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Why Atiak Sugar Project is not firing on all cylinders.

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Photo Credit: Daily Monitor.

Ms Amina Hershi, the chief executive officer of Horyal Investment Ltd, displays some of  the bags of sugar produced at Atyak Sugar Factory in Amuru District recently.

Atiak Sugar Limited is battling an acute shortage of sugarcane to supply the multi-billion sugar factory located in Atiak Sub-county, Amuru District. The vast bulk of its sugarcane plantations in both Amuru and Lamwo districts were ravaged by suspected arson attacks from alleged aggrieved members of two separate outgrowers societies.

The Atiak Sugar Project is still being spoken of in the present tense. It is essentially a public-private-community partnership between the National Agriculture Advisory Services (Naads), participating farmer cooperatives and respective local governments of Amuru, Lamwo and Horyal Investment Holdings Ltd.

The first bags of sugar from Horyal Investment Ltd’s multi-billion investment in the post-conflict north hit the streets of Gulu City once President Museveni commissioned the factory on October 22, 2020. The factory was initially meant to provide a ready market for the sugarcane outgrowers in the region where sugar production has already begun.

Under the partnership, the community under Atiak Outgrowers and Gem-pachilo Cooperative Societies are to plant cane on the land and weed the plantations. Once the cane is ready, the plantation—apportioned to the outgrowers by Naads—would be harvested and sold to the factory.

At its inception, the project targeted to cover 13,841 acres at the main plantation at Atiak in Amuru District. An expansion of 15,000 acres was, however, later made in Ayu-alali, Palabek Kal Sub-county, Lamwo District, in 2020. A further expansion of 31,159 acres is planned and is being established in Palabek-ogili, Lamwo District, bringing the total acreage to 60,000.

In September 2020, before its commissioning, Ms Amina Hershi, the chief executive officer of Horyal Investment Ltd, told a delegation of government officials that 3,000 acres of sugarcane were ready for supply to the factory to begin its maiden production. This section of the plantation belonged to Gem Pachilo and Atiak Outgrowers Cooperative Societies, she revealed, adding, “…we also now produce 6 MWh of electricity to the national grid, which is generated through biogas from the bi-products of the cane.”

At this point, the plant was, according to Ms Hershi, only waiting for calibration by the International Organisation for Standardisation to ensure the quality, safety, and efficiency of products, services, and systems.

Two years later, however, Saturday Monitor has learnt that simultaneous incidents of fire outbreaks that ravaged hundreds of hectares of the plantation appear to cast a dark shadow on the potential of the factory.

Outgrowers and the factory’s management accounts have indicated that since 2017, wildfires have gutted hundreds of hectares of the sugar plantation in the dry season. The burnt portions were usually canes that were nearing harvest or ready for harvest. We also understand that the portions burnt by the fire were always those owned by the outgrowers. These were not insured against fire, damages, or any other risks.

Late last month, the proprietors of the factory said sugar production had been suspended after cane supply to the factory hit rock bottom. According to the company, the suspension comes in the aftermath of wildfires that have in previous months destroyed the sugarcane plantation.

Mr Mahmood Abdi Ahmed, the company’s director for plantation and agriculture, told Saturday Monitor that production had drastically slowed down. He, however, hastened to add that operations haven’t been suspended as a result of the acute shortage of canes.

“The biggest challenge we have had is the gaps in our structural planning relating to the sugarcane production, and this failure is blamed on all of us the stakeholders,” Mr Mahmood said in an interview, adding, “The land (customary) ownership setup in the Acholi area has served a really big disadvantage to sugarcane growing because you don’t see people growing sugarcane on subsistence basis as we see in other regions producing sugar.”

According to him, in areas such as Busoga and Bunyoro sub-regions, “you find people growing sugarcane everywhere because the land is not communally owned and individuals decide on their own whether to grow sugarcane. But the communal ownership disfavours this, and this is one challenge we did not foresee.”

He also said the lack of associated amenities such as roads and urban trading centres where interested labour (workers) can reside has exacerbated things.

“The road infrastructure in communities here is still poor to boost sugarcane production,” he said, adding, “Even if communities grew these canes, the road networks are still underdeveloped to ease transportation of the canes.”

 The company also lacks the infrastructure and human resources to deploy in sugarcane production. For example, Atiak Town Council or Elegu Town Council— the nearest trading centre—is 25km away from the factory, making transportation of the labour force over the distance a huge daily burden.

A fortnight ago, Ms Hersi told the media that the factory was temporarily suspending operations. According to her, the factory’s biggest problem was the lack of canes to supply the plant to produce sugar. She was, however, quick to add that the plantation would resume production once canes in Ayu-alali plantation in Palabek-kal Sub-county, Lamwo District, mature between July and August.

Sabotage galore

Ms Joyce Laker, the chairperson of Atiak Outgrowers Cooperative Society, however recently revealed that they were disappointed that Naads refused to pay their members.

During a public gathering at the factory, Ms Laker described the wildfires that swept across the plantations as deliberate sabotage. She also called for the government’s intervention after revealing that discontented cooperative members have openly threatened to continue burning down the sugar plantation until their grievances are settled.

“I will say it without shame…,” she stated. “…there are issues which the government has to come in and settle because at one point, in a meeting, some people said if these issues are not resolved, the sugarcane will continue getting burnt down.”

The longstanding dispute between the sugarcane outgrowers and the management of the sugar factory did not only delay the commencement of sugar production. Saturday Monitor also understands that the dispute has reportedly caused persistent and deliberate burning of the canes.

Ms Laker said the finger of blame can also be pointed elsewhere.

She referred specifically to the 2017 incident when Naads cut down more than 160 acres of sugarcane plantations belonging to Atiak Outgrowers and Gem-pachilo cooperative societies.

Saturday Monitor has established that the outgrowers are yet to be paid. We have also established that there are several instances of tension between the outgrowers, Horyal Investment Ltd and Naads over royalties and accumulated payments for canes cut and served to the factory.

Before President Museveni launched the factory in October 2020, the farm could not initialise sugar production for nearly eight months. This was due to the failure of the government to compensate two cooperatives for the sugarcane supplied to the factory.

Ms Grace Kwiyocwiny, the State Minister for Northern Uganda, told Saturday Monitor that roundtable talks between the leadership of the factory and the cooperative members are in the offing.

“We should protect all the little developments that are coming up in our region because all developments are supported by communities,” she said, adding, “I want to … come and meet with the leaders of the community because of the sugar [cane] that is continuously burning down.”

Earlier in March, when this newspaper visited the facility, the factory remained closed to production due to supply chain issues (shortage of cane). A perfect storm—including the pandemic, suspected arson attacks and insufficient production of canes by plantations in both Amuru and Lamwo districts—has contrived to create supply chain problems.

No respite from the east

In January 2021, Horyal Investment Ltd started sourcing its cane from the Busoga Sub-region. Sugarcane farmers in Busoga Sub-region, under the Greater Busoga Sugarcane Farmers’ Union (GBSGU), last month signed a memorandum of understanding with Atiak Sugar Factory to supply cane for six months. Under the arrangement, the government shall intervene by subsidising the transport costs and also avail fueled trucks to ferry the cane.

Inside sources have, however, told Saturday Monitor that the arrangement looks to have fallen flat on its face. The cost the investor incurred in transporting a truckload of canes is six times higher than what it paid for canes alone. A source who did not want to be named said while a truckload of canes fetched approximately Shs200,000, it costs between Shs800,000 to Shs1m to transport the consignment.

“They failed to sustain that arrangement because it was very expensive and the company realised it was sinking in losses to that effect; although the costs were being shared between the investor and Naads,” our source revealed.

Mr Michael Lakony, the Amuru District chairperson, fears that the suspension of the sugar production will destroy livelihoods in the sub-region.

“Hundreds of workers, including young men and women from the district here have been rendered jobless,” he told us in an interview, adding, “If the company wants to gain from the factory, it should get serious other than politicking.”

Mr Lakony added that because the government was allegedly not serious about streamlining the impasse and ensuring that Horyal Investments Ltd respects its terms in dealing with the outgrowers, the investor could continue grappling with suspicious fires.

“The plantations keep getting burnt because it is owned by no one and that means nobody cares, and if nobody cares, no one takes interest in taking care of it, including the neighbours because benefits in terms of payments to the out-growers are not being met,” he said.

Mechanisation drive

To address the challenge of labour deficiency and lack of funds to establish low-cost housing facilities in the factory to accommodate workers, Mr Mahmood said they are moving towards mechanising production.

“We don’t have the financing to build accommodation facilities to house thousands of workers who we would need to work on the plantation daily,” he told Saturday Monitor, adding, “Instead, we are strategising to focus on mechanising our production using the limited resources at our disposal now.”

He further revealed that they have procured a new fleet of sugarcane planters, weeders and harvesters due to arrive at the back-end of this year.

“The machines, we believe, are more efficient and can do much more work compared to human labour and that will solve the puzzle,” he noted.

Although Mr Mahmood did not disclose the source of the funding, in a separate interview, Mr Lakony—the Amuru LC5 chairperson—said the company had been granted a Shs108 billion bailout by the government for mechanising production.

“We had a meeting with the management as a district and also shareholders and the latest update is that the government has allocated Shs108 billion to the company through UDC [Uganda Development Corporation],” Mr Lakony said, adding, “The plan is to leave rudimental and turn to mechanised production. Instead of using human labour, they want to use machines.”

A fraction of the same funds will also be used to establish an irrigation system on River Unyama that cuts through the sugar plantation to help in irrigating the canes during the dry season when immature and young canes dry and die out, Mr Lakony added.

Saturday Monitor understands the Shs108 billion is the same funding thrown out by Parliament’s Budget Committee last November. This was after the investor made a supplementary budget request to finance production. The request tabled by junior Trade minister David Bahati, and backed by the UDC’s top brass, failed to convince the lawmakers, who in turn sent them away.

The MPs declined to endorse Ms Hersi’s request to the government, reasoning that there was a need for proof that her investment was making a substantial contribution to the economy. The MPs instead demanded a forensic audit into how she has spent more than Shs120 billion received from the government. Similar financial requests were made by the Atiak Sugar leadership to the 10th Parliament, but most of them were rejected, although it later emerged that they were, nevertheless, granted.

Some of the fire incidents at Atiak Sugar project

In 2016, a fire caused an estimated loss of Shs150m after it gutted 150 acres of sugarcane plantation at the factory.

In December 2018, another mysterious fire destroyed an estimated 250 acres of sugarcane at the facility.

An estimated 600 acres of sugarcane at the plantation was then burnt down in February 2019.

And in January 2021, a fire that lasted for nearly a week destroyed nearly 60 percent of the plantation after the police fire brigade fought it with little success.

Eventually, more than 600 acres of sugarcane estimated at Shs3 billion were reported to have been destroyed in the fire.

In fact, that fire in January of 2021 was the worst to ever hit the plantation. The police attributed the rapid spread of the fire to narrow fire lines that do not allow fire trucks to move in fast.

Enter January of 2022, a similar fire burnt down an estimated 3,500 acres of the sugarcane plantation.

According to Mr David Ongom Mudong, the Aswa River Region police spokesperson, the fire razed down 14 huts belonging to a Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) detachment. The soldiers, who were supposed to stand as sentinels at the plantation, watched helplessly as 250 acres were burnt down.

Background

About the factory

Atiak Sugar Factory, located at Gem Village in Pachilo Parish in Atiak Sub-county in Amuru District, is jointly owned by the Uganda and Horyal Investment Holdings Company Ltd. The latter belongs to Ms Hersi.

The factory—located 17kms north of Atiak off the Gulu-Nimule Road—is the first major investment in the region.

Lawmakers have, however, continued to question why the government’s stakes in it have remained significantly low compared to that of Horyal Investments despite the huge capital portfolio injected in the past years into the venture.

Last September, Parliament’s Committee on Trade questioned why the government—the lowest shareholder in Atiak Sugar Limited—continues to invest the most money in the factory.

The government’s shareholding in the plant has remained static at 40 percent despite an injection of more than Shs120 billion.

In May 2018, when the government injected Shs20 billion, its shareholding stood at 10 percent. In the same year, it injected another Shs45 billion—raising its shares to 32 percent.

The committee also questioned the circumstances under which Naads contracted the company to clear, plant, and harvest sugar cane valued at Shs54 billion instead of working directly with the outgrowers.

Source: Daily Monitor

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EACOP activism under Siege: Activists are reportedly criminalized for opposing oil pipeline project in Uganda.

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By Witness Radio and Südnordfunk teams.

Close to 100 activists have been criminalized this year for speaking out about the harm caused by the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project in Uganda. The EACOP has already caused significant social harm to communities hosting the project, and it is projected to further damage the environment.

The EACOP is a planned 1,443km pipeline stretching from Hoima in Western Uganda to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. It is expected to transport crude oil from Uganda’s Tilenga and Kingfisher oil fields to export markets. Key stakeholders in this venture include Total Energies, the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and the governments of Uganda and Tanzania.

In Uganda, hundreds of families have already lost their land to the project through the government’s compulsory land acquisition. Many had refused to accept the compensation, arguing it was inadequate compared to the size and value of the land taken but the government, in some cases, has forcibly acquired it. Meanwhile, those who also accepted compensation and surrendered their land have reported that the project has driven them deeper into poverty.

The social harm already inflicted on these communities, coupled with the impending environmental destruction, has sparked a massive rise in anti-EACOP activism, both within Uganda and internationally, with growing opposition to the project.

In August, Global Witness reported that at least 96 people, alone in Uganda had been detained in the past nine months, highlighting the increasing repression faced by environmental and human rights defenders who stand against the pipeline and its impacts.

Bob Barigye cannot be excluded when discussing EACOP activism and the fight for environmental justice in Uganda. Once a biology and chemistry teacher, Barigye has since turned into an activist and has been criminalized for opposing the controversial EACOP project. He is among the many activists targeted for standing up against the environmental and social impacts of the oil industry in Uganda.

“I have been arrested more than six times now”. Barigye revealed.

The escalating arrests result from activists revealing the darker side of the project once implemented, facts that the government and other project implementers are not interested in acknowledging. Their efforts to expose the environmental and social impacts of the project have continued repression.

“Our crime has always been trying to talk about the effects, trying to petition embassies, trying to report, trying to talk to government officials about the dangers of the project that they badly want to invest in. We have encountered with the Chinese embassy where we have been arrested three times with other activists trying to deliver a petition,” the activist revealed in an interview with Surdinordfunk.

The most common accusations against the Stop EACOP activists such as common nuisance, incitement to violence, and most recently, unlawful assembly are seen by the activists as deliberate attempts to weaken their efforts in challenging the environmental harm caused by the project. This makes the activists feel isolated in their struggle.

“They have made us seem like criminals, they have made us seem like unserious people. I have been taken to court twice, and the charges that they have always preferred against us are dubious and dehumanizing. Because the common charge that they normally charge us is a common nuisance, you are taking a report to a government body, but when you are arrested, you will be arraigned in court as a common nuisance.” Barigye further added.

Activists assert that these charges are false, pointing to the recent dismissal of cases due to lack of evidence as proof. For instance, in November 2023, incitement to violence charges against nine young environmental activists were dropped. Earlier, in January 2023, human rights defenders Barigye Bob, Ivan Kabale, Musoke Hamis Walusimbi, and Ssemwanga Jackson were re-arrested and similarly charged with incitement to violence and common nuisance. However, their case was dismissed for want of prosecution, further reinforcing the activists’ claims that these charges are fabricated.

It is not only in Uganda where those campaigning against the oil project are living dangerously. But also, in neighboring Tanzania where oil is to be transported. Richard Senkondo leads the Organization for Community Engagement (OCE) there. At the World Climate Change Conference in Dubai in November 2023, he addressed the problematic consequences of EACOP in his country. However, this didn’t go well with him upon his return back home from COP 28.

“I didn’t know the government was censoring me. Immediately after returning on the 4th of December to Tanzania, I found out that I had been summoned to one of the infamous police stations in Dar es Salaam. That police station is typically known and has recorded a high number of torture and complete disappearances of people who criticize the government.

According to Mr. Senkondo, after receiving the summons, he had to flee Tanzania to save his life. “I was ordered immediately to vacate to Kenya. Up to now, I have not been able to reunite with my family because there is still a lot of hunting and searching for me, but I have stood very firmly against the challenges,” he added.

Standing up against the oil project and for justice demands a lot from activists in Tanzania and Uganda. Also, the lawyers representing the Stop-EACOP activists and the affected community members report being threatened.

“Some of us have received letters, telling us to back off the cases or they prefer charges of defamation on their companies against us individually. But because we believe that the information and the knowledge we use, the evidence we use is direct and correct. So even if they prefer such kind of defamation cases, we are not scared because we have the evidence-based information, that is real and well known to everybody.” Lawyer Kato Tumusiime revealed this in an interview with Surdinordfunk.

The aim of the threatening letters, arrests, and lawsuits is to silence the voices against the oil development activities. Activist Barigye says that young people in particular who still live with their parents, are intimidated by this. Women are also increasingly deterred by police violence and social stigma:

“Most of them are married. Most of them have children. So, in case a charge like a common nuisance is provided against this person, it is the way that he will be viewed in the community. Because if you are being arraigned before court, if you are being harassed as a woman, being arrested the way they arrest us, being beaten, bangled on police pickups, there is that kind of dignity and psychological torture that it brings to them. And it has discouraged most of them.” Barigye added.

But, lawyers and activists are now discovering that the unending arrests of those opposing the EACOP Project are being sponsored by the oil companies involved in the project. They believe that companies like Total are directly funding these arrests to suppress opposition to their operations.

“Of course, these kinds of arrests, I believe, are sponsored directly by the oil companies here that we have in Uganda, including Total itself. Yes, obviously, most of the arrests, including of the activists themselves and the PAPs that are affected by the whole project are sponsored directly by those companies. When you go ahead and follow up on those cases, you find the representatives of those companies also at different police stations or even attending different court sessions to find out what is transpiring about these cases. So that one is a clear and a green light to show that these companies are directly involved and sponsoring these kinds of arrests,” counsel Tumusiime further mentioned.

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African Women forge bold actions for climate justice at the 2024 Women’s Climate Assembly in Senegal.

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By Witness Radio and WoMin teams.

Hundreds of African women activists and climate leaders who attended the week-long Women’s Climate Assembly (WCA), held alongside the African People’s Counter COP (APCC) in Saly, Senegal, have declared to fiercely protect Africa’s natural resources from the rampant exploitation by countries in the Global North.

The Pan-African radical space ignited a powerful collective movement, uniting Africans most deeply affected by rampant resource extraction and ecological destruction, forging a path toward true environmental justice and liberation for Africa’s people.

The WCA highlighted African women’s central role in defending the continent’s natural resources, which countries in the Global North have long exploited. Activists and leaders called for urgent action to protect Africa’s wealth, including minerals like cobalt and lithium, oil, and vast tracts of forested land, which have fueled global industries while devastating local environments.

Activist Ndieme Ndong from Senegal spoke ardently about this exploitation: “All the wealth is coming from Africa. Gold, phosphate, oil, cobalt – everything is coming from Africa. But foreign powers bribe our leaders and rob us of our resources. If we look at all the wealth in Europe, all the wealth they are using in the factories and plants in Europe, everything comes from Africa.”

Held alongside the African People’s Counter COP, this annual assembly set a powerful precedent for future collaborations and united efforts toward a more just and sustainable future for Africa and the world. The activists noted that women have often been sidelined in climate advocacy despite the devastating effects Africa and the rest of the world are facing.

“The 2024 Women’s Climate Assembly has demonstrated that when women unite, they can be a powerful force for change. African women are determined to ensure that their demands and impactful organizing in the fight against the climate crisis are both heard and seen.” The activists mentioned in a statement released shortly after the event.

The assembly also served as a powerful platform for African women to demand gender-responsive climate policies. Africa continues to bear the brunt of climate change’s worst consequences as harmful development models driven by Global North companies, such as cobalt and lithium mining fuel conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, oil pollution in the Niger Delta, forest and land grabs for monoculture farming in Cameroon and Uganda among others, and polluted water sources have intensified the call for environmental change. These destructive practices are driving African women, who are disproportionately affected, to lead the resistance.

“In my village in Côte d’Ivoire, if we want to get outside our community, we need a gate pass to explain why we are going out. When we are in our village, you cannot move your goods freely. There are guards, uniformed men, always in yellow, who monitor movements on behalf of the palm oil company. Many women have been arrested and put in prison by these wicked multinationals just because they are picking fruits of the palm for themselves. This is OUR land. We had to do something. We had to fight for the liberation of these women. So, as women, we organized.” – Josiane Boyo, from Cote d’Ivoire, revealed.

Ahead of COP29 in Azerbaijan this November, the WCA and APCC emphasized the critical need to include African women’s voices in global climate negotiations. African women are leading the push for sustainable solutions, demanding the right to say “NO” to harmful extractive and development projects, reparations for environmental damage, and advocating for an end to the climate debt that has burdened their communities.

Over 120 women activists and leaders from across Africa met from October 7th to 11th under the theme “African Women Rise to Defend their Lands, Oceans, and Forests. ” The assembly emphasized the power of women’s leadership in confronting Africa’s most pressing environmental challenges.

The assembly was organized by a steering group of women’s movements, grassroots networks, and a few NGOs working in solidarity with women in resistance, and 200 women from across West, Central, East, and Southern Africa were gathered last year. The delegates, representing 70 communities and organizations from 17 countries, are at the forefront of resistance against large development projects that extract and exploit Africa’s natural resource wealth at the expense of people and the planet.

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Women’s Climate Assembly, 2024: African women vow to protect human and environmental rights amidst an influx of destructive land-based investments on the continent.

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By Witness Radio team.

Africa’s path to recovery from the scars of destructive development projects will take decades. These projects, often presented as “development initiatives,” have caused untold suffering, including deaths, homelessness, infertility among women, food insecurity, flooding, and the relentless pollution of lands that were once flourishing homelands. This fallout is catastrophic for the environment and the people who depend on it.

In a radio program at Witness Radio, which was part of the Women’s Climate Assembly (WCA) 2024, women activists from across Africa, representing western and central African regions, revealed the dark reality behind projects disguised as “development,” which genuinely devastates their communities, lands, and the environment.

The rise of these destructive projects has galvanized African women to fight back. They demand alternative development solutions and projects that uplift women, support families, and sustain communities while protecting the environment.

Siya Foyoh, a community activist working with WoME from Kono District in Sierra Leone, shared the horrors her region faces from mining and deforestation. Kono, Sierra Leone’s one of the leading diamond-producing districts, has seen an increase in child deaths due to uncovered mining pits, which flood during the rains. “Every month, we lose one or two children who fall into these pits. This never happened before the mining began,” Foyoh explained.

Beyond the immediate dangers, the chemicals used in mining have led to widespread health crises. “In my district, hepatitis B is rampant because of these chemicals. Our health is suffering greatly,” she added.

But what is more disheartening is the response from government authorities. “When we report these tragedies to the government, we are told the mining companies are too powerful to be challenged,” Foyoh lamented.

Foyoh also pointed to the growing problem of timber logging in Sierra Leone, accelerating deforestation and disrupting rainfall patterns.

“This year, our community saw little and late rainfall, leading to food shortages. Deforestation is driving us toward famine,” she further added.

Another activist, Florence Naakie, from Nigeria’s Lokiaka Centre, highlighted the devastating impact of oil extraction on women and their communities. She revealed that “Countries may be different, but the struggles we face are the same,” recounting stories of coastal erosion in Senegal, deforestation for timber, and the increasingly erratic weather patterns affecting farming communities across Africa.

In Nigeria’s Niger Delta, Oil development operations have ravaged the land and waters, and farmers and fisherfolk are facing an ecological disaster. “Our soil is infertile; even when we use fertilizers, there’s no yield. Fisherwomen report catching fish that smell of crude oil, which we know can cause cancer,” Naakie explained.

She painted a bleak picture of life in the Niger Delta: “We’re being pushed to the brink. People cannot farm or fish, and the pollution has led to widespread infertility and cancer among women. Some of the babies born in these areas are deformed.”

In Nigeria, the oil spill crisis is staggering. The Nigerian Oil Spill Monitor recorded over 1,150 spills in 2023 alone.”Oil pollution has destroyed our environment, caused infertility in young women, and left us battling diseases like cancer,” Naakie added, with emphasis on the devastating impact on women, who bear the brunt of providing for their families in the face of environmental destruction.

“We have many women between the ages of 25 and 30 and above who are now unable to conceive because they have been exposed to a polluted environment. When these women go fishing, they come into contact with crude oil, leading to serious health consequences like cancer. We are seeing rising cases of skin cancer, cleft lips, and deformities in infants born to these women,” Naakie added.

Despite the overwhelming challenges, African women are refusing to back down. They call for projects restoring degraded lands and water sources and for the collective power to stand up to mining companies, governments, and other entities pushing harmful ” development ideas.”

“We will not give up,” vowed the activists. We are fighting for projects that prioritize women, families, and communities. We want a future where we can live dignified lives without fear for our children or our land.”

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