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A call for civil disobedience against the privatisation of peasant seeds

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For thousands of years, communities have nurtured and taken care of the crops and seeds that sustain us. Seeds are part of human history, work and knowledge systems, and our relationship with them is a never-ending conversation of care. This mutual nurturing has given rise to specific ways of cultivating, sharing, feeding and healing that are linked to community norms, responsibilities, obligations and rights.

People’s freedom to work with seeds hinges on the responsibility of communities who defend and maintain them, who care for them and enjoy the goods they provide. And this freedom is under threat.

Today there is a strong assault on people’s seeds. It comes from the drive to regulate, standardise and privatise seeds to expand markets for corporations. This is done through plant breeders’ rights and patent laws, as well as seed certification schemes, variety registers and marketing laws. Whatever the form, it is about legalising abuse, dispossession and devastation.

Today’s attack on seeds aims to put an end to peasant and Indigenous agriculture, an end to independent food production. Where peasant food sovereignty prevails, it is difficult to turn us into cheap and dependent labour, people without territory and without history. We face a coordinated political and technocratic crusade to impose uniform and rigid laws and regulations in favour of agroindustry. There is a determined effort to discredit people’s historical practices and ancestral indigenous peasant knowledge in order to make us dependent on corporations. Communities who have resisted have faced criminalisation, repression, and even imprisonment

Whether in Africa, Asia, Europe or the Americas, communities are fighting this pressure and we are united and mobilised to actively support them.

In Benin, social movements have stopped the national parliament from discussing a law proposal to join UPOV, the Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. UPOV sets global standards for seed privatisation in favour of transnationals like Monsanto/Bayer, Syngenta and Corteva.

– In Guatemala, Indigenous peoples are in the streets demanding that their government’s proposed bill to adopt UPOV standards be scrapped as well. They call it “the Monsanto Law” and its rejection is part of an ongoing nationwide strike.

– In El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, groups are working together to prevent the adoption of a new ruling that would open the doors to genetically modified seeds in all three countries at once.

– In Thailand, civil society organisations are fighting hard against free trade agreements that impose UPOV instead of protecting the rights of farmers and other rural communities to maintain and use their local seeds.

-In Indonesia, farmers and civil society organisations continue to reject UPOV, which is being imposed through free trade negotiations and under pressure from countries like Japan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J4pD_yZG1lc

-In the Philippines, farmers, scientists, concerned citizens and civil society organizations filed an environmental case to the Supreme Court to stop the commercial propagation of the genetically modified golden rice that is patented by Syngenta and other agrochemical corporations. Moreover, Filipino farmers are spearheading the fight for the recognition and strengthening of farmers’ rights to seeds and farmers’ seed system by forwarding seed commoning as an alternative to the UPOV-like laws in the country.

– Internationally, peasant and other social movements are also trying to get the UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP) translated into enforceable national laws.

We are determined to resist the dispossession of seeds from the hands of the people. We vigorously oppose registration, certification, patenting and marketing schemes, treaties, conventions, national and international laws and legal frameworks such as UPOV and other seed laws that promote the dispossession of the common goods and knowledge of our peoples.

We, as peoples in resistance, guardians of the seeds, will continue keeping, sharing and reproducing our seeds so our presence will germinate from our roots.

Signatories (Only organisation name displayed):

ABSDD/Slow Food

Burkina Faso

Acción Comunal

Colombia

ACDIC

Cameroun

AFSA

Africa region

agrarinfo.ch

Switzerland

AgriMovement

Lebanon

AIFFRS

India

AKban Mague

Colombia

Alexander von Humboldt Foundation

USA

A lo Verde Escuela de Huertos Agroecologicos

Ecuador

Alliance pour le Développement Durable et pour l’Environnement

Côte d’Ivoire

Alliance for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture

India

Amigos unidos con amor hojas de agricultura

Colombia

Anti-mining struggle committee

India.

ANAGAVEC

Ecuador

APBREBES

Global/Switzerland

Aravali Bachao

India

ARBA (Asociación para la recuperación del bosque autóctono)

Spain

Aseas

Colombia

Asoproorgànicos

Colombia

Association des Jeunes Agriculteurs de la Casamance

Senegal

Asociación de mujeres unidas por el desarrollo juanchopuquio encañada

Peru

Asociación Ecoaldea Aldeafeliz

Colombia

Asociacion Agroecologia y Fe

Bolivia

Asociación PROBIVIR

Colombia

Association pour la Défense de l’environnement et des Consommateurs (ADEC)

Sénégal

Asociación Shuar Sharup de cuidado y protección de semillas.

Ecuador

Association Sénégalaise des Producteurs de Semences Paysannes

Senegal

Association Tunisienne de Permaculture

Tunisie

Atukpamba y Red de Guardianes de Semillas de Ecuador

Ecuador

Audace Institut Afrique

Côte d’Ivoire

Bangladesh Agricultural Farm Labour Federation (BAFLF)

Bangladesh

Badabon Sangho

Bangladesh

Bendito Prashadam

Colombia

BioThai

Thailand

Biodiversity and Biosafety Association of Kenya

Kenya

Biodiversity Information Box

Japan

Biowatch South Africa

South Africa

Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU)

India

Building Futures

USA

Cabildo Indígena de la cuenca del Río Guabas

Colombia

Cámara Verde de la Amazorinoquía

Colombia

Campesinos construyendo futuro

Colombia

Caritas Diocese of Malakal (CDoM)

South Sudan

Casa de semillas El Origen

Colombia

CCPA

Sénégal

CEIP

Colombia

CENDA

Bolivia

CERAI

Spain

Chile Mejor sin TLC

Chile

Chilis on Wheels

United States

C.netzero

DRC

City Mouse Garden

United States

COAG

Spain

Coati

Colombia

Cocapeutas Cooperatica Mujeres Medicina

Peru

Colectiva de mujeres Muralistas

Colombia

Colectivo Agroecológico Del Ecuador

Ecuador

Colectivo Cultura Saravita

Colombia

Colectivo por la Autonomía / Saberes Locales

México

Colombia Humana

Colombia

Colectivo Minga de soberanía alimentaria deChia

Colombia

Colectivo Semilla Negra

México

Colectivo Xiegua

Colombia

Comité de Derechos Humanos de la Sierra Norte de Veracruz

México

Comité Ouest Africain des semences Paysannes

West Africa

Commission of Charity and Social Actions – Caritas Dalat

Viet Nam

Comunidad Moneda Luna

Colombia

Comunidad Rural de la Buitrera

Colombia

comunidad kishuar Amazanga

Ecuador

Cooperativa Huacal

México

Coordinadora Ambiental Popular de Santa Rosa de Cabal

Colombia

COPAGEN

West Africa

CORDES MAELA RENAF

Colombia

Corpalabra

Colombia

CORPONIMA

Colombia

Corporación Aluna

Colombia

Corporación Creare Social

Colombia

Corporación Compromiso

Colombia

Corporacion Frutos de Utopía

Colombia

Corporación Síntesis

Colombia

Corredor biológico Montes del aguacate costa Rica

Costa Rica

CREATE

INDIA

CSRD

India

CSFdeepinnerMusic

Netherlands

Cuatro Rumbos Para Ti

México

CULTIVISA

Colombia

Cultivo Lo Nuestro

Colombia

Custodios de Semillas Ancestrales

Colombia

Darbar Sahitya Sansada

India

DESMI, A.C.

México

Ecofeminisarte

Colombia

Ecosinergia

Colombia

EdibleBristol

UK

El Jilote, SPG

México

Enda Pronat

Senegal

ESAL

Colombia

Escuela de Líderesas del Ecuador, y mujeres por el cambio, y defensa por la salud de los pueblos

Ecuador

Evobiota Consultancy Corporation

Philippines

Extinction Rebellion València

España

FAEB / Federation Agroecologique du Benin

BENIN

FIAN Indonesia

Indonesia

Finca Carrizales

Colombia

Frente de lucha Ambiental Delia Villalba

Uruguay

Friends of the Earth Nigeria

Nigeria

Fundacion Ambiental

Colombia

Fundacion Avá

Argentina

Fundación Julia Márquez

Colombia

Fundacion Biosistemas Integrados

Uruguay

Fundación la COSMOPOLITANA

Colombia

Fundacion Luna Arte

Colombia

Fundación Runakawsai

Ecuador

Gealac

Peru

Gender Justice

Zambia

Glesi

Netherlands

Good Food Community

Philippines

GRAIN

International

Grassroots klimaatboerderij

Belgium

Grassroots Trust

Zambia

Groupe d’action Écologique pour le développement intégral

RDC

Grow Local Colorado

United States

Grupo Allpa

Ecuador

Grupo Raquira Silvestre SAS

Colombia

Grupo Semillas

Colombia

HEKS Swiss Church Cooperation

Switzerland

Humaine

Belgique

Huerta comunitaria y Jardín Polinizador Con Ojos de Amor

Colombia

Huerta Marsella

Bogota

Huertas Swa Cho

Colombia

Huerto Agroecológico Atemajac

México

Incredible Edible Lambeth

United Kingdom

Indigenous Women and Girls Initiative

Kenya

Instituto Agroecológico Latinoamericano México

México

Instituto Humanitas

Perú

ISRA

Sénégal

JAL Diviso

Colombia

Joint Action for Water

India

Junta de agua vereda laureles

Colombia

JVE Côte d’Ivoire

Côte d’Ivoire

Kikandwa Environmental Association

Uganda

Laboratorio de Tierras

Ecuador

La Via Campesina East and Southern Africa

Zimbabwe

La Tucaneta

Colombia

Lapapaya

Colombia

La Cité Idéale

Burkina Faso

La Cuica Cósmica

Ecuador

La Savia

Colombia

Les amis de la Terre

Togo

Lideresa social

Colombia

Kansas interfaith Action

USA

Karnataka State Farmers Association (KRRS)

India

Malaysian Food Sovereignty Forum (FKMM)

Malaysia

MASIPAG

Philippines

Mesa Departamental de Diálogo y Concertación Agraría, Étnica y Popular de Nariño

Methods Lab

United States

MINGAnet

Colombia

Mink’a Comunicación

Argentina

Mirachik

Ecuador

Mouvement d’Action Paysanne

Belgium

Mouvement des jeunes pour l’agriculture,l’agroécologique,et Agro pastorale (M.J.A.A.P)

R.D.Congo

Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform (MONLAR)

Sri Lanka

Movimiento Agroecológico de América Latina y el Caribe-MAELA

Colombia

Movimiento Campesino de Papaye

Haïti

Movimiento pacto histórico

Colombia

Movimiento Rural Cristiano

España

Mujeres que reverdecen

Colombia

Munsenga cooperative

Zambia

National Alliance for Agroecology The Gambia

Gambia

NeverEndingFood.org

Malawi

Ntaamba Hiinta Development Trust

Zambia

Ofraneh

Honduras

ojoVoz

Mexico

OK Seed Project

Japan

ONG YVEO

Côte d’Ivoire

Organisation des Ruraux pour une Agriculture Durable

Benin

Organización campesinos construyendo futuro (OCCF)

Colombia

Panitar Pally Unnyan Samiti

India

Paralegal Alliance Network

Zambia

Perkumpulan INISIATIF

Indonesia

Perkumpulan Kediri Bersama Rakyat (KIBAR)

Indonesia

Plataforma del País Valencià per un tren públic, social i sostenible que vertebre el territori i refrede el planeta

Spain

Primavera Zur

Colombia

Promotores ambientales del eje cafetero

Colombia

Proyecto agroecologico familiar y educativo ambiental sueño verde

Colombia

PTR Associates

USA

Punarchith

India

RADD

Cameroun

Radio Bénin

Bénin

RECHERCHE SANS FRONTIÈRES RSF

RD Congo

Red de Agricultores Urbanos Bogotá

Colombia

Red de consumo Responsable y consciente

Colombia

Red Colombiana de Agricultura Biológica de Antioquía

Colombia

Red de Custodia de Semillas Criollas y Nativas (CESTA)

Colombia

Red de foresteia análoga

Ecuador

Red de huertos agroecológicos de Cali

Colombia

Red de huertos urbanos

Colombia

Red de Resersvas / Resnatur

Colombia

Red de semillas criollas y nativas

Uruguay

Red de semillas libres de Colombia

Colombia

Red Distrital de Agricultores

Colombia

Red en defensa del Maiz

México

Red Kunagua

Colombia

Redmac

Colombia

REDMUNORCA

Colombia

Red de Pueblos Hermanos

Colombia

Red de jóvenes por la Agrobiodiversidad

Perú

Red Yuma

Colombia

Regional Schools and Colleges Permaculture

Kenya

Reservorio de Semillas Techotiva

Colombia

RESNATUR – Red de reservas

Colombia

Reseau JINUKUN

Benin

Resource Institute of Social Education

India

Salt Films

India

Sanwad

India

Save Earth Save Life Movement

India

Save Our Rice Campaign

India

Secretaria de educación de Bogotá

Colombia

Seed In A Box

Lebanon

Semillas de Nuestra Tierra

México

Semilla Nativa Colombia

Colombia

Semillas de Identidad – SWISSAID

Colombia

Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia Kalbar

Indonesia

SERVIHUERTA

Colombia

Siyada network

Arab région

Société civile environnementale et agro-rurale du Congo

RDC

Sociedad libre y Neocampesina

Colombia

Soil if Cultures

New Zealand

South India Coordination Committee of Farmers Movements

India

SSN

England

Ssfafrica.com

Zambia and Africa

Sukrutham

India

Synergie Nationale des Paysans et Riverains du Cameroun

Cameroun

Tanzania Alliance for Biodiversity

Tanzania

Tamizhaga Vivasayigal Sangam

India

The Ecocene Project

India

The Failing Farmer

Tunisia

The Hummingbird Foundation

Kenya

The Sixth Element School

India

The Utopian Seed Project

USA

Tierra Fertil

Colombia

Tinto to go

Colombia

Tlalixpan, sobre la faz de la tierra

México

Unillanos

Colombia

Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca

México

Union Démocratique de l’Agriculture

Maroc

Unión de Organizaciones de la Sierra Juárez Oaxaca

México

Unión nacional de organizaciones regionales campesinas

autónomas (UNORCA)

Mexico

Union Régionale des Associations Paysannes de DIOURBEL URAPD

Senegal

Uruguay Soberano

Uruguay

Waia Reserva Sagrada

Colombia

We Are the Solution

Senegal

West africa sea turtles conservation network

Côte d’Ivoire

WFDFFM

Indonesia

Wild Webcap

Australia

Women’s Alliance MN

United States

WMW/ATPA

Tunisie

xermoladas

Spain

Youth talk

RDC

Yuva Kaushal Vikas Mandal

India

Zambian Alliance for Agroecology and Biodiversity

Zambia

Source: GRAIN

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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK

EACOP: Another community of 80 households has lost its land to the government and Total Energies to construct an oil pipeline.

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By Witness Radio team.

In a glaring display of injustice, the Masaka High Court ruled against 80 Project-Affected Persons (PAPs) from the Lwengo, Kyotera, and Rakai districts on October 1, 2024. The court allowed the government to deposit the compensation in Court accounts, delivering yet another blow to the marginalized communities of Uganda.

Low-income families, smallholder farmers, and landowners who derive their livelihoods from grabbed land are the latest victims of the government’s aggressive push for the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project.

Last year, the Hoima High Court set a precedent and directed the government to deposit money (compensation) for the 42 households on the court’s accounts. The Project Affected Persons (PAPs) refused the money, saying that it was very little compared to the size of their land.

Article 26 of the 1995 Constitution guarantees the right to property and the right to fair and adequate compensation in cases of compulsory acquisition.

Many low-income families in the southern region of Uganda have made the same argument, rejecting compensation because it is inadequate. Others are embroiled in land disputes, the rightful owners have not been identified, and some households lack land titles. Yet, despite these glaring issues, the government is bulldozing its way through these legal and moral quagmires to serve the interests of foreign oil companies.

The High Court on Monday, October 1st, 2024, granted vacant possession of the affected people’s land so that it may be used for the EACOP project activities. Eviction and demolition orders against the affected people and the applicant were discharged from any liabilities arising out of any claim and/or order arising out of the orders being sought by the government.

The court also ruled that the rejected compensation should be deposited into the account of the Registrar of the High Court.

This ruling attack not only 80 individuals but also the citizens of Uganda, whose lives and livelihoods are rooted in the land they have legally occupied and cultivated for generations.

Witness Radio is concerned that the government is continuously weaponizing our legal system to facilitate corporate land grabs under the guise of national interest. “Such actions are weakening the Judiciary further as citizens continue to lose trust in it,” said Witness Radio legal team.

The EACOP is a planned 1,443km pipeline to be constructed from Western Uganda to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. The pipeline is expected to transport crude oil from Uganda’s Tilenga and Kingfisher oil fields to export markets.

Key shareholders in this venture, Total Energies, China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and the governments of Uganda and Tanzania, are expected to reap the project’s benefits. In contrast, the communities that would be the project beneficiaries are left with nothing but broken promises.

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European banks risk legal onslaught, reputational damage by backing controversial EACOP project

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StopEACOP coalition warns of imminent litigation and formal complaints against seven unnamed European banks considering financing the destructive and controversial pipeline
The StopEACOP coalition warned today that seven European banks will be walking into a minefield of litigation, formal complaints, and severe reputational damage, if they go ahead with their reported promise to finance the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) which to many is highly controversial.

Earlier this month, Ugandan media reported that two Chinese and seven European banks “have promised to finance” the damaging pipeline project, which has been seeking a US $3 billion project finance loan from commercial banks since as early as 2017. This followed a report the previous month claiming that nine European banks would finance the project. In that report, Uganda’s Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, Hon. Ruth Nankabirwa, was quoted as saying that finance from European banks “was a requirement from China that let this project not be seen as Chinese banks only.” The project has not yet reached financial close, meaning the loan has not yet been agreed, and insurance for the project is not yet in place.

Zaki Mamdoo, StopEACOP Campaign Coordinator, said: “If it is true that seven European banks have promised to finance the EACOP, they should know that we will use all avenues available, including all legal avenues, to hold them accountable. This project is already mired in well-documented human rights abuses, and any bank stepping in to support it at this stage will be complicit in these.”

Ryan Brightwell, Human Rights Campaign Lead at BankTrack said: “The largest banks in Europe can see EACOP poses immense risks, and have said they will steer clear. If seven European banks have really agreed to finance the project, they should know they will face a huge reputational hit, as well as likely official complaints and legal challenges. They should not allow themselves to be used to greenwash a project which Chinese financiers find too controversial to shoulder alone.”

Diana Nabiruma of Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO) said, “News that any financial institution, European or Chinese, is interested in supporting the EACOP, is surprising. The project’s proponents have shown such a disregard for the wellbeing of the affected people so much so that in August, they sued 80 people including the terminally ill, the elderly and others, so that their land could be forcefully taken for the project. Reports on the impact that oil activities are having on Murchison Falls National Park also paint a dire picture. No responsible bank should finance the destruction of people and nature.”

The $5 billion EACOP project, spearheaded by TotalEnergies, aims to transport crude oil from Uganda’s oil fields to a terminal in Tanga, Tanzania. On September 6th, 2024, 20 anti-EACOP activists and some of the project-affected people were released after spending nearly a week in prison for protesting against the controversial pipeline. Just a month earlier, police had arrested 50 people, including 47 students, who were preparing to voice opposition to EACOP.

Environmental and human rights groups have persistently highlighted the potential hazards of the controversial EACOP, including severe impacts on wildlife habitats, the displacement of communities, and the exacerbation of climate change through increased greenhouse gas emissions. Many field investigation reports, including a recent Human Rights Watch report, have also documented and denounced the inadequate compensation and significant disruption experienced by residents displaced by the pipeline’s construction.

At least 27 banks have already refused to join the project finance loan for EACOP, including Japan’s SMBC, formerly an advisor on the loan, and the UK’s Standard Chartered, which spent over a year undertaking due diligence on supporting it. In addition, 29 major (re)insurers have ruled out support for the pipeline.

European banks that are not listed on the StopEACOP Bank Checklist as having ruled out support for the project are urged to make contact with the coalition to make their position clear.

Original Source: Banktrack

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Carbon offset projects exacerbate land grabbing and undermine small farmers’ independence – GRAIN report

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By Witness Radio Team.

A new GRAIN research has revealed that carbon offset projects, often involving large-scale tree and other crop planting, contribute to a new wave of land grabbing in the Global South. The findings suggest that these projects, driven by corporate interests and international environmental agreements, are displacing thousands of communities and threatening small-scale farmers’ independence.

A report titled “From Land Grabbers to Carbon Cowboys: A New Scramble for Community Lands Takes Off,” released by GRAIN, an international non-profit organization supporting small farmers and social movements, highlights the scale of this growing problem. Since the signing of the Paris Agreement in 2016, the report identified 279 large-scale tree and crop-planting projects covering over 9 million hectares of land across the Global South, equivalent to Portugal’s size.

The projects are registered under major voluntary offset programs, including the American Carbon Registry (ACR), Climate Action Reserve (CAR), Gold Standard (GS), Verra (VCS), BioCarbono (BC), Cercarbono (CV), and Plan Vivo (PV).

The report claims that Africa has been the most affected region, with over 5.2 million hectares of the 9 million allocated to carbon offset projects. According to the report, this has led to a new form of “carbon colonialism,” with corporations and NGOs from the Global North using the lands of indigenous communities for their own economic and environmental agendas.

“There is a clear colonial dynamic at work,” the report reads. “Companies and big NGOs from the North are once again exploiting the lands of communities in the Global South for their benefit. For instance, much of the vast eucalyptus plantations managed by Brazilian paper giant Suzano, which is involved in three large-scale carbon plantation projects, have been taken from Brazil’s indigenous and traditional peoples.”

This new wave of land grabbing is compared to the 2007–2008 global land rush when hundreds of communities were displaced to make way for large-scale industrial farms. These same global giants are back, but with a different mission: securing land for carbon plantations.

Devlin Kuyek, a researcher with GRAIN, points out the deception at the heart of these projects. “Companies often persuade farmers to sign contracts that require them to plant and maintain trees on portions of their land. However, within a few years, these trees overtake significant areas of farmland that would otherwise be used for food production, causing devastating impacts on local food security and access to land.”

Since the 2016 Paris Agreement, carbon offset projects, primarily involving tree plantations, have led to increasing conflicts over land use and displacement of communities. The push for carbon credits through tree planting has also triggered what activists and researchers call “carbon colonialism.”

For years, activists and scientists have warned that carbon offset schemes, mainly through tree planting, would lead to surges in land grabbing, especially in the Global South. “These warnings are now proving true,” says GRAIN researcher Ange-David Baïmey.

The report‘s primary concern is the shift from communal land management to privatized land contracts. Large-scale plantations—often growing eucalyptus and acacia, species known for their environmental impacts—displace traditional land uses, disrupt ecosystems, and restrict local communities’ access to their lands. Farmers who participate in these schemes are frequently misled, receiving far less compensation for their involvement than initially promised. Payments for carbon credits often fall short of covering the farmers’ losses, leaving them in a risky position.

Under these contracts, farmers must provide proof of land ownership, which then transfers the rights to the carbon sequestered in the trees and soil to the project backers. While these deals may not forcibly displace farmers, they represent a form of control over the land that undermines farmers’ autonomy and limits their ability to use their land as they see fit.

Uganda has also become entangled in this new form of land grab. For example, the Swedish hamburger chain Max Burgers has been buying carbon credits from a project called Trees for Global Benefits, which was managed by the Ugandan organization Ecotrust in 2003. While the project claims to avoid displacing farmers by encouraging them to plant trees on their lands, the report reveals troubling realities. Participating farmers sign contracts requiring them to grow and maintain trees, receive seedlings, some training, and periodic monitoring in return for payments from the carbon credits sold to Max Burgers to offset their carbon footprint.

However, this arrangement has come at a cost. The report notes that this scheme has accelerated food insecurity and poverty among local farmers. An investigation by Swedish journalist Staffan Lindberg in Aftonbladet in May 2024 revealed that some farmers who planted trees for Max Burgers’ carbon credits have resorted to cutting them down for charcoal production, driven by hunger. The trees, initially planted on their farmland, have left them with little room to grow food.

Samuel Byarugaba, a farmer quoted in the report, shares his experience: “I used to be something called a model farmer. People came to me to learn about farming, and I was proud to show off our farm. We had enough food to feed ourselves and could sell the surplus. Now, it’s all gone.”

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