Connect with us

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Nine (9) years and still counting: Buvuma residents still await compensation for land grabbed by the Oil palm project.

Published

on

By Witness Radio Team.

When the oil palm growing project was introduced in the Nairambi sub-county, Buvuma district, in 2015, it was greeted with an abundance of praise, leading many community members to wholeheartedly embrace it.

“We were promised numerous benefits with the project. Our leaders were preached with success stories of how oil palm projects had transformed communities where it had been grown before. In a short period, they urged us not to let the spirits of poverty linger with us, insisting that we must embrace the project in our district to attain wealth.” Residents from Kakyanga shared their sentiments with Witness Radio about the project.

The pattern observed in many other countries where oil palm tree growers used tricks to grab people’s land is replicated in the Buvuma district. Private companies and government officials promised communities new schools, good roads, functional health centers, and helping needy families, etc. as a persuasion tool to win their hearts on top of fair and adequate compensation pledges.

9 years later, individual families realized that they were deceived into signing documents to surrender their land to grow oil palm trees. Agreements were written in English (not translated to their dialect), and signed copies were hidden from residents.

“We consented to the government’s proposal to utilize our land for the project, lured by the promises of substantial benefits. The survey of the project land promptly commenced, leading to the expropriation of our property. Despite the passage of several years, the pledged benefits from the project remain unfulfilled,” residents interviewed by Witness Radio narrated their concerns.

But, the on-the-ground realities are diverse and the project has been labeled as a curse by the Project Affected Persons (PAPs). Unfortunately, it has resulted in tragic consequences, including loss of life, homelessness, increased poverty, and heightened hunger among communities that thrived well before the project commenced.

According to the residents, their land measuring over 388 hectares in Kakyanga, Kiziiru, Bukiindi, and Bukalabati villages, is occupied by oil palm trees owned by the National Oil Palm Project since 2019.

Nakato Khadija, a 45-year-old, now finds herself harvesting spear grass to make a living. “Whenever I reflect on the impact this project has had on me and my family, a sense of despair sets in. It’s disheartening that someone who once owned 19 acres of land now possesses nothing in life.” She revealed this to the Witness Radio research team.

By 5 pm evening, on Friday,19th 2024 when Witness Radio interviewed her, the sole caretaker of a family of 15 was still harvesting spear grass with an old sickle in a garden that is 12 kilometers away from where she rents in Tojjo village.

“This is the only job I can do now, it is where I get what to feed the family. Every bunch of spear grass [locally called enjole] costs 500 Ugx shillings (about 0.13 United States Dollars). So, you have to cut as many as you can to get some good money. Imagine if all the bushes are done, how shall we survive.” Nakato questioned?

Nakato is not alone, she is one of the more than 600 people whose land was taken for Oil palm growing from 4 villages in Buwanga parish, Nairambi Sub-county in Buvuma district without compensation or resettlement.

According to residents who shared their experiences with Witness Radio, they were deceived into initially handing over their land to the investor, with the promise of receiving compensation later. However, to their dismay, years have passed, and they are still waiting in vain for the promised compensation

“We haven’t received compensation for our land that was taken 9 years ago, and a significant number of people are enduring immense suffering. They relinquished their land for the oil palm project and are now thrust into overwhelming poverty,” another resident emphasized.

“We were instructed to surrender our land to the investor with the promise that the project would lead to the development of our community and create employment opportunities. Our leaders, along with Epayi Gerald, who facilitated the land acquisition on behalf of the investor, convinced us to part with our land before receiving compensation.” Residents further highlighted.

In 2017, representatives from the government and the National Oil Palm Project (NOPP) conducted a land survey to assess and value their properties for compensation. Around 2019, they (government and NOPP) returned with disclosure forms that indicated amounts below the community’s expectations. Despite the inaccurate valuation of their land and property, the promised compensation, according to the affected residents, remains unpaid.

Mr. Kyeswa Alex, another resident grappling with the impact of the project, disclosed that the community was barred from utilizing their land in 2018, intensifying hunger in their area since many of them were farmers, who used their land for agricultural production.

Community members report that eight individuals have lost their lives due to lack of food, compelling many residents to turn to illegal fishing as a desperate means of survival.

Mrs. Nakato revealed to Witness Radio that two of her family members including her husband and son were arrested, by the army, all accused of illegal fishing. She attributed all this chaos to the arrival of the Buvuma oil palm project, which disrupted their lives. Currently, she is renting in Tojjo village, grappling with the challenges of her daily life.

“To secure a living for our family, my husband had turned to fishing. However, he was apprehended by the army three years ago, and accused of illegal fishing. Subsequently, our son, who stepped in to shoulder the responsibilities, was also arrested six months ago on the same charge of illegal fishing,” a teary Nakato revealed.

One of the Buvuma Counsellors, affirms that residents have been waiting for the government’s compensation for over 9 years but in vain.

“People are facing dire circumstances, with some even losing their lives. The lack of available land for cultivation has left many without enough food to eat. The dreams of young girls and boys are being shattered as their parents struggle to afford school fees. Meanwhile, the prices of land are on the rise, and we fear that the government may compensate based on outdated valuations from four years ago. It is essential that they receive fair compensation because the project was intended to benefit them, not push them into poverty,” the leader emphasized.

He added, “We have pleaded with the government on numerous occasions to compensate our people, but they keep assuring us that payment will happen soon. However, this promised time never arrives, and people continue to suffer in anguish.”

The Buvuma oil palm project is part of the five oil palm hubs set up by the National oil palm project. The others are, Kalangala; Mayuge (Mayuge, Bugiri, and Namayingo); Greater Masaka (Kyotera, Kalungu, and Masaka); and Greater Mukono (Mukono and Buikwe.

In 2018, the Government of Uganda (GoU) received a loan from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) to finance a ten-year National Oil Palm Project (NOPP). The project with a total financing of US$ 216.2 million is being implemented by the Ministry of Agriculture Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) as the Lead Project Agency, in partnership with other agencies, the private sector, and farmer Organizations.

Oil palm Buvuma Limited is mandated to develop seedlings and ensure production, while BIDCO takes center in refining, farmer associations are key partners in the Farmer organization, and MAAIF is key in monitoring and scaling the project as well as ensuring there is land acquisition.

But Mr. Sserunjoji William, the district’s Senior Assistant Chief Administrative Officer (Deputy CAO), who also acts as the National oil palm project focal person, told Witness Radio that the government is in the process of finalizing the valuation assessments to kickstart the compensation.

“Indeed, we have not compensated the community members, and I acknowledge the concerns raised. However, the government requires time to assess land ownership meticulously to ensure accurate compensation for the rightful individuals. We are currently in the process of conducting these assessments, and soon, this year the community members will receive their compensation.” Mr. Sserunjoji added.

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Forced Land Evictions in Uganda: Tenure and food insecurity on the rise…

Published

on

The scale of the issue, as revealed in Witness Radio’s recent report, is staggering and demands immediate attention: Over 5,000 hectares are targeted weekly by local and foreign investors, leading to the displacement of hundreds of Indigenous and local communities. This urgent situation threatens their food sovereignty and environmental stewardship, necessitating immediate and decisive action.

The forced land evictions are not just numbers; they are exacerbating inequality and directly undermining the efforts of local farmers to safeguard food systems and the environment.

Disturbing findings from the Daily Monitor: Uganda is grappling with a surge in malnutrition cases, with over 260,000 children suffering from acute malnutrition, as reported by UNICEF and WHO.

When evicted from their land, which is the source of livelihood, survival becomes very difficult, resulting in unwanted deaths, sicknesses, and poverty. These are not just statistics, but the harsh realities the affected communities face. It’s crucial to remember that there’s a human story of struggle and loss behind every statistic, and it’s these stories that should drive our actions.

Witness Radio’s recent report, which covered the first half of 2024, revealed that Ugandans face forced land evictions daily to give way to land-based investments, with 723 hectares of land at risk of being grabbed daily.

Furthermore, over 360,000 Ugandans were displaced, with a daily average of 2,160 people losing their livelihood. Land is targeted for oil and gas extraction, mining, agribusiness, and tree plantations for carbon offsets. While some investments have taken shape on the grabbed land, other pieces of grabbed land are still empty but under the guardship of military and private security firms.

The report pointed out that the leading causes of forced land evictions were the lack of legal documents for land ownership and transparent mechanisms to regulate an influx of “investors.” This lack of legal ownership is not just a symptom but the root cause of the problem, highlighting the urgent need for legal reform to protect the rights of Indigenous and local communities.

Since the Uganda government announced an industrial policy that commoditized its land to fight its unemployment, which will give Uganda a middle-income class status from a low-developed country, there has been an increase in forced land eviction cases. This policy shift, encouraging large-scale industrial projects, has raised questions about the government’s responsibility and accountability in these evictions.

Many investors fraudulently acquire communities’ land and do not conduct feasibility studies to establish whether the targeted land has interests. On many occasions, communities are not consulted about their land, and no compensation is offered.

According to the Lands Ministry’s 2016 annual report, about 23 percent of Uganda’s land is registered. The registration is mostly with freehold (where the land is owned outright), mailo (a form of land tenure in Buganda, a region in Uganda, customary tenure), and lease (where the land is leased for a specific period) tenure systems.

Go-betweens and blockers use this gap with support from some government officials to acquire land titles fraudulently and later evict bonafide land occupants (Indigenous and local communities) to give way for land-based investment.

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) rejects the request to dismiss the EACOP appeal case.

Published

on

By Witness Radio team.

The Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) has rejected a request by the Tanzanian government to dismiss an appeal filed by four East African civil society organizations (CSOs) seeking compliance with the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) with regional and international human rights standards.

Tanzania’s Deputy Solicitor General, Mr. Mark Mulwambo, requested the judges dismiss the Appeal, arguing that the record of proceedings from the hearings held at the First Instance Division was missing. The record of proceedings includes the CSOs and respondents’ submissions. He added that, without it, the judges at the Appellate Division could not determine whether the First Instance Court erred in the ruling that they made.

However, the court could not grant his request. Instead, it ordered the four CSOs that filed the Appeal to file supplementary information so that the judges could hear the case.

The Appeal will be heard by a panel of judges from the Appellate Division of the EACJ, including Justice Nestor Kayobera, the division’s president; Justice Anita Mugeni, the Vice President; Justice Kathurima M’Inot; Justice Cheboriona Barishaki; and Justice Omar Othman Makungu. These judges, with their expertise in regional and international law, will review the Appeal and make a final decision.

The Appeal was filed by four CSOs, including the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO) from Uganda, the Centre for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT) from Uganda, the Natural Justice (NJ) from Kenya, and the Centre for Strategic Litigation (CSL) from Tanzania, in December 2023. This was in response to the dismissal of their case, which sought compliance with the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) with regional and international human rights standards, by judges at the First Instance Division of the EACJ in November 2023.

During the dismissal, the court ruled that the applicants filed the petition out of time, stating that the petitioners should have filed the petition as early as 2017 instead of 2020. The court also ruled that it did not have jurisdiction to hear the case, meaning it did not have the legal authority to decide on this matter. These decisions were based on legal precedents and the specific circumstances of the case.

The CSOs were ordered to file the record of proceedings by Justice Nestor Kayobera by November 29, 2024.

The court session was attended by EACOP-affected communities from both Uganda and Tanzania. Among them was Mr. Gozanga Kyakulubya, an affected person from Kyotera District in Southern Uganda, who traveled to Arusha to participate in the hearing. His personal story underscores the profound impact of the EACOP on the lives of these communities.

He shared his grievance, stating, “I came to the court because I have a lot of pain. My land was taken for the EACOP, and before I was paid, it was fenced off. The government of Uganda also sued me because I rejected the low compensation offered by EACOP. We need at least one court to be fair to EACOP host communities, and we hope the East African Court of Justice will be that court.”

The EACOP has been designed, constructed, financed, and operated through a dedicated Pipeline Company with the same name. The shareholders in EACOP are affiliates of the three upstream joint venture partners: the Uganda National Oil Company (8%), TotalEnergies E&P Uganda (62%), and CNOOC Uganda Ltd (15%), together with the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (15%).

The 1,443km pipeline will eventually transport Uganda’s crude oil from Kabaale—Hoima to the Chongoleani peninsula near Tanga Port in Tanzania.

Climate activists and civil society organizations, however, continue to oppose the project, claiming that it will harm several fragile and protected habitats irreversibly and violate key agreements and treaties.

The potential environmental damage is a cause for concern among these groups.

Continue Reading

MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

Big oil firms knew of dire effects of fossil fuels as early as 1950s, memos show

Published

on

Newly unearthed documents contain warning from head of Air Pollution Foundation, founded in 1953 by oil interests.

Major oil companies, including Shell and precursors to energy giants Chevron, ExxonMobil and BP, were alerted about the planet-warming effects of fossil fuels as early as 1954, newly unearthed documents show.

The warning, from the head of an industry-created group known as the Air Pollution Foundation, was revealed by Climate Investigations Center and published Tuesday by the climate website DeSmog. It represents what may be the earliest instance of big oil being informed of the potentially dire consequences of its products.

“Every time there’s a push for climate action, [we see] fossil fuel companies downplay and deny the harms of burning fossil fuels,” said Rebecca John, a researcher at the Climate Investigations Center who uncovered the historic memos. “Now we have evidence they were doing this way back in the 50s during these really early attempts to crack down on sources of pollution.”

The Air Pollution Foundation was founded in 1953 by oil interests in response to public outcry over smog that was blanketing Los Angeles county.

Researchers had identified hydrocarbon pollution from fossil fuel sources such as cars and refineries as a primary culprit and Los Angeles officials had begun to proposal pollution controls.

The Air Pollution Foundation, which was primarily funded by the lobbying organization Western States Petroleum Association, publicly claimed to want to help solve the smog crisis, but was set up in large part to counter efforts at regulation, the new memos indicate.

It’s a commonly used tactic today, said Geoffrey Supran, an expert in climate disinformation at the University of Miami.

Fire emanating from a factory chimney
A gas flare from the Shell Chemical LP petroleum refinery burns against the sky in Louisiana. Photograph: Drew Angerer/Getty Images

“The Air Pollution Foundation appears to be one of the earliest and most brazen efforts by the oil industry to prop up a … front group to exaggerate scientific uncertainty to defend business as usual,” Supran said. “It helped lay the strategic and organizational groundwork for big oil’s decades of climate denial and delay.”

Then called the Western Oil and Gas Association, the lobbying group provided $1.3m to the group in the 1950s – the equivalent of $14m today – to the Air Pollution Foundation. That funding came from member companies including Shell and firms later bought by or merged with ExxonMobil, BP, Chevron, Sunoco and ConocoPhillips, as well as southern California utility SoCalGas.

The Air Pollution Foundation recruited the respected chemical engineer Lauren B Hitchcock to serve as its president. And in 1954, the organization – which until then was arguing that households incinerating waste in backyards was to blame asked Caltech to submit a proposal to determine the main source of smog.

In November 1954, Caltech submitted its proposal, which included crucial warnings about the coal, oil, and gas and said that “a changing concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere with reference to climate” may “ultimately prove of considerable significance to civilization”, a memo previously uncovered by John shows. The newly uncovered documents show the Air Pollution Foundation shared the warning with the Western Oil and Gas Association’s members in March 1955.

In the mid-1950s, climate researchers were beginning to understand the planet-heating impact of fossil fuels, and to discuss their emergent research in the media. But the newly uncovered Air Pollution Foundation memo represents the earliest known cautionary message to the oil industry about the greenhouse effect.

The Air Pollution Foundation’s board of trustees, including representatives from SoCalGas and Union Oil, which was later acquired by Chevron, approved funding for the Caltech project. In the following months, foundation president Hitchcock advocated for pollution controls on oil refineries and then testified in favor of state-funded pollution research in the California Senate.

Hitchcock was reprimanded by industry leaders for these efforts. In an April 1955 meeting, the Western Oil and Gas Association told him he was drawing too much “attention” to refinery pollution and conducting “too broad a program” of research. The Air Pollution Foundation was meant to be “protective” of the industry and should publish “findings which would be accepted as unbiased”, meeting minutes uncovered by John show.

After this meeting, the foundation made no further reference to the potential climate impact of fossil fuels, publications reviewed by DeSmog suggest.

“The fossil fuel industry is often seen as having followed in the footsteps of the tobacco industry’s playbook for denying science and blocking regulation,” said Supran. “But these documents suggest that big oil has been running public affairs campaigns to downplay the dangers of its products just as long as big tobacco, starting with air pollution in the early-to-mid-1950s.”

In the following months, many of the foundation’s research projects were scaled back or designed to be conducted in direct partnerships with lobbying groups. Hitchcock resigned as president in 1956.

Last year, the largest county in Oregon sued the Western States Petroleum Association for allegedly sowing doubt about the climate crisis despite longstanding knowledge of it.

DeSmog and the Climate Investigations Center previously found that the Air Pollution Foundation underwrote the earliest studies on CO2 conducted in 1955 and 1956 by renowned climate scientist Charles David Keeling, paving the way for his groundbreaking “Keeling Curve,” which charts how fossil fuels cause an increase in atmospheric carbon dioxide.

Other earlier investigations have found that major fossil companies spent decades conducting their own research into the consequences of burning coal, oil and gas. One 2023 study found that Exxon scientists made “breathtakingly” accurate predictions of global heating in the 1970s and 1980s, only to then spend decades sowing doubt about climate science.

The newly unearthed documents come from the Caltech archives, the US National Archives, the University of California at San Diego, the State University of New York Buffalo archives and Los Angeles newspapers from the 1950s.

The Western States Petroleum Association and the American Petroleum Institute, the top US fossil fuels lobby group, did not respond to requests for comment.

Origin Source: The Guardian

Continue Reading

Resource Center

Legal Framework

READ BY CATEGORY

Facebook

Newsletter

Subscribe to Witness Radio's newsletter



Trending

Subscribe to Witness Radio's newsletter