands and relies on the false and colonial assumption that they are destroying their lands — which is not supported by evidence.
“The Maasai have been grazing cattle on the plains of East Africa since time immemorial. They know the land and how to manage it better than carbon project developers seeking to make millions from their lands.”
VW’s investment in the project, whose official name is the “Longido and Monduli Rangelands Carbon Project”, is believed to run to several million dollars, and has contributed to corruption and tensions in northern Tanzania, according to MISA’s report on the project.
An adjacent project in southern Kenya, also run by Soils for the Future, is beset with similar problems, and has already sparked resistance from local communities.
Survival International’s Blood Carbon report revealed that the whole basis for these “soil carbon” projects is flawed, and unsupported by evidence. Survival documented similar problems with the highly controversial Northern Kenya Grasslands Carbon Project. That project suffered a blow in a Kenyan court and was suspended and put under review by Verra, the carbon credit verification agency, for an unprecedented second time.
Source: Survival International
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SPECIAL REPORTS AND PROJECTS
Seizing the Jubilee moment: Cancel the debt to unlock Africa’s clean energy future
Published
3 months agoon
July 12, 2025
Africa has the resources and the vision for a just energy transition, but it is trapped in a financial system structured to take more than it gives. In this blog, we outline how debt burdens and climate impacts are holding the continent back, and looks at the role of institutions that shape the global financial order, like the World Bank, African Development Bank and IMF. As these institutions and governments meet in Seville for FfD4, we urge them to heed people’s calls for reform: cancel the debt, redistribute the wealth, and fund the just transition. — By Rajneesh Bhuee and Lola Allen
With 60% of the world’s best solar energy resources and 70% of the cobalt essential for electric vehicle batteries, the African continent has everything it needs to power its development and become a global reference point for sustainable energy production. That potential, however, remains largely untapped; Africa receives just 2% of global renewable energy investment. As the UNCTAD Secretary-General Rebeca Grynspan warns, too many countries are forced to “default on their development to avoid defaulting on their debt.”
The cost of servicing unsustainable debts, layered with new loan-based climate and development finance, leaves governments with little fiscal space to invest in clean energy, health or education. In 2022 alone, African countries spent more than $100 billion on debt servicing, over twice what they spent on health or education. Add to this the $90 billion lost annually to illicit financial flows, and the reality is stark: more money leaves the continent through financial leakages (also including unfair trade and extractive investment) than comes in through productive, equitable and development-oriented finance.
These are not isolated problems. They reflect a financial system that has been built to serve global markets rather than people. Between 2020 and 2025, four African countries defaulted on their external debts, that is, they failed to make scheduled repayments to creditors like the International Monetary Fund or bondholders, triggering fiscal crises and, in several cases, IMF interventions tied to austerity measures. Pope Francis’ Jubilee Report (2025) and hundreds of civil society groups argue that these defaults reflect the deeper crisis of unsustainable debt. Meanwhile, 24 more African countries are now in or near debt distress. None have successfully restructured their debts under the G20 Common Framework, a mechanism launched in 2020 to facilitate debt relief among public and private creditors. The Framework has been widely criticised for being slow, opaque and ineffective. According to Eurodad, without urgent systemic reforms, up to 47 Global South countries, home to over 1.1 billion people, face insolvency risks within five years if they attempt to meet climate and development goals.
How debt undermines the just energy transition
Debt has become both a driver and a symptom of climate injustice. Countries that did the least to cause the climate crisis now pay the highest price, twice over. First, they suffer the impacts. Second, they must borrow to rebuild.
This is happening just as concessional finance disappears. The US has withdrawn from the African Development Fund’s concessional window (worth $550m), yet maintains influence over private-sector lending. It has also opted out of the UN Financing for Development Conference (FfD4), a historic opportunity to confront the injustice of our financial system. Meanwhile, European governments, though now celebrating themselves as defenders of multilateralism, played a key role in weakening the outcome of FfD4, slashing aid budgets, redirecting funds toward militarisation, and systematically blocking proposals for a UN-led sovereign debt workout mechanism. With rising insecurity and geopolitical tensions, these actions send a troubling signal: at a moment when global cooperation is urgently needed, many Global North countries are stepping back from efforts to fix the very system that is preventing climate justice and clean energy for much of the Global South.
A role for the AfDB?
The African Development Bank (AfDB), under incoming president Sidi Ould Tah , has made progressive commitments of $10 billion to climate-resilient infrastructure and $4 billion to clean cooking. Between 2022 and 2024, one in five (20%) of its energy dollars were grants, far exceeding The World Bank ‘s 10% and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) ‘s 3.8%. The AfDB has also backed systemic reform: for example, calling for Special Drawing Rights (SDR) redistribution, launching an African Financial Stability Mechanism that could save up to $20 billion in debt servicing, and consistently advocating for fairer lending terms.

Yet, even progressive leadership struggles within a broken system. Recourse’s recent research shows that AfDB energy finance dropped 67% in 2024, from $992.7 million to just $329.6 million. Of this, a staggering 73% went to large-scale infrastructure like mega hydro dams and export-focused transmission lines, ‘false solutions’ that bypass the energy-poor and displace communities. Meanwhile, support for locally-appropriate, decentralised renewable energy systems such as mini-grids, solar appliances, and clean cookstoves plummeted by over 90%, from $694.5 million to just $61 million, with only five of 13 projects directly addressing energy access in 2024.
Africa received just 2.8% of global climate finance in 2021–22, and what is labelled as “climate finance” is often little more than a Trojan horse: resource-backed loans, debt-for-nature swaps, and blended finance instruments that shift risk to the public while offering little real benefit to local communities. These mechanisms, promoted as “innovative” or “green”, often entrench financial dependency and fail to deliver meaningful change for energy-poor or climate-vulnerable groups.
Meanwhile, initiatives that could build green industry and renewable capacity across Africa are falling short in both scale and speed. Flagship projects, such as the EU’s Global Gateway, have failed to drive green industrialisation in Africa, and carbon markets continue to delay real emissions reductions, subsidise fossil fuel interests, and entrench elite control over land and resources.
Mission 300: Ambition or another missed opportunity?
In this constrained context, the AfDB and World Bank launched Mission 300, an ambitious plan to connect 300 million Africans to electricity by 2030. Pragmatic goals like electrification are crucial, but the story beneath the surface of Mission 300 raises concern. Far from serving households, many projects under the initiative appear more aligned with export markets and large-scale energy users, echoing decades of infrastructure that bypasses those most in need.
Mission 300 can still be transformative, but only if it centres people, not profits. Energy access must begin with those who need it most: women and youth, especially in rural communities. Across Africa, many women cook over open fires, walk hours to gather fuel, and care for families in homes without light or clean air. This is not just an inconvenience, it is structural violence and policy failure.
Yet most energy finance still flows to centralised grids, mega-projects, and sometimes fossil gas (misleadingly called a “transition fuel”). These do little to address energy poverty. Locally appropriate decentralised renewable energy solutions, solar-powered appliances, clean cookstoves, and mini-grids can deliver faster, cheaper, and more equitable impact. Mission 300 must invest in such solutions, without adding to existing debt problems. It should support national policy design, for example, by ensuring that energy policy is responsive to women’s needs, making use of gender-disaggregated data and community consultation.
The Jubilee: A year for action
In a year already marked as a Jubilee moment, African leaders have demanded reform: including a sovereign debt workout mechanism and a UN Tax Convention to end illicit financial flows. Yet as AFRODAD has documented, these demands were blocked at the FfD4 negotiations by wealthy nations—notably the EU and UK—even as climate impacts grow and fiscal space shrinks.
This is not just about finance. It is about reclaiming sovereignty. The incoming AfDB president and all the multilateral development banks face a choice: continue financing extractive, large-scale projects that serve foreign interests, or invest in decentralised, gender-responsive, pro-people solutions that shift power and ownership.
Africa has the resources. What it needs is fiscal space, public-led finance, and global rules that prioritise people and planet over profit. The Jubilee call is clear: cancel the debt, redistribute the wealth, and fund the just transition.
Source: Recourse through LinkedIn Account Recourse.
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