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Nine (9) years and still counting: Buvuma residents still await compensation for land grabbed by the Oil palm project.

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By Witness Radio Team.

When the oil palm growing project was introduced in the Nairambi sub-county, Buvuma district, in 2015, it was greeted with an abundance of praise, leading many community members to wholeheartedly embrace it.

“We were promised numerous benefits with the project. Our leaders were preached with success stories of how oil palm projects had transformed communities where it had been grown before. In a short period, they urged us not to let the spirits of poverty linger with us, insisting that we must embrace the project in our district to attain wealth.” Residents from Kakyanga shared their sentiments with Witness Radio about the project.

The pattern observed in many other countries where oil palm tree growers used tricks to grab people’s land is replicated in the Buvuma district. Private companies and government officials promised communities new schools, good roads, functional health centers, and helping needy families, etc. as a persuasion tool to win their hearts on top of fair and adequate compensation pledges.

9 years later, individual families realized that they were deceived into signing documents to surrender their land to grow oil palm trees. Agreements were written in English (not translated to their dialect), and signed copies were hidden from residents.

“We consented to the government’s proposal to utilize our land for the project, lured by the promises of substantial benefits. The survey of the project land promptly commenced, leading to the expropriation of our property. Despite the passage of several years, the pledged benefits from the project remain unfulfilled,” residents interviewed by Witness Radio narrated their concerns.

But, the on-the-ground realities are diverse and the project has been labeled as a curse by the Project Affected Persons (PAPs). Unfortunately, it has resulted in tragic consequences, including loss of life, homelessness, increased poverty, and heightened hunger among communities that thrived well before the project commenced.

According to the residents, their land measuring over 388 hectares in Kakyanga, Kiziiru, Bukiindi, and Bukalabati villages, is occupied by oil palm trees owned by the National Oil Palm Project since 2019.

Nakato Khadija, a 45-year-old, now finds herself harvesting spear grass to make a living. “Whenever I reflect on the impact this project has had on me and my family, a sense of despair sets in. It’s disheartening that someone who once owned 19 acres of land now possesses nothing in life.” She revealed this to the Witness Radio research team.

By 5 pm evening, on Friday,19th 2024 when Witness Radio interviewed her, the sole caretaker of a family of 15 was still harvesting spear grass with an old sickle in a garden that is 12 kilometers away from where she rents in Tojjo village.

“This is the only job I can do now, it is where I get what to feed the family. Every bunch of spear grass [locally called enjole] costs 500 Ugx shillings (about 0.13 United States Dollars). So, you have to cut as many as you can to get some good money. Imagine if all the bushes are done, how shall we survive.” Nakato questioned?

Nakato is not alone, she is one of the more than 600 people whose land was taken for Oil palm growing from 4 villages in Buwanga parish, Nairambi Sub-county in Buvuma district without compensation or resettlement.

According to residents who shared their experiences with Witness Radio, they were deceived into initially handing over their land to the investor, with the promise of receiving compensation later. However, to their dismay, years have passed, and they are still waiting in vain for the promised compensation

“We haven’t received compensation for our land that was taken 9 years ago, and a significant number of people are enduring immense suffering. They relinquished their land for the oil palm project and are now thrust into overwhelming poverty,” another resident emphasized.

“We were instructed to surrender our land to the investor with the promise that the project would lead to the development of our community and create employment opportunities. Our leaders, along with Epayi Gerald, who facilitated the land acquisition on behalf of the investor, convinced us to part with our land before receiving compensation.” Residents further highlighted.

In 2017, representatives from the government and the National Oil Palm Project (NOPP) conducted a land survey to assess and value their properties for compensation. Around 2019, they (government and NOPP) returned with disclosure forms that indicated amounts below the community’s expectations. Despite the inaccurate valuation of their land and property, the promised compensation, according to the affected residents, remains unpaid.

Mr. Kyeswa Alex, another resident grappling with the impact of the project, disclosed that the community was barred from utilizing their land in 2018, intensifying hunger in their area since many of them were farmers, who used their land for agricultural production.

Community members report that eight individuals have lost their lives due to lack of food, compelling many residents to turn to illegal fishing as a desperate means of survival.

Mrs. Nakato revealed to Witness Radio that two of her family members including her husband and son were arrested, by the army, all accused of illegal fishing. She attributed all this chaos to the arrival of the Buvuma oil palm project, which disrupted their lives. Currently, she is renting in Tojjo village, grappling with the challenges of her daily life.

“To secure a living for our family, my husband had turned to fishing. However, he was apprehended by the army three years ago, and accused of illegal fishing. Subsequently, our son, who stepped in to shoulder the responsibilities, was also arrested six months ago on the same charge of illegal fishing,” a teary Nakato revealed.

One of the Buvuma Counsellors, affirms that residents have been waiting for the government’s compensation for over 9 years but in vain.

“People are facing dire circumstances, with some even losing their lives. The lack of available land for cultivation has left many without enough food to eat. The dreams of young girls and boys are being shattered as their parents struggle to afford school fees. Meanwhile, the prices of land are on the rise, and we fear that the government may compensate based on outdated valuations from four years ago. It is essential that they receive fair compensation because the project was intended to benefit them, not push them into poverty,” the leader emphasized.

He added, “We have pleaded with the government on numerous occasions to compensate our people, but they keep assuring us that payment will happen soon. However, this promised time never arrives, and people continue to suffer in anguish.”

The Buvuma oil palm project is part of the five oil palm hubs set up by the National oil palm project. The others are, Kalangala; Mayuge (Mayuge, Bugiri, and Namayingo); Greater Masaka (Kyotera, Kalungu, and Masaka); and Greater Mukono (Mukono and Buikwe.

In 2018, the Government of Uganda (GoU) received a loan from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) to finance a ten-year National Oil Palm Project (NOPP). The project with a total financing of US$ 216.2 million is being implemented by the Ministry of Agriculture Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) as the Lead Project Agency, in partnership with other agencies, the private sector, and farmer Organizations.

Oil palm Buvuma Limited is mandated to develop seedlings and ensure production, while BIDCO takes center in refining, farmer associations are key partners in the Farmer organization, and MAAIF is key in monitoring and scaling the project as well as ensuring there is land acquisition.

But Mr. Sserunjoji William, the district’s Senior Assistant Chief Administrative Officer (Deputy CAO), who also acts as the National oil palm project focal person, told Witness Radio that the government is in the process of finalizing the valuation assessments to kickstart the compensation.

“Indeed, we have not compensated the community members, and I acknowledge the concerns raised. However, the government requires time to assess land ownership meticulously to ensure accurate compensation for the rightful individuals. We are currently in the process of conducting these assessments, and soon, this year the community members will receive their compensation.” Mr. Sserunjoji added.

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Seed Sovereignty: Most existing and emerging laws and policies on seeds are endangering seed saving and conservation on the African continent.

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By the Witness Radio team

In Africa, farmers and civil society organizations are urgently warning about the adverse effects of existing policies on agrobiodiversity. These policies aim to erode centuries-old traditions of seed saving and exchange, effectively undermining seed sovereignty and intensifying dependency on commercial seed companies.

The struggle over seed sovereignty, particularly the rights of smallholder farmers, has become one of the most pressing issues for the continent’s agricultural future. As governments introduce new seed laws, such as the proposed East African Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill of 2024, the preservation of cultural seeds and the rights of smallholder farmers are at stake.

The Communications and Advocacy Officer at Kenya’s Seed Savers Network, Tabitha Munyeri, notes that this has heightened monoculture, thereby significantly reducing the focus on indigenous plant varieties.

“There’s a lot of loss of agrobiodiversity with people focussing on a few foods, a few crops, leaving out so many other essential crops that have sustained humankind for generations and it is also important because it is coming at a time where we are having a lot of also conversations around different seed laws that are coming up for example within the EAC  we see that there is the seed and plant varieties bill of 2024 and we are looking at it as a huge setback and there is need for us to create awareness around even the policies that exist.”

She further argues that there is a need to raise awareness and sensitise farmers to the existing policies so that they can understand their effects on agrobiodiversity.

“Even for Kenya we have been having punitive seed laws for the longest time but now we are happy that courts of law are reviewing the law, but we still think that there is need to create a lot of advocacy around the seed laws and what they really mean to farmers because some of them do not understand, some of them are not even interested but once they get to know what it means and the impacts that the laws have on them then they are also able to become more vocal and more involved in the process.” She says.

Farmers in Africa have been the custodians of agricultural biodiversity, developing and maintaining numerous varieties of crops that are suited to local soils and climates. However, over the last few decades, the focus on farming has drastically declined to a handful of “high-yield” crops and imported hybrid varieties, leaving out the diverse indigenous seeds that have sustained communities through droughts, pests, and diseases.

Munyeri warns that this decline in agrobiodiversity is accelerating, driven not merely by market pressures, but by restrictive laws that criminalise and discourage traditional seed-saving practices.

In Kenya, where smallholder farmers supply more than 80 percent of the country’s food, seed systems have long depended on the informal exchange of seeds within communities. Small-hold farmers have relied on these systems to share, adapt, and innovate with seeds suited to their local conditions. However, existing laws have tended to favour the formal sector, requiring seed certification, variety registration, and compliance with intellectual property protections that most small-scale farmers cannot afford.

The 2024 Seed and Plant Varieties Act Bill, currently under discussion in several East African countries, has sparked significant controversy. It seeks to modernize agriculture and align national systems with international standards. However, smallholder farmers and critics contend that it allows corporate control over genetic resources, limiting farmers’ autonomy and threatening biodiversity. Under such a framework, only registered seed varieties can be legally traded or exchanged, effectively outlawing the informal seed networks that have sustained rural communities for centuries.

If smallholder farmers lose their rights to exchange and cultivate indigenous varieties, they may also lose control over their food systems. Dependence on improved seeds necessitates purchasing new stock each planting season, eroding self-reliance and increasing vulnerability to market fluctuations.

This awareness gap is what the Seed Savers Network hopes to address. Through training programs and advocacy initiatives, including its recently concluded regional boot camp, the organization equips participants from across Africa with knowledge about seed laws, biodiversity, and policy engagement.

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Lands ministry rejects call to save over 300 Masaka residents facing eviction

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Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021. (Credit: Dismus Buregyeya)

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.

MASAKA – The lands ministry has dismissed a plea by over 300 residents of Kasanje village in Masaka district to halt their eviction from a 400-acre plot, despite a direct appeal to President Yoweri Museveni.

Lands state minister Joseph Mayanja and Minister Judith Nabakoba ruled out further administrative intervention, citing a 2019 court ruling that declared the residents had encroached on land owned by Masaka Jaggery Mills Ltd.The conflict stems from a 2019 ruling by Masaka chief magistrate Deo Ssejjemba, which sided with landlords Joseph Matovu and Methodius Kasujja in their eviction bid against the locals.

The court’s decision, upheld after residents withdrew an appeal in 2021, set the stage for the current standoff.

Despite this, the affected families, many of whom lost homes, crops, and plantations, petitioned the President in 2021, prompting former Vice-President Edward Ssekandi and the State House legal teams to intervene.

However, Mayanja emphasised that all avenues for mediation had been exhausted.

“The matter has been conclusively resolved through legal and administrative processes. No further interventions are justified,” he stated in a letter dated October 28, 2025, rejecting a last-minute plea for a site visit.

Unresolved

Nabakoba confirmed that 105 families received compensation between shillings 300,000 and 12 million from the landlords in 2021 after signing agreements.

However, a ministry report revealed 215 families remain uncompensated, pending verification of their claims.

“We closed the mediation process when the majority accepted the settlement,” Nabakoba said. However, locals like Vincent Mugerwa, leader of the Kasanje Bibanja Owners Association, denounced the payouts as “peanuts,” citing offers as low as shillings 800,000 per acre.

The dispute has drawn high-level attention, including from legislator Joanita Namutawe, who petitioned Parliament, and Prime Minister Robina Nabanja, who met with security officials in Masaka last week. Despite these efforts, the lands ministry insists the case is closed.

Residents, however, contest the land’s ownership history, alleging irregularities in transfers from the original owners, the Masaka Jaggery Mills, to current landlords. Title documents show the land was registered under Freehold Volume 59 Folio 11, transferred to Joseph Bukenya in 2021, before passing to Methodius Kasujja.

Facing eviction

Over 300 families now face displacement, with the landlords’ legal team, Solis Advocates, having served eviction notices in 2021.

The Prime Minister’s office received a fresh petition on October 31, detailing the residents’ grievances, including destroyed property and inadequate compensation.

Original Source: New Vision

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Report reveals ongoing Human Rights Abuses and environmental destruction by the Chinese oil company CNOOC

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By Witness Radio team.

Three years into the Kingfisher oil and gas extraction project, the situation in Kikuube District is dire. Despite repeated warnings and criticism from human rights and environmental organizations, the impact on the local population remains intolerable.

In 2024, the Environment Governance Institute Uganda (EGI) and Climate Rights International (CRI) independently published reports on the Kingfisher oil production project. A year later, in September 2025, these two influential organizations united their efforts to produce a follow-up report, which revealed even more alarming results.

The report titled “Extortion, Coercion, and Impoverishment. Human Rights Abuses and Governance Failures in the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) Kingfisher Oil and Gas Project” paints a grim picture. It shows that the hardships and abuses faced by residents of the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Uganda Ltd. are not isolated incidents, but an ongoing series of violations.

Alongside the larger Tilenga project and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), the Kingfisher project is a crucial component of the extensive fossil fuel extraction operation in Uganda, which has been ongoing since 2017. The most important players involved are the French company TotalEnergies, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), and the Chinese energy giant CNOOC. While a subsidiary of TotalEnergies is implementing the Tilenga project, CNOOC serves as the executing partner for the Kingfisher project.

Last year’s reports demonstrated the immense environmental damage caused by the Kingfisher project. The Climate Accountability Institute predicted that the entire Ugandan oil production project would increase the country’s emissions. All of the projects will contribute significantly to global warming and, like all new fossil fuel extraction projects, are incompatible with the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 °C warming target.

In Kikuube district, oil drilling activities along the Lake Albert shoreline have allegedly resulted in the demolition of vegetation, increased sediment runoff, and chemical leaks over the last year, leading to the loss of breeding grounds for the local fish population, which is the basis of the livelihood for most local communities. Moreover, visible water pollution is an increasing threat to public health, as the lake is the only available water source for many residents.

Most households in villages bordering the project lack the funds to afford clean water or even medication, as they are experiencing a severe loss of income. Access to the area surrounding the project, including Nsonga, Nsuzu A, Nsuzu B, Kiina, and other nearby villages, is tightly controlled by security forces, like the Counter-Terrorism Police, the regular Traffic Police, and joint UPDF and Saracen Private Security company patrols. These enforce unannounced daily curfews by threatening and beating villagers encountered out of their homes after 6 or 7 pm, which results in a decrease in earnings for street vendors, whose main trading hours are often in the evening.

Fishing and fish trading – the primary sources of employment in the area – are also suffering greatly from the situation controlled by the company. Every two weeks, fishermen are required to pay 200,000 UGX in fishing fees. Fish traders – most of whom are women or youth – also must pay fees for their goods when passing through security checkpoints, which they often cannot afford. None of these fees levied by the security forces are receipted or even explained.

In addition to the physical restrictions, there is the ongoing loss of land. The company continues to take over communal land in the communities, forcibly evicting former residents without compensation.

Violent attacks for non-compliance with the new rules and fees are not uncommon and violate international human rights laws. In addition, there has been a disturbing increase in sexual and gender-based exploitation and abuse towards particularly vulnerable women. Many lose their sources of income due to the changed conditions and are forced into prostitution. The result is an increase in teenage pregnancies and school dropouts.

While the entire oil production project has been repeatedly criticized for human rights violations and illegal evictions, CNOOC’s actions are particularly egregious. Unlike other comparable projects, the company has never published a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) setting out compensation requirements and plans for restoring livelihoods. However, this is a necessary measure according to Ugandan and international standards. Although CNOOC has officially committed to developing an accessible grievance mechanism for community members, the residents interviewed for the report are not aware of any such mechanism.

Although arbitrary violence and sexual assaults against women have decreased since a new commanding officer of the local Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces (UPDF) was appointed, restrictive military control over the area and its inhabitants remains oppressive. Even under the new commander, Mubingwa Moses, residents continue to be restricted in their traditional way of life and work by opaque rules. The systematically imposed fees further exacerbate the situation of those affected and can only be described as exploitation.

The report by EGI and CRI makes a fundamental demand: “Uganda’s oil development is perpetuating climate, environmental, and human rights harms in violation of both national and international law and should be discontinued”. Furthermore, it explains in detail what is specifically needed to change the situation for those affected. The demands include conducting an independent and transparent investigation into the documented human rights violations, environmental degradation, and socio-economic impacts.

An independent body should examine all activities and suspend them until the situation is resolved. The primary demand is to ensure reparations and corporate accountability. CNOOC is expected to adopt a strict zero-tolerance policy regarding human rights violations, violence, and corruption, and to provide accessible and effective grievance procedures and compensation for those affected. In this regard, an appeal is made in particular to state and international institutions to monitor and enforce the promises made by the company.

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