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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

UN food summit will be ‘elitist’ and ‘pro-corporate’, says special rapporteur

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A farmer harvesting cowpeas in Moyale, Kenya in July. Small-scale rural farmers produce a third of the world’s food.

Michael Fakhri says Thursday’s meeting will not be promised ‘people’s summit’ on tackling world’s nutrition crisis

The UN global food summit is “elitist and regressive” and has failed in its goal of being a “people’s summit”, according to the special rapporteur on food rights.

As world leaders prepare to attend the virtual event on Thursday, which aims to examine ways to transform global food systems to be more sustainable, Michael Fakhri said it risked leaving behind the very people critical for its success. In an interview with the Guardian, Fakhri said neither the worsening impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the right to food, nor fundamental questions of inequality, accountability and governance were being properly addressed by the meeting.

“The summit is being led by scientists and research institutes who are pro-corporate sector,” Fakhri said. “People say, let’s give them the benefit of the doubt, let’s see if it is the ‘people’s summit’ it is claiming to be.”

“But they have failed in what they had set out to do. It is not the people’s summit. It is elitist.

“In the day-to-day operations of the summit, corporations do not have a role,” said Fakhri. “But the leadership picked comes from organisations that believe corporations are part of the solution.”

Called by the UN secretary general, António Guterres, the meeting was welcomed for recognising that farming has been largely ignored in climate talks. But its progress has been mired in controversy, as arguments continue over the causes of growing hunger and diet-related disease and whether the event is biased in favour of hi-tech intensive farming.

Agnes Kalibata
Agnes Kalibata opening a pre-summit meeting in Rome in July. 

Guterres’ choice of Agnes Kalibata, the former Rwandan minister for agriculture, to lead the summit was met with protests last year, given her role as president of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (Agra), which has been accused of promoting damaging, business-focused practices.

In March, the Civil Society and Indigenous Peoples’ Mechanism, a group of more than 500 civil society groups with at least 300 million members, said it would boycott the summit and set up a parallel meeting. In a separate initiative, 148 grassroots groups from 28 countries, which make up the People’s Coalition on Food Security, urged the UN to sever the “strategic partnership” with the World Economic Forum, the organisation that hosts the annual Davos economic summit for the global elite.

Kalibata responded to criticisms at the time saying: “The entire purpose of the summit is to embrace not only the shared interests of all stakeholders but also – importantly – the areas of divergence on how we go about addressing the harsh reality humanity faces. If we are to build more inclusive food systems, we must be prepared to have inclusive debate.”

Fakhri said: “They claim to be listening to people. They invited me to provide human rights advice. But I haven’t seen any substantive response to my criticism.

“What I witnessed was a summit that was called for before the pandemic and continued as if there was no pandemic. What we are going to see is a summit whose value is a snapshot of all the problems we had before the pandemic. But the problem has got worse.”

In 2020 the number of people without access to adequate food rose by 320 million to 2.4 billion – nearly a third of the world’s population, according to Fakhri’s interim report on the right to food. The increase is equivalent to the previous five years combined.

The boycott of the event by organisations representing millions of people highlighted how “regressive the summit is in terms of human rights”, he said. “This is the first regressive move in the summit’s 60-year history.”

UN rapporteur Michael Fakhri on video call
UN rapporteur Michael Fakhri says questions of inequality and governance were not being properly addressed by the summit.

Fakhri said the summit’s multilateral approach, which he claims is driven by the private sector, has not provided a meaningful space for communities and civil society to participate, with the risk of “leaving behind the very population critical for the summit’s success”.

He wrote to Kalibata in January, saying the global food crisis was “chronic, urgent and set to intensify” but that the summit appeared focused on science and technology, money and markets. It failed to address “fundamental questions of inequality, accountability and governance”, he said.

Fakhri said that “everyone is in agreement” that, with famine and food insecurity on the rise, food systems are not sustainable, but the summit is not dealing with the “power balance” many believe is responsible.

“The summit doesn’t want to answer those questions or deal with corporate power,” he said.

The most inclusive space, that of the UN Committee on World Food Security (CFS), has been “marginalised”, he said, along with human rights. The CFS was formed in 2009 to give farmers and communities an equal say with big businesses.

Farmers and others have been demanding a food system transformation rooted in food sovereignty and agroecology for a decade, Fakhri said, but it required a questioning of economic assumptions, protection of human rights and a rebalance of power.

“Food systems are being transformed in real time and people need solutions today, in reality, not this fantasy that has been going on.”

He believes nevertheless, that good things had emerged from the summit, including activating governments to devote their energy to national food policies.

“The second good thing is, despite its shortcomings and problems it has created new relationships. A lot of people committed to human rights were frustrated by the summit process but found new allies and opportunities for solidarity.”

He urged those who felt sidelined to take action and to “hold corporations accountable”. “People who are frustrated, don’t let the summit lead you to despair. Take your ideas, there will be a local food justice group or trade union, go join and participate there.”

Farm workers tending crops in Malawi.
Farm workers tending crops in Malawi. 

In response to Fakhri’s comments, the spokesperson for the secretary general, Stéphane Dujarric, said: “Preparations for the UN food systems summit have been structured to ensure everyone around the world had the opportunity to participate through different platforms, in person and virtually. Several leaders from producers, farmers, women, Indigenous peoples, youth, and civil society engaged in the summit, representing millions of constituents from these groups. It is also important to note that the summit cannot achieve its objectives without engaging with the private sector.”

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Dujarric said more than 100,000 people have engaged in summit dialogues and more than 2,000 ideas on transforming food systems emerged within six months of public engagement, of which 400 came from farmer and producer groups, Indigenous communities and civil society.

On Tuesday, a report by the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development showed profits for large food companies escalating, while people producing, processing and distributing food were trapped in poverty and hunger. It calls for a “revolution” to place small rural farmers, who produce a third of the planet’s food, at the centre of the world’s food systems.

Original source: THE GUARDIAN

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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

Africa is capturing just 2% of its carbon credit potential

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From left: Andrew Gilder, director of Climate Legal; Olivia Tuchten, principal climate change adviser at Promethium Carbon; and Dr Olufunso Somorin, carbon markets coordinator at the African Development Bank, at a pre-summit carbon workshop, where Somorin outlined Africa’s carbon market potential. Image: Robyn Joubert

Africa is not living up to its carbon credit potential, despite rapidly growing global demand for emissions offsets. With more projects emerging in South Africa and across the continent, and agriculture uniquely positioned to develop them, carbon markets could unlock billions in investment.

Africa is generating barely 2% of its carbon credit potential and stands on the threshold of a multibillion‑dollar climate finance transformation. With the global carbon market currently valued at roughly US$1 trillion (around R16,8 trillion) and projected to grow to US$2,4 trillion (R40,2 trillion) by 2030, Africa could claim its share if it acts quickly and credibly.

“There is vast potential for Africa to use high-integrity carbon projects to not only achieve emissions reductions but also development interventions on the ground. […] But we need to scale up and do more,” Dr Olufunso Somorin, African Development Bank (AfDB) carbon markets coordinator, said at a pre-summit carbon workshop ahead of the Africa’s Green Economy Summit in Cape Town in late February.

He described the current moment as a ‘second global carbon order’; a shift from the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to the new market architecture under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.

Africa underperformed in the first crediting period, between 2007 and 2011, when it captured only a tiny slice of the more than US$200 billion (R3,2 trillion) invested in CDM projects.

“Close to 1 800 projects were approved globally. Only 33 were in Africa and only 16 in South Africa. We took too long to embrace the opportunity,” Somorin added.

Carbon markets

Carbon markets have expanded significantly since then. According to Somorin, around 28% of global greenhouse gas emissions are currently covered by carbon pricing mechanisms, compared with barely 5% two decades ago.

The compliance market, where regulated entities purchase or trade emission allowances, was valued at more than US$850 billion (R13,5 trillion) in 2021 and reached roughly US$1 trillion (R18,7 trillion) in annual traded emissions by the end of 2024.

The voluntary carbon market (VCM) is significantly smaller, valued at about US$2 billion (R33,5 billion) globally but projected to grow rapidly.

“Total demand for voluntary credits is expected to increase at least 15-fold by 2030, reaching between US$10 billion [R167 billion] and US$25 billion [R419 billion], and could expand up to 100-fold by 2050, reaching between US$90 billion [R1,5 trillion] and US$480 billion [R8 trillion],” Somorin said.

Africa’s small slice of the pie

He added that Africa accounts for roughly US$200 million (R3,4 billion) in the VCM (about 8% by value) while generating around 16% of global voluntary credits. About 100 carbon credit projects across 20 African countries generate an estimated 90 million tons of emission reductions annually.

VCM trading in Africa is concentrated in five countries: Kenya, Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, and Uganda. Together, they account for about 70% of Africa’s carbon credit activity, with Kenya responsible for roughly 25% of the continent’s credits.

Credits are generated mainly from avoided deforestation and clean cooking projects, as well as land use, hydropower, wind, and solar energy.

Increasing scrutiny

However, the VCM has faced a lot of scrutiny in recent years. Trading volumes dipped in 2024 amid integrity concerns, although Somorin expects a reset under tighter standards.

The demand outlook is shaped by rising global temperatures. According to the Climate Action Tracker’s ‘Warming Projections Global Update November 2024’, the world is not on track to limit warming to 1,5°C and is heading towards 2,7°C by 2100.

“Many African countries are already achieving emissions reductions through carbon development projects, but they are not structuring them according to verification protocols. This limits their ability to earn carbon credits,” Somorin said.

Private climate flows

Africa holds an estimated 15% of global carbon sequestration potential, which could generate up to US$82 billion (R1,4 trillion) annually by 2050 under high-integrity market conditions.

Yet private capital flows into Africa’s climate finance sector remain low, accounting for roughly 18% of total flows.

“On average, Africa needs about US$280 billion [R4,7 trillion] in annual climate finance. We are attracting only US$52 billion [R872 billion] annually, which is only 20% of our needs. We need to close the gap,” Somorin said.

To boost readiness, in 2025, the AfDB launched the Africa Carbon Support Facility (ACSF), capitalised with US$100 million (R1,7 billion) to catalyse private investment, support regulatory development, and advance policy and Article 6 reforms.

“What I can tell you today is that we don’t have a demand problem. We have a supply problem of high-integrity credits, and a lot of financial interventions are required to close the gap,” he added.

Snapshots of successful carbon projects in Africa

Dr Olufunso Somorin highlighted several African carbon projects with the potential to deliver significant environmental and social benefits:

Rwanda: SPOUTS’ ceramic water filter project has issued more than 350 000 filters, delivering safe drinking water to more than 1,5 million people and avoiding about 1,5 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (tCO₂e) by eliminating the need to boil water using non-renewable wood. This high-integrity project prevents more than 150 000t of wood use annually, thus protecting forests, and cutting indoor air pollution by around 90%.

South Africa: the uMkhanyakude Restoration Project in KwaZulu‑Natal is a high-integrity carbon project aimed at restoring degraded grasslands in the Maputaland–Pondoland–Albany biodiversity hotspot. Led by AfriWild and verified under Verra’s Grouped Landscape Management framework, the project will work closely with local communities, land stewards, and conservation managers to prevent overgrazing, enhance grassland regeneration, and increase market access for livestock and wildlife products. It has the potential to remove 10 million tCO₂e across more than 300 000ha, support more than 10 000 people, and provide habitat protection for more than 1 200 endemic species and critical megafauna.

Kenya: the Udongo Mzuri Biochar Carbon Project, led by Women in Climate Change & Renewable Energy, converts organic waste and invasive water hyacinth into biochar, with each ton sequestering three tCO₂e. With seven hubs planned over the next decade, the project targets approximately 20 000 tCO₂e per hub annually, linking production to 10 000 cookstoves per year while achieving a 20% increase in soil moisture retention.

Nigeria: the Ago Owu Forest Reserve Carbon Project in Osun aims to restore and protect 23 000 ha of degraded tropical high forest, creating more than 500 nursery jobs, formalising forest stewardship contracts for residents in the buffer zone, and sequestering carbon at scale through replanting and forest protection. The project is a collaboration between aDryada/Noblesse Green Energy, the Nigerian Presidency, and the National Council on Climate Change.

Source: farmersweekly.co.za

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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

Court Alert: Court Grants Bail to Jailed Defender and Wife.

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By Witness Radio team.

After a significant legal engagement, a magistrate court in Kiryandongo District has decided to release a community land rights defender and his wife on bail. This decision comes after they spent 40 days in prison.

Olupot James, a community land rights defender from Kikungulu village, Kibeeka Parish, Kapundo Sub-county, in Kiryandongo District, and his wife, Apio Sarah, were charged with malicious damage to property on June 5th, 2025, and were remanded to different prisons, including Dyang Prison.

The arrest of the defender and his wife has had a profound impact on their four children, leaving them in a state of grief and pain. They were left without parental care in a house surrounded by the sugar plantation.

According to the prosecution, the duo allegedly uprooted sugarcane plants belonging to Kiryandongo Sugar Limited and replaced them with maize on land neighboring the defender’s home. The multinational claims ownership of the land.

The Penal Code Act, Cap. Section 312 (1) of Uganda states that any person who willfully and unlawfully destroys or damages any property commits an offence and is liable on conviction to up to five years’ imprisonment.

Since 2017, Olupot and several other community land defenders have been in and out of prison, a testament to their unwavering resistance against illegal land evictions. Their resilience is a source of inspiration for many. Thousands of families claim they have lost their land to the multinational without following any law, without receiving any compensation, and without being offered an alternative settlement.

Through Witness Radio Legal Aid Chambers, the duo was granted a non-cash bail of two million Shillings, and their case has been fixed for hearing on July 28th, 2025.

The children, who have been enduring the absence of their parents, are now experiencing a sense of relief and joy as the family is reunited.

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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

A land rights defender and his wife have been arrested, charged, and sent to prison.

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By Witness Radio team.

Kiryandongo District – A community land rights Defender at Nyamutende Cell in Kiryandongo District, and his wife have been sent to prison by a magistrate’s court in Kiryandongo District, Witness Radio confirms.

Olupot James and his wife, Apio Sarah, were charged with malicious damage to property after a multinational company, Kiryandongo Sugar Limited, accused them of destroying its crops. The area police later picked them up.

Since 2017, Kiryandongo Sugar Limited, a subsidiary of Rai Holdings Private Limited, has been among the three multinationals that have forcibly displaced over thirty-five thousand (35,000) people in Kiryandongo District without following due diligence or offering alternative settlement options.

Community land Rights defender Olupot James and his wife Apio Sarah are amongst a few remaining families that resisted the company’s violent eviction and repression. Their home is currently trapped in the middle of the sugar plantation after they lost their land, which was dug up to the house by the multinational. Despite their peaceful resistance, Olupot has been arrested, charged, and imprisoned more than six times, a clear indication of the injustice they are facing.

Since late May this year, the duo has been reporting to Kiryandongo police station on Criminal Case Number CRB No. 316/2025, until they were arrested and aligned before the court and imprisoned. Olupot was remanded to Dyang while Apio is in Kiryandongo prison.

The state alleges that Olupot and Apio committed the offence of malicious damage to property in Kikungulu village, Kiryandongo District, a region with a complex history of land-related conflicts.

The Witness Radio’s legal aid team is monitoring the case and will appear in court to apply for their bail.

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