MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Uganda: StopEACOP Campaign Condemns Standard Bank’s Decision to Fund EACOP
Published
2 years agoon

Kampala — The StopEACOP Campaign is appalled by Standard Bank’s decision to help finance the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project and condemns this decision in the strongest possible terms. This decision follows a years-long review process, during which environmental and social concerns raised by numerous stakeholders were evidently ignored.
The $5 billion EACOP project, spearheaded by TotalEnergies, aims to transport crude oil from Uganda’s oil fields to a terminal in Tanga, Tanzania. Despite significant opposition from affected communities and environmental and human rights groups, Standard Bank, Africa’s largest lender, has decided to support this disastrous project.
Standard Bank chair Nonkululeko Nyembezi stated in a recent interview that they had conducted comprehensive environmental and social due diligence. However, the claim contradicts the project’s grave climate, environmental and human rights risks. The decision of Standard Bank is also at odds with the assessment of its peers, who have ruled out support for the EACOP for climate, environmental, and social concerns.
Standard Bank’s decision ignores local opposition and human rights abuses
In the last month alone, 11 pipeline critics have been arrested in Uganda and Tanzania after expressing their concerns about the project. In addition, one of the community leaders from the Kingfisher region in Uganda was abducted by the Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces, bringing condemnation from the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders. Standard Bank’s untimely announcement of their decision to finance EACOP, in the midst of a brutal crackdown on human rights, environmental and land defenders in Uganda and Tanzania, illustrates their level of detachment from the realities and experiences of communities on the ground and calls into question their claim to have done thorough due diligence.
Environmental and human rights groups have persistently highlighted the potential hazards of the controversial EACOP, including severe impacts on wildlife habitats, the displacement of communities, and the exacerbation of climate change through increased greenhouse gas emissions. Many field investigation reports, including a recent Human Rights Watch report, have also documented and denounced the inadequate compensation and significant disruption experienced by residents displaced by the pipeline’s construction. Against this backdrop, Standard Bank’s decision to finance EACOP shows blatant disregard for the voices and rights of the communities in Uganda and Tanzania who will bear the brunt of the environmental and social devastation caused by this project.
Standard Bank cannot feign ignorance in relation to the concerns surrounding EACOP. It has faced consistent pressure from communities and climate and social justice organisations and groups in South Africa who have demonstrated outside the bank’s offices in Rosebank, Johannesburg on numerous occasions. These demonstrations, including a large protest with hundreds of participants on the day of the bank’s AGM in 2023, a 3-day-long occupation of the bank’s entrance in September of the same year, and weekly pickets held outside the bank’s parking lot by Extinction Rebellion, sought to bring the demands and experiences of EACOP-affected communities to their attention.
Standard Bank has refused to engage in meaningful and constructive dialogue and instead, its response has been characterized by repression and increased militarisation. The South African Police Service has also intervened to protect the interests of the bank and has arrested peaceful demonstrators on two occasions. It is a stark demonstration of Standard Bank’s prioritization of profit over people and the planet and its lip-service commitment to constructive dialogue and meaningful engagement with frontline communities and other key stakeholders.
Standard Bank is also ignoring clear business risk
The decision to bankroll the project also casts doubt on Standard Bank’s assessment of the business and reputational risks stemming from the risks to local communities, environment and climate posed by the project.
Standard Bank’s decision comes after major financiers and insurers from North America, Europe, and Japan have publicly ruled out support for EACOP due to global outcry over the harmful project. The expected finance from China has also been delayed, while the Chinese state-owned insurers and banks have taken prolonged time to assess the outstanding risks. As a result, the EACOP project is facing significant challenges and project sponsors are reportedly in a cash crisis to fill the funding gap, which threatens to stall the construction.
These delays come as a result of the immense pressure that potential financiers have come under from communities, civil society, the international community and even shareholders and investor groups who express grave concern over the catastrophic socio-economic, biodiversity and climate change risks of the project.
Standard Bank’s decision to finance the EACOP project starkly contradicts industry trends, as leading banks and insurers have distanced themselves from this controversial initiative. This decision exposes Standard Bank to significant risks, including the potential for stranded assets, especially as the global economy transitions towards clean energy solutions. Furthermore, with Uganda already facing a severe debt crisis, worsened by the country’s oil induced borrowing spree, the environmental and social costs associated with EACOP could precipitate an economic disaster for the people of Uganda as well as financiers and their shareholders who opt to engage with this project.
It is clear that investing in EACOP threatens the stability of vulnerable communities and jeopardizes the financial health and reputational integrity of those who support it. A 2022 report assessing the EACOP and associated oil fields against internationally recognized environmental and human rights standards for financial institutions found numerous violations, putting banks at risk if they sign on to support the project. The assessment, undertaken by the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO), Inclusive Development International (IDI) and BankTrack, suggests that the project is not in compliance with many of the criteria set forth in the Equator Principles and the Environmental and Social Performance Standards of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), two internationally recognized standards for responsible finance.
We demand that Standard Bank review and rescind its decision to finance the EACOP project immediately. While it may be too late for Standard Bank to redeem its supposed commitment to people and the planet, there is still time for other potential lenders, particularly Chinese state-owned banks, to demonstrate their dedication to human rights and sustainability by refusing to support EACOP. We call upon the global community to continue its unwavering support for the StopEACOP campaign and the communities on the frontlines. It is not too late to halt this disastrous project and prevent the extensive environmental, social, and economic damage it promises to inflict.
Quotes
“For years, we have campaigned tirelessly against Standard Bank, bringing the grievances and aspirations of impacted communities directly to their doorstep time and time again. Each time, we are met either with deafening silence or with outright violence from an institution that has shown itself to be truly heartless and utterly indifferent to the well-being of ordinary people. Let it be known that this announcement will not deter us. We will continue to stand in solidarity with the communities affected by EACOP and will escalate our actions against Standard Bank in the coming months.” – Zaki Mamdoo, StopEACOP Campaign Coordinator
“Standard Bank prides itself on financing Africa’s development. However, the bank’s decision to finance the EACOP, not to mention its financing of other fossil fuel projects across Africa, earns the institution the title of an anti-people and an anti-development bank. Fossil fuel projects like EACOP that cause livelihood losses, enslave Ugandans by worsening indebtedness and drive all of us deeper into the climate crisis should not be financed by any bank.” – Diana Nabiruma, Senior Communications Officer, AFIEGO
“Standard Bank is contributing to the devastation of our communities including through the immense loss of land and livelihood. They have chosen to ignore the plight of our people and to support our exploitation and suffering at the hands of greedy multinational corporations. This is a decision that places them squarely on the wrong side of history and which marks them as an institution with no regard for human rights and justice.” – Richard Senkondo, Executive Director at the Organization for Community Engagement, Tanzania.
Original Source:350Africa.org Via allafrica.com
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Inside Eastern DRC War: The untold story of grabbing land for local and indigenous communities.
Published
19 hours agoon
May 11, 2026
By Witness Radio Team
For millions in eastern DRC, the war is not an event; it is a daily reality that people have lived in for the past three decades.
After being dispossessed from his land, Moise (not the real name) fled to a displacement center he believed to be safer for temporary settlement.
“I was severely affected by the conflict, as it turned my entire life upside down. In our area, clashes, armed attacks, and insecurity have become frequent. We would hear gunshots and screams, and sometimes people would flee from their homes to seek refuge, as these incidents often took place at night or early in the morning. That is what happened to my family,” Moise told a Witness Radio journalist.
Moise, once reliant on his farmland for his livelihood, illustrates how land dispossession devastates small-scale farmers across the continent, highlighting the broader human toll.
“I owned land that I used primarily for agriculture. This land enabled me to feed my family and sell a portion of the harvest to cover other needs. We grew food crops there, such as cassava, beans, maize, sweet potatoes, and bananas.” He added.
Before the escalation of conflict, Moise says, life—though difficult—had some degree of stability.
“We were able to work, farm, sell our produce, and organize our family lives with a sense of hope. During the conflict, everything changed: insecurity took hold, displacement became massive, economic activity plummeted, and the population now lives in fear.” The now-displaced victim revealed
To survive, Moise relies on aid and lives in difficult conditions, highlighting ongoing hardship and the urgent need for justice.
Like Moise’s story, these are the daily struggles, confrontations, fears, and threats faced by the majority of citizens in the Eastern region of DRC, a part of a conflict-affected country where war has persisted for decades. The cost of this prolonged violence has been immense, claiming countless lives and driving widespread dispossession.
Affecting the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, victims have endured decades of armed conflict, fueled by weak state control, regional tensions, and competition over mineral-rich land. Since its resurgence in 2021, M23 has seized large areas of territory, often in strategic and resource-rich zones.
The March 23 Movement (M23) is a rebel group operating in eastern DRC. According to observers, fighting has been concentrated in mineral-rich areas, many of which are now under M23 control. In an effort to protect its sovereignty, the Congolese Army, the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has repeatedly defended its territory but has often been overpowered by rebel forces.
Over 7 million people are internally displaced in DRC, with hundreds of thousands losing their land amid escalating clashes.
Sources reveal that the seized land is intended to resettle landless Rwandans and to provide farmland for settlers.
The coalition “Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC) International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, in an interview with Witness Radio, explained that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups, further continuing dispossession.
“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out, and when victims return to their land, they often find it occupied by Rwandans,” Dr. Deborah revealed.
On the ground, Dr Deborah alleges that the land is grabbed for economic purposes, claiming that armed groups have developed sophisticated systems of economic control.
“Land is grabbed either for agriculture or resource exploitation. Armed actors also profit from natural resource extraction, including minerals, timber, charcoal production, and bushmeat. But in the big cities like Goma and Bukavu, the M23/AFC authorities impose taxes on goods, businesses, and transport.” She added.
Victims say harsh conditions in displacement camps often force them to return to their land once violence subsides, but what they find is deeply distressing: “their land occupied, sometimes by people they describe as non-Congolese”.
“When the situation became unbearable, where we had taken refuge due to lack of food, shelter, and the means to start over, I decided to return home. But when I got there, I found other people already settled on my land, working in the fields and living in my house. They made it clear that I could no longer reclaim it,” Moise told Witness Radio.
But how do these alleged non-Congolese settlers take over the land? Another conflict victim describes what appears to be an organized pattern—one in which forced displacement creates the opportunity for land seizure, often under armed protection.
“They move in when we are forced out and occupy our land without consent. In many cases, they are backed by armed men,” the victim told Witness Radio, adding that the situation has not only affected family heads but also their families.
“My family is currently living in precarious conditions. We have lost a large part of our means of subsistence. We are facing food insecurity, as well as difficulties in securing housing, accessing healthcare, and sending the children to school,” the victim further added.
To restore peace in the war-torn Congo, several initiatives have been introduced. Among the most recent is a deal coordinated by United States President Donald Trump, aimed at bringing peace efforts in the DRC. However, the peace agreements, which are still in their early stages, have already attracted criticism.
The recent acquisition of the Chemaf cobalt mine in the Congo by the U.S.-based firm Virtus Minerals is being seen as one of the first fruits of the deals, reinforcing what war watchdogs have long argued: that peace deals are only transactions that are primarily targeting Congo’s mineral wealth and land, rather than contributing to peace, especially as the conflict remains ongoing.
Oakland Institute’s Policy Director, Frederic Mousseau, recently told our journalist in an interview that the recent deals primarily benefit the United States and Rwanda, arguing that they are not aimed at ending the conflict but at formalizing access to Congo’s mineral wealth.
“The peace agreement gives access to the US and Rwanda to Congo’s mineral resources. Rather than securing lasting peace for the suffering Congolese people, it’s all about business and money.” Frederic told Witness Radio.
But beyond peace, which has not yet been achieved, Frederic says, the Congolese government should ensure minerals benefit all, and that land is returned to its rightful owners. “Lasting peace isn’t enough; the country’s wealth must ultimately serve its people. The government needs to ensure that any deals it makes benefit the broader economy and ordinary citizens, not just a small elite in the capital or provincial centers,” he added.
Victims continue to pray that peace prevails so they can once again live normal lives.
“My prayer for the future is for true and lasting peace to return to eastern DRC. I hope that the guns will fall silent, that displaced persons may return home, that everyone may reclaim their land and their dignity, and that justice may be served for the victims.” Moise concluded.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
More than 500 Masindi residents live in fear as a tycoon targets their land.
Published
6 days agoon
May 6, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
Kyamaiso, Masindi District: Katushabe Charles is one of hundreds facing uncertainty after a businessman claimed ownership of land they’ve occupied for decades.
“He has issued threats, arrested some of us, and warned us that he doesn’t want us on this land anymore,” Katushabe, a father of seven and village defense secretary, said, emphasizing the community’s fears of eviction and displacement.
In 2002, Katushabe bought 30 acres of land and took possession with the intention of practicing large-scale agriculture. “I acquired this land from the citizens of Kyamaiso village, and I have lived here for over a period of twenty-four years,” The 50-year-old caretaker of a family of 9 told our journalist.
On his land, he says he grows sugarcane and other crops, such as cassava, which he sells to sustain his family. “I earn some good money from these crops, and I can ably take care of my children, pay their school fees, and look after my family.” He said.
Katushabe is among the 500 families whose survival is at risk after Masindi-based businessman Ahamed Ssewagudde surfaced claiming ownership of their land, on which they have lived for decades.
Witness Radio investigations reveal that the contested land spans 68.79 hectares (170 acres) and covers the villages of Kitinwa, Kyakatera, and Kyamaiso in the Kijunjubwa, Bikozi, and Bwijanga sub-counties.
Residents say some families have occupied the contested land since the 1960s, highlighting their deep roots and long-standing connection to the land.
Sylvia Karungi, a resident of Kyamaiso village, says the alleged land claimant does not have documents to prove ownership, building trust and confidence in the residents’ claims.
“He says he and his family own this land, but this is not true. We have been here for many years. They only have land in another village, Kyangamwoyo, but on this land, they have no proof of ownership,” she said.
Mr. Wobusoboozi Pius, another affected resident, accuses Ssewagudde of using the area police to intimidate and criminalize those opposing the alleged land grabbing.
“He first accused about eight individuals, claiming they had encroached on his land. He relies on police and courts, yet he does not have the rightful documents,” Wobusoboozi told Witness Radio.
However, Ahmed Ssewagudde maintains that his father acquired the land in 1968 and that the current occupants are encroachers who took advantage of his father’s absence.
He says the dispute is not new and has been in court for more than two decades.
“For over a period of twenty-three years, I have been in court with those people, and I have always won the cases, even though they do not want to accept the truth,” Ssewagudde said in an interview with our journalist. Ssewagudde added that evictions will proceed through legal channels.
“We are working on the legal process with my team to get the necessary documents and land title. We shall evict them because no one is above the law. I will only follow the directives of the court.” The tycoon told our journalist.
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Kiryandongo farmer accuses minister of grabbing 100-acre land
Published
6 days agoon
May 6, 2026
A Kiryandongo farmer accuses Minister for Karamoja Affairs Peter Lokeris of illegally occupying his 100-acre plot, sparking a decades-long dispute now under State House scrutiny. Despite interventions, the conflict remains unresolved amid conflicting claims and documentation. Source: https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/kiryandongo-farmer-accuses-minister-of-grabbing-100-acre-land-5447308
Edward Balikagira from Kinyara II Village in Kiryandongo District alleges that Minister Peter Lokeris has forcefully taken over his 100-acre land, which he bought in 1996 from the late John Bitunda Bitagasa.
Balikagira holds a 1996 handwritten sale agreement in Runyoro, detailing payment of Shs170,000, 12 goats, a bicycle, and a blanket, witnessed by local land executives.
Lokeris rejects the accusations, stating he legally obtained the land in 1996 and has occupied it peacefully for over 20 years without issues. He questions Balikagira’s ownership documents.
Balikagira recounts that in 2007, as land committee chair, he negotiated with Lokeris for adjacent land at Shs500,000 per acre, but the deal fell through due to delays.
Tensions peaked in 2022 when Balikagira was arrested for alleged trespassing during the Covid-19 lockdown. A State House fact-finding meeting followed, where Lokeris reportedly admitted to applying for only 100 acres and agreed to return any excess.
A June 2022 State House letter to the Kiryandongo RDC, signed by Nathan Bwogi, halted all activities on the disputed land and noted ongoing fencing by Lokeris’s associates, warning of potential violence.
Despite this, Balikagira says the issue lingers without court action, citing the minister’s influence. Local leaders and the Deputy RDC confirm ongoing administrative reviews but no closure.
Land wrangles like this are rampant in Uganda, especially in Kiryandongo’s former ranch areas, with police reporting a surge in such cases.
Source: Daily Monitor
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