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Insurance firms should shun the East African Crude Oil Pipeline

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Police officers detain a Ugandan activist during a demonstration on September 15, 2023, over plans to build the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), in Kampala, Uganda [File: Abubaker Lubowa/Reuters]

The project is already devastating local communities and will contribute to climate change if completed.

Last year was the hottest on record, with extreme weather events in many corners of the globe. It was also the year in which countries reached a landmark agreement at the UN Climate Conference (COP28) to begin “transitioning away from fossil fuels”.

If governments are to comply with this agreement and avert global climate collapse, there cannot be any new expansion of coal, oil and gas production. This includes the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), one of the largest and most controversial fossil fuel projects currently under development.

Financing for EACOP is yet to be secured, but if it is and the project moves forward, a 1,443km (897-mile) pipeline will stretch from oil fields in western Uganda to the port of Tanga in eastern Tanzania.

The project’s completion would not only contribute to increased greenhouse gas emissions which fuel climate change but also harm local communities. That is why, Human Rights Watch is calling on insurance firms to stop providing support for it.

The pipeline is planned to traverse some of Africa’s most sensitive ecosystems, including Murchison Falls National Park and the Murchison Falls-Albert Delta Ramsar site. Pipeline ruptures, inadequate waste handling, and other pollution impacts would cause significant damage to the land, water, air and the species that rely on them.

Our research found that the project’s initial land acquisition process has already devastated thousands of people’s livelihoods in Uganda, causing food insecurity and household debt that has resulted in children dropping out of school.

During our interviews with local communities, many described being largely self-sufficient before the project began, using revenue from coffee, bananas and other cash crops to pay for school fees and other household expenses. When their land was allocated for the pipeline construction, they were not compensated immediately for it.

They waited an average of three to five years after the land evaluation process took place, and interviewees repeatedly told Human Rights Watch that the payments they received were not adequate to purchase replacement land. They said they were worse off than they were previously.

While they were waiting for compensation, many farmers understood that they were not permitted to access their land to tend perennial crops, and were therefore deprived of crucial income.

Residents described how the payment delays impacted their food security, pushing them to sell household assets, including livestock, or borrow money from predatory lenders at excessive rates to buy the food they would have previously grown on their plots and cover other expenses. This has left many families poorer and more insecure about their future.

If the pipeline is completed, more than 100,000 people in Uganda and Tanzania will permanently lose land to make way for it.

Civil society groups in Uganda and Tanzania have called for the pipeline not to be built, citing climate, environmental and social risks. Ugandan civil society groups say that, instead of building the pipeline, the Ugandan government should develop its abundant renewable energy resources – particularly solar and hydropower – to drive economic development and secure access to energy without further contributing to climate change.

Their demands have been met with hostility from the Ugandan authorities. Our research documented the Ugandan government’s systematic harassment, arbitrary arrests of and threats against environmental defenders and anti-fossil fuel activists for raising concerns over the pipeline project and oil development.

In this context, it is deeply troubling that insurance companies are enabling this and other big fossil fuel projects by providing insurance for them. This is despite the fact that new oil projects are wholly inconsistent with limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius and avoiding the worst consequences of climate change.

In late 2023, Human Rights Watch wrote to 15 insurance and reinsurance companies and shared our findings on the grave environmental and human rights risks associated with the pipeline. Only two companies – Lloyd’s of London and Chubb – responded to us, and neither agreed to reassess their involvement in the project.

In early March, civil society groups across the world organised a global week of action to end fossil fuels, including confronting insurance companies about their role in the climate crisis and asking them to rule out support for fossil fuel projects. Anti-fossil fuel activists held peaceful protests at regional offices of the insurance companies still involved in the East African project with the message: “Insure our futures, not fossil fuels.” Increasing numbers of insurers have made public commitments to not underwrite the pipeline, but others have persisted.

Continued support for EACOP is a mistake. By underwriting the project, insurers are helping to build the longest heated oil pipeline in the world at a time when the world is warming at dangerous levels. Insurance companies should refuse to support this project.

Original Source: Aljazeera

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World Bank announces multimillion-dollar redress fund after killings and abuse claims at Tanzanian project

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A pastoralist indicates the border of Ruaha national park after the expansion. People allege they have faced violent evictions, disappearances and had cattle seized. Photograph: Michael Goima/The Guardian

Communities in Ruaha national park reject response to alleged assault and evictions of herders during tourism scheme funded by the bank.

The World Bank is embarking on a multimillion-dollar programme in response to alleged human rights abuses against Tanzanian herders during a flagship tourism project it funded for seven years.

Allegations made by pastoralist communities living in and around Ruaha national park include violent evictions, sexual assaults, killings, forced disappearances and large-scale cattle seizures from herders committed by rangers working for the Tanzanian national park authority (Tanapa).

The pastoralists say most of the incidents took place after the bank approved $150m (£116m) for the Resilient Natural Resource Management for Tourism and Growth (Regrow) project September in 2017, aimed at developing tourism in four protected areas in southern Tanzania in a bid to take pressure off heavily touristed northern areas such as Ngorongoro and the Serengeti.

In 2023, two individuals wrote to the bank accusing some Tanapa employees of “extreme cruelty” during cattle seizures and having engaged in “extrajudicial killings” and the “disappearance” of community members.

The Oakland Institute, a US-based thinktank that is advising the communities, and which alerted the World Bank to abuses in April 2023, says Ruaha doubled in size from 1m to more than 2m hectares (2.5m to 5m acres) during the project’s lifetime – a claim the bank denies. It says the expansion took place a decade earlier. Oakland claims 84,000 people from at least 28 villages were affected by the expansion plan.

This week, the bank published a 70-page report following its own investigation, which found “critical failures in the planning and supervision of this project and that these have resulted in serious harm”. The report, published on 2 April, notes that “the project should have recognised that enhancing Tanapa’s capacity to manage the park could potentially increase the likelihood of conflict with communities trying to access the park.”

Anna Bjerde, World Bank managing director of operations, said, “We regret that the Regrow project preparation and supervision did not sufficiently account for project risks, resulting in inadequate mitigation measures to address adverse impacts. This oversight led to the bank overlooking critical information during implementation.”

The report includes recommendations aimed at redressing harms done and details a $2.8m project that will support alternative livelihoods for communities inside and around the park. It will also help fund a Tanzanian NGO that provides legal advice to victims of crime who want to pursue justice through the courts.

A second, much bigger project, understood to be worth $110, will fund alternative livelihoods across the entire country, including Ruaha.

The total investment, thought to be the largest amount the bank has ever allocated to addressing breaches of its policies, is a reflection of the serious nature of the allegations.

A metal sign saying Ruaha national park
The project aimed to increase management of Ruaha national park and develop it as a tourist asset. Photograph: Michael Goima/The Guardian

The bank had already suspended Regrow funding in April 2024 after its own investigation found the Tanzanian government had violated the bank’s resettlement policy and failed to create a system to report violent incidents or claim redress. The project was cancelled altogether in November 2024. A spokesperson said the bank “remains deeply concerned about the serious nature of the reports of incidents of violence and continues to focus on the wellbeing of affected communities”.

By the time the project was suspended the bank had already disbursed $125m of the $150m allocated to Regrow.

The Oakland Institute estimates that economic damages for farmers and pastoralists affected by livelihood restrictions, run into tens of millions of dollars.

Anuradha Mittal, executive director of the Oakland Institute, said the “scathing” investigation “confirmed the bank’s grave wrongdoing which devastated the lives of communities. Pastoralists and farms who refused to be silenced amid widespread government repression, are now vindicated.”

She added that the bank’s response was “beyond shameful”.

“Suggesting that tens of thousands of people forced out of their land can survive with ‘alternative livelihoods’ such as clean cooking and microfinance is a slap in the face of the victims.”

Inspection panel chair Ibrahim Pam said critical lessons from the Regrow case will be applied to all conservation projects that require resettlement and restrict access to parks, especially those implemented by a law enforcement agency.

A herd of elephants crosses and dirt road next to a 4X4
A proportion of the new World Bank funding will go to support communities within Ruaha national park. Photograph: Tristram Kenton/The Guardian

Regrow was given the go ahead in 2017. The Oakland Institute described its cancellation by the government in 2024 as a landmark victory, but said communities “remain under siege – still facing evictions, crippling livelihood restrictions and human rights abuses”.

In one village near the southern border of Ruaha, the brother of a young man who was killed three years ago while herding cattle in an area adjacent to the park, said: “It feels like it was yesterday. He had a wife, a family. Now the wife has to look after the child by herself.” He did not want to give his name for fear of reprisal.

Another community member whose husband was allegedly killed by Tanapa staff said: “I feel bad whenever I remember what happened to my husband. We used to talk often. We were friends. I was pregnant with his child when he died. He never saw his daughter. Now I just live in fear of these [Tanapa-employed] people.”

A herd of cows grazing on dried grass
Cows grazing on harvested rice paddy fields in Ruaha national park, central Tanzania. Photograph: Michael Goima/The Guardian

The Oakland Institute said the affected communities reject the bank’s recommendations, and have delivered a list of demands that includes “reverting park boundaries to the 1998 borders they accepted, reparations for livelihood restrictions, the resumption of suspended basic services, and justice for victims of ranger abuse and violence.

“Villagers are determined to continue the struggle for their rights to land and life until the bank finally takes responsibility and remedies the harms it caused.”

The bank has said it has no authority to pay compensation directly.

Wildlife-based tourism is a major component of Tanzania’s economy, contributing more than one quarter of the country’s foreign exchange earnings in 2019. The bank has said any future community resettlement will be the government’s decision.

Source: The Guardian

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Palm Oil project investor in Landgrab: Witness Radio petitions Buganda Land Board to save its tenants from being forcefully displaced palm oil plantation.

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By Witness Radio team.

Witness Radio has petitioned the Buganda Land Board (BLB) to investigate and address concerns regarding forced land evictions of Kabaka’s subjects and tenants of BLB, whose land is targeted for oil palm expansion in Buvuma district.

Several families in Majjo and Bukula villages in the Nairambi sub-county are currently facing imminent threats of eviction from their land. This urgent situation is compounded by the criminalization of community activists, environmentalists, and land rights defenders by an alliance of Buvuma College School, Kirigye Local Forest Reserve, some officials of Buvuma district local government, and agents of Oil Palm Uganda Limited (OPUL).

In the petition to the Chief Executive Officer of the Board, local communities of Majjo and Bukula villages in Nairambi Sub-county claim that their legal occupancy on Kabaka’s land is targeted and threatened to give way for palm oil growing. Victim families state that between 2015 and 2018, they (residents) registered their Bibanja interests on Mailo land with the Buganda Land Board, which is their landlord and have since been paying Busuulu (annual ground rent) as recognized by the Land Act Cap 236.

The Buganda Land Board (BLB) is a crucial professional body set up by His Majesty the Kabaka of Buganda. Its primary role is to manage land and property returned under the Restitution of Assets and Properties Act of 1993, making it a key player in the resolution of land rights issues.

Witness Radio findings reveal that evictors have captured and used criminal justice system state organs such as police, prosecutors ‘offices, courts, and elected leaders to threaten and target their land and violate/ abuse their land rights, claiming that the families are illegally occupying the land in question. The community’s land is being cleared for palm oil expansion, and portions of it already have palm oil trees planted on it.

The violent evictions in Majjo and Bukula villages began in 2020. Since then, an alliance of district officials, led by Mr. Adrian Ddungu, together with Buvuma College School, OPUL, and Kirigye Forest Reserve, have been accused of orchestrating acts of violence and intimidation aimed at forcefully displacing lawful occupants.

As a common tactic used by many landgrabbers, the criminalization of community land defenders and activists is being applied against those resisting the forced land eviction schemes in Buvuma. They have been constantly arrested and charged with multiple criminal offenses.

“Part of their land has unlawfully been taken and planted with palm oil trees. They also continue to face multiple criminal charges. It is important to note that these charges are unfounded and unjust. Many of them currently face charges of criminal trespass, assault occasioning actual bodily harm, and carrying out prohibited activities in the forest reserve.” The petition dated 7th March read, highlighting the injustice of the situation.

Witness Radio has called upon the Buganda Land Board, a key institution with the power to address these land rights concerns, to urgently intervene and stop further evictions in Buvuma.

 

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Palm oil company uses armed forces, tear gas against protesting villagers in Cameroon

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Villagers in Cameroon have denounced the use of tear gas by authorities to break up their protest on March 25 against the replanting of oil palm trees by the plantation company Socapalm on disputed land in the country’s southwest. Residents of the village of Apouh à Ngog say the land should have been returned to them, and that 6,000 young banana trees they had planted to assert their claim have now been uprooted.

Félicité Ngo Bissou, president of the Association of Women Residents of Socapalm- Édéa (known by its French acronym, AFRISE), accused Socapalm’s Luxembourg-based owner, Socfin, of “using a strategy of intimidation and beatings to prevent us from accessing our lands.”

“That’s why they came armed to the teeth, uprooted all the bananas, and are planting oil palm trees everywhere,” she told Mongabay by telephone on Apr. 3.

Members of the residents’ association AFRISE planting bananas amidst a cover crop earlier planted by Socapalm. Image courtesy Félicité Ngo Bissou/AFRISE.
AFRISE members and others from the village of Apouh protesting the re-planting of a section of the Socapalm plantation that they say should be returned to them. Image courtesy Félicité Ngo Bissou/AFRISE.

Apouh à Ngog is is one of several villages at the center of a long-standing land conflict between residents of the Édéa commune and Socapalm. Villagers say that since the plantation was established in 1969, the company’s activities have steadily encroached upon their ancestral lands, leaving them with little space for farming, housing, or burials. In the case of Apouh, villagers say Socapalm has occupied almost all of their land.

Ngo Bissou told Mongabay that the piece of land where Socapalm has planted new oil palms is part of 3,712 hectares (9,173 acres) that the company is contractually bound to return to the villagers under a clause in the 2000 lease agreement.

In 2023, Socapalm started removing aging palm trees from this area, and in January 2025, Ngo Bissou and a group of women led by AFRISE planted banana seedlings there.

In an interview recorded by a local journalist, Apouh resident Janvier Etamane said Édéa’s subprefect, Hector Fame, the district’s highest-ranking official, had instructed that Socapalm and local residents must reach an agreement before the company could begin replanting. “Suddenly, we saw countless armed soldiers wearing bulletproof vests surrounding the Socapalm workers as they replanted — that’s when we, the villagers, rose up,” Etamane said.

Gendarmerie confronting residents opposed to the re-planting of a section of the Socapalm plantation. Image courtesy Felicite Ngo Bissou/AFRISE.
Gendarmerie confronting residents opposed to the re-planting of a section of the Socapalm plantation. Image courtesy Félicité Ngo Bissou/AFRISE.

Footage from Socapalm’s operation filmed by Ngo Bissou shows the use of tear gas by the national gendarmerie to disperse protesters.

“The gendarmes on March 25th 2025 were present to prevent trespassing and allow our teams to proceed with replanting the area (this is not an extension),” Socfin spokesperson Ludovic Saint-Pol wrote in response to questions from Mongabay. The replanting went as planned, he said, “with no notable incident,” and the only Socfin security personnel at the scene were members of a village watch committee (local youth recruited by the company to secure the plantation against trespassers), who he stressed are not armed.

Saint-Pol also denied that company workers had pulled up the villagers’ young banana plants. “They were not uprooted. However, we simply continued our replanting work in the designated area, where plots had been cleared in 2024 but had not yet been replanted. At the start of the work, these young plants were no longer visible, as they had been completely covered by the ground cover plant used as part of our program.”

Earlier this year, Socfin told Mongabay that the company is no longer occupying any contested land and the responsibility of returning retroceded land lies with the government. Saint-Pol stated the company’s view that the piece of land at Édéa that was replanted at at the end of March is not part of the land to be returned; it was only acquired by Socapalm in a merger in 2010, and no dispute was raised over it until 2023.

Apouh Public School, surrounded by oil palm plantations. Image by Yannick Kenné for Mongabay.
Apouh’s residents say Socapalm has encroached on virtually all available land: here, oil palms loom behind the village school. Image by Yannick Kenné for Mongabay.

Reached by phone, Édéa subprefect Fame told Mongabay: “If you want to know who mobilized the police, contact Socapalm. I wasn’t the one who mobilized the law enforcement officers.”

In the aftermath of the protest over the replanting, AFRISE and 50 other local and international organizations wrote an open letter to the senior official in the Sanaga Maritime region, where the plantation is located, demanding that the authorities halt Socapalm’s activity and investigate the incident.

Socfin has been accused of land grabbing, human rights abuses, and sexual violence in many of the countries where it operates. The company commissioned sustainability consultancy the Earthworm Foundation to investigate community grievances in Cameroon, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Cambodia in 2023. The consultancy has confirmed many of the allegations.

Its report on Socapalm, published in February, substantiated allegations of land grabbing and sexual harassment at the Édéa plantation. Earthworm noted that despite acknowledging its obligations in 2020, Socapalm has not returned land to the Édéa communities as promised.

Ngo Bissou said villagers have remained at the disputed site while the company continues its replanting exercise accompanied by gendarmes.

Banner image: Villagers protesting the re-planting of oil palms on Socapalm’s plantation at Édéa. Image courtesy Félicité Ngo Bissou/AFRISE.

Source: mongabay.com

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