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Food inflation: The math doesn’t add up without factoring in corporate power

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Large farmers’ protests broke out in at least 65 countries over the past year. From India to Kenya through Colombia and France, desperation has hit a breaking point. Farmers warn that without better prices and more protection, their future is at risk. Peasant movements like La Via Campesina, for over three decades now, have denounced the World Trade Organisation and the growing number of bilateral free trade agreements for destroying their livelihoods.

However, these protests unfold against the backdrop of record-high global food prices. The prices spiked first during the pandemic and then again at the start of the war in Ukraine hitting an all-time high in 2022. Food prices have been rising faster than other products: if the global general consumer price index (CPI) doubled between 2021 and 2022, the food CPI inflation almost tripled. According to the World Food Organisation (FAO) food price index, even if international prices have moderated in 2023, they are still higher than in 2019 (see Graph 1). And all indications are that this is a crisis of prices, and not a food shortage at the global level. For the past 20 years, world grain production has exceeded available stocks.

The impact of these food price increases on millions of people, especially the poor, is devastating. In 2022, 9.2% of the world’s population was chronically hungry, an increase of 122 million people since 2019.

But, as this year’s farmers’ protests make clear, the increase in food prices is not going into their pockets. So, who is benefiting from these food price rises?

Volatility by design

The FAO and corporate executives have attributed recent food price increases to disruptive supply chains for oil, gas, fertilisers and staple goods. This is a half truth, and thus deceptive. They don’t mention how the current structure of the food system encourages and amplifies such disruptions.

For decades, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have promoted structural adjustment policies, and green revolution technologies (hybrid seeds + chemical pesticides and fertilisers) across the world. We now have a global food system designed around the production of a small number of agricultural commodities (wheat, rice, maize, soybeans, palm oil) in a few areas of the world totally devoted to the massive industrial production of monocultures dependent on the supply of inputs, and concentrated in the hands of a few companies. Any disruptions within this global system, be it war or drought, can have major impacts on people’s access to food.

This is particularly acute in countries of the global South that are now highly dependent on food imports because of policies imposed on them through multilateral banks and free trade agreements. Moreover, we are entering a period of intense climate crisis, water crisis, geopolitical tensions, and declining crop yield gains that are set to generate more frequent and more severe disruptions.

For some, however, this volatility is an opportunity. Because of deliberate policies implemented since the 1980s (see box), there is today a large and growing part of the financial sector that profits from shifts in food prices using what are called “derivatives”. In theory, the use of these instruments helps buyers and sellers to lock in prices and protect themselves against the risk of price fluctuations. The most common and important of these instruments are futures contracts, which are agreements to buy or sell agricultural commodities at a specified future date. In futures markets, it is not the agricultural product itself that is traded, but the contract. The price of the contract changes according to supply and demand. But price variations on the futures markets have a direct influence on price fluctuation of the goods to which the futures contract relate. For example, if the price of a wheat futures contract rises, this indicates that the estimated future price of wheat is high. Consequently, the real current price of wheat rises. With increased activity in the financial futures markets, food trading has come to be referenced to futures prices. In a vicious circle, the volatility of food prices attracts more speculative money into the commodity futures market. This, in turn, amplifies the volatility of the futures markets and pushes up or down real food prices.

The price volatility experienced during the 2007 – 2008 food price crisis was partly a result of a surge in financial speculation. Similarly, when the war in Ukraine began, investments in commodity futures and commodity-linked funds rocketed. Speculative positions in the Paris wheat market increased from 35 million euros in January 2021 to 1 billion euros in March 2022. A report by IPES-Food found that the price of wheat on futures markets rose 54% in nine days, and the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission noted that volatility was 20% higher than normal. While this drove price increases that penalised consumers, hedge funds and pension funds speculating on food markets made huge profits.
The world’s agricultural trading companies have also benefited massively from this situation, including through their participation in financial markets. In 2022, profits achieved by the top five firms in this sector doubled and even tripled compared to the period 2016 – 2020. A report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development found that corporate profits of global food traders “appear to be strongly linked to periods of excessive speculation in commodity markets and to the growth of shadow banking – an unregulated financial sector that operates outside traditional banking institutions”.

They have some important advantages over purely financial players. For one, as ‘commercial actors’ they are not subject to the same restrictions or regulations of financial actors on commodity trading markets. Also, because of their global presence they have the most in-depth and up-to-date information about the availability of products and are the first to know about poor harvests or bumper crops. A study by SOMO found that the largest agricultural commodity trading companies ADM, Bunge, Cargill, COFCO International and Louis Dreyfus (usually referred to as “ABCCD”) control 73% of the global grain and oilseed trade as well as a combined 1 million hectares of farmland.

A perverse and well prepared alignment of the stars in the 1980s

Three parallel developments in the 1980s were key to financialising the global food system. First, the liberalisation of agricultural markets was promoted by the World Bank and other international agencies. Until then, governments in different regions had adopted policies to protect farmers from production risks. Second, financial markets were deregulated in the United States and investment banks and commodity trading firms began marketing index funds that tracked the prices of various commodities. In addition, large institutional investors (such as pension funds) sought to diversify their investments. To hedge their risks, they increased their investments in commodity derivatives and physical assets. As a result, a growing number of financial players began to speculate on food prices.

Third, like other companies, agribusiness companies experienced a dramatic shift in ownership with the entry of large asset management firms. CEO salaries became linked to the value of shares, creating a strong incentive to restructure companies in ways that generated more profit for shareholders. To this end, mergers and acquisitions multiplied, laying the foundations for today’s deep corporate concentration in the agri-food sector.

Source: Jennifer Clapp and S. Ryan Isakson, “Speculative Harvests: Financialization, Food, and Agriculture”, Agrarian Change & Peasant Studies, 2021.

Price manipulation and sellers’ inflation

Financial markets are not the only space where big agribusiness and food companies have an impact on food prices. A growing number of voices, such as the economist Isabella Weber, point to the monopoly power of corporations as a major factor in recent price inflation, including with food. What they call “sellers’ inflation” happens in contexts of supply-chain bottlenecks and cost shocks. When price hikes in upstream sectors (such as the gas needed for fertilisers) spread along the supply chain, companies in downstream sectors pass on cost increases to protect margins and even take the opportunity to increase margins. They can raise prices knowing that all their competitors will do the same.

Such strategies are only possible in contexts where a handful of companies have the power to set prices, as is the case in the food and agriculture sector. For example, just four companies, Bayer, Corteva, Syngenta and BASF control half of the seed market and 75% of the global agrochemicals market. Since 2018, their profits have nearly doubled. On the fertilisers side, the global market is controlled by a small number of companies. Four of them control a third of all nitrogen fertiliser production. From 2018 to 2022, the profits of the top 9 fertiliser corporations more than tripled, as they increased prices far beyond the production costs. Another example can be found in the world’s second largest meat processor, Tyson. The company more than doubled its margins and profits at the end of 2021. This was due to price increases it initiated and then continued to raise to protect margins against cost pressures from grain prices. A similar strategy was followed by large branders as Nestlé, Unilever and Mondelez who increased prices and ended by recording high profits in 2022.

This combination of monopoly power and unregulated activity in financial markets allows agricultural commodity traders, big agribusiness and food companies to make huge profits from food price rises.

Countering corporate power in food systems

The big culprit when it comes to today’s high food prices for consumers and low prices for farmers is corporate power. The climate crisis will only make this situation worse, unless urgent actions are taken to dismantle corporate power and shift to more localised food systems, based on diversified food production and catered to people’s food needs. The struggle against free trade agreements, at the forefront of many of today’s farmers’ protests, is therefore critical.

At the same time, actions are needed to reign in the power of those actors in the casino economy who are amplifying food price volatility and increases. When it comes to financial speculation, an important driver in food price volatility, regulations need to be tightened. And, to tackle the so-called “sellers’ inflation”, we need measures to prevent profiteering, which could include taxes on windfall profits anti-trust measures, and, more importantly public controls over food prices and programmes that ensure a fair, equitable and secure distribution of nutritious foods to everyone.

Source: grain.org

  • TXJCX1 Jason Kelly, a trader in the Wheat Options pit at the CME Group throws up his arms as traders toss confetti at the closing bell for the year on December 31, 2009 in Chicago. UPI/Brian Kersey

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COP16 in Riyadh: World Leaders Commit $12.15B to Combat Land Degradation and Drought

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The 16th Conference of the Parties (COP16) to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) has concluded in Riyadh, marking the largest and most inclusive conference in the organization’s history.

With over 20,000 participants, including global leaders, scientists, private sector representatives, and civil society groups, the conference laid out bold strategies to address land degradation, drought, and desertification.

The highlight of the conference was the announcement of the Riyadh Global Drought Resilience Partnership, which secured $12.15 billion in pledges to support drought-affected regions in 80 vulnerable countries, including Uganda.

This funding aims to strengthen food security, promote sustainable land management, and protect ecosystems from the growing impacts of climate change.

For Uganda, where over 40% of the population relies on agriculture, this commitment offers hope for combating the devastating effects of prolonged droughts in the cattle corridor and other semi-arid regions.

In a move to enhance global preparedness for droughts, COP16 launched an AI-powered Drought Observatory, a groundbreaking tool designed to provide real-time data and predictive analysis.

Uganda, with its ongoing challenges in monitoring and responding to climate impacts, stands to benefit immensely from this technology, which will enable the government to anticipate and respond effectively to severe drought conditions.

This could mitigate the recurring food insecurity and water scarcity issues faced by communities in Karamoja and other drought-prone areas.

H.E. Abdulrahman Abdulmohsen AlFadley, COP16 President, in his closing remarks, stated:

“This session marks a turning point in raising awareness and strengthening efforts to restore land and build resilience. The Riyadh Declaration sends a clear message: the time for decisive action is now.”

For Uganda, this turning point is critical as the country battles desertification in key ecosystems like the cattle corridor and Lake Kyoga basin, which threaten biodiversity, agriculture, and livelihoods.

With only 6% of land restoration funding currently coming from private sources, COP16 introduced the Business for Land initiative to increase private sector engagement in land restoration.

Over 400 companies participated in discussions on sustainable finance, environmental, social, and governance (ESG) practices, and strategies to mobilize private investment for land restoration projects.

Uganda, which has already seen successful private-sector participation in conservation projects such as carbon trading and reforestation in areas like Mabira Forest, could tap into this global momentum to attract more investments for land restoration initiatives.

To promote inclusivity, COP16 placed women and youth at the forefront of the fight against land degradation. Key outcomes included:

The launch of youth-led initiatives to drive grassroots climate action.

Adoption of gender-responsive policies to ensure equitable participation in land restoration efforts.

For Uganda, these measures are especially relevant.

The country has a youthful population and strong women-led grassroots organizations that are already leading efforts to promote climate resilience through tree planting and sustainable farming practices.

The resolutions adopted at COP16 provide a framework for scaling up these local efforts while ensuring inclusivity and equitable representation.

Scientific data presented at COP16 painted a dire picture of the planet’s land resources:

77.6% of Earth’s land is drier today than it was 30 years ago.

40.6% of the planet is now classified as drylands, threatening ecosystems, food security, and livelihoods.

For Uganda, this data underscores the urgent need for action.

With parts of the country already facing desertification and reduced rainfall patterns, the findings highlight the importance of restoring degraded lands like Nakasongola and tackling deforestation in critical areas such as Mount Elgon.

As COP16 wraps up, attention now shifts to COP17, which will take place in Mongolia.

Delegates will continue discussions on establishing a global drought regime, building on the momentum and progress achieved in Riyadh.

For Uganda, the outcomes of COP16 represent a pivotal moment.

The historic commitments, technological innovations, and inclusive policies offer the country an opportunity to address its growing environmental challenges.

If implemented effectively, these resolutions could help Uganda restore its degraded lands, safeguard livelihoods, and build resilience against future climate shocks, positioning the country as a leader in sustainable land management in Africa.

Source: nilepost.co.ug

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Church of Uganda’s call to end land grabbing is timely and re-enforces earlier calls to investigate quack investors and their agents fueling the problem.

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By Witness Radio team.

The Church of Uganda has called for the government to intervene immediately to address the escalating issue of land grabbing in Uganda.

The Archbishop of the Church of Uganda, Rt, made the urgent appeal. Rev. Steven Kazimba Mugalu, during an event in Wamala Village, Nansana Municipality, Wakiso District, on Saturday, December 7. He urged the government to take responsibility for protecting its citizens’ rights, particularly the right to own and occupy land, by strengthening laws and regulations governing land ownership and use.

The Archbishop noted that local communities are being forcibly removed from their land without receiving compensation or alternative sources of income. In many cases, Ugandan communities face eviction or compulsory land acquisition under the guise of developmental projects, leaving many marginalized.

Bwowe Ismael’s case is an example. He is a father of 20 and a person with a disability (PWD) living in Bethlehem in the Kyotera district. In an interview with Witness Radio, he revealed that his land was forcefully taken when he demanded fair compensation for it, which is affected by the East African crude oil pipeline project (EACOP). He shared that the State authorities intimidated, arrested, and charged him with false offenses, such as aggravated robbery, accusing him of sabotaging the government project.

“This is a loss for the entire nation, not just the impacted individuals and families,” the Archbishop said. He added,” We implore the government to set up an open and transparent procedure for acquiring land and to guarantee that all people and communities impacted by land grabbing receive just compensation.”

The Church of Uganda’s call for government intervention on land grabbing comes less than a month after Witness Radio released a shocking report on land evictions in Uganda. The report revealed that nearly four land evictions are reported weekly, affecting approximately 15,126 people and threatening 5,060.12 hectares of land nationwide. It further estimated that 2,160 Ugandans face evictions daily to make way for investments, with 723 hectares of land at risk of being seized daily.

The Witness Radio report “Forced Land Evictions in Uganda” covered 90 land eviction cases over six months from January to June 2024, affecting at least 363,021 Ugandans and putting over 121,000 hectares of land at risk of land grabs.

Evictions have not only disrupted people’s lives but have also contributed to increased food insecurity in Uganda, violence, and, in many cases, death and the criminalization of those who resist or face eviction. According to the report, corporate entities such as Agilis Partners Ltd, Great Seasons Ltd, East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), New Forest Company (NFC), and Formosa Ltd, along with the impunity of government officials, wealthy individuals, multinational corporations, and influential figures, including Army Generals, are the leading perpetrators.

The report further highlighted that local and foreign investors were involved in 67 cases, government agencies in 12, and tribal and family land conflicts in 11 cases.

Poor people are often the primary targets and most affected by land grabbing as those behind these evictions hold significant power. During the same period, Witness Radio documented 65 attacks on land and environmental defenders (LEDs) and climate activists who were challenging illegal land evictions and corporate environmental harm in Uganda.  Most (37) evictions were enforced by armed gangs on behalf of evictors, with 25 cases by Uganda police. In contrast, 5 cases involved the participation of some soldiers of the Uganda Army, whereas 4 cases involved private security companies.

Kazimba’s call for government intervention echoes Witness Radio’s report, which also emphasized the urgent need for government action to address the land-grabbing crisis, respect human rights, uphold the rule of law, ensure compliance with directives on land evictions issued by relevant authorities, and closely monitor their implementation.

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Three-quarters of Earth’s land became permanently drier in last three decades: UN

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