MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Despite harsh repression, opposition to the EACOP pipeline in Uganda remains strong
Published
8 months agoon

On March 19, 2025, student members of the Justice Movement Uganda, including Ibrahim Mpiima (left), protest in the streets of Kampala against the EACOP oil project and its consequences for the climate and local populations. (Bruce Nahabwe)
“We will keep protesting until our demands are met. This project isn’t sustainable. The world is moving towards renewable energy, and Uganda should follow suit,” says Ibrahim Mpiima, team leader of Justice Movement Uganda, a student-led protest group of around a hundred members opposing the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP)—the world’s longest heated oil pipeline.
“We protest whenever we can. The only thing holding us back is money. But as soon as we raise enough, we make banners, buy disposable mobile phones, secure safe houses in case things go wrong—and then we go.” This local group is part of a broader movement, StopEACOP, a coalition of international NGOs that joined forces “for greater solidarity, visibility and funding,” explains the student from Kyambogo University in Kampala.
Despite all the precautions taken by Ibrahim Mpiima and around 30 of his fellow students, he was arrested at the demonstration on 19 March. Taken by force with three other activists to the capital’s high-security prison, he was beaten and tortured before ultimately being released on 3 April. In a story published on social media, Mpiima also accuses security agents of raping him during his detention.
Martha Amviko, an activist with Extinction Rebellion, was also at the protest. “We wanted to march to Parliament to hand in our petition demanding an end to the project. But no sooner had we unfurled our banners than the police appeared. I managed to escape, but not everyone was so lucky. Once they take you away in the police vans, you know you’re going to be badly beaten. The violence is systematic.”
Although protests began several years ago, over the past year around 100 people have been arrested and threatened with prosecution in Uganda for taking part in peaceful demonstrations against oil projects backed by the government.
The EACOP pipeline is expected to stretch approximately 1,400 kilometres, running from Murchison Falls National Park in Uganda to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. It will transport oil from 400 wells in the Tilenga and Kingfisher fields to the coast, where it can be exported to international markets. An estimated 246,000 barrels of oil are expected to flow through the pipeline each day over its projected 25-year operational lifespan.
Presented to the public as opportunities for development, these projects are backed by the governments of Uganda and Tanzania, along with oil giants TotalEnergies and China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC). Initially estimated at US$3.5 billion in 2020, costs have continued to climb. Both countries hope the pipeline will generate substantial revenue and create jobs, both during construction and for ongoing maintenance of the infrastructure.
In a country like Uganda, where per capita income is around US$1,000 per year, the government is banking on oil wealth to lift the nation out of poverty. “We believe this will serve as a catalyst for economic growth,” said Robert Kasande, an official at Uganda’s Ministry of Energy, during the signing ceremony in 2021.
The human cost of pipeline construction
On the ground, however, some residents are facing serious disruptions to their lives and livelihoods. One of them is Geoffrey Byakagaba, a 45-year-old farmer and father of eight, who was stripped of part of his land to make way for the project. “In 2017, Total took ownership of our land in the village. There were several types of compensation on offer. I chose the ‘land for land’ option. They took my land, but to this day, I haven’t been compensated,” he says.
Byakagaba still lives in Kasenyi, in Uganda’s Buliisa district, where the town is currently preparing to host a processing plant for the Tilenga project. He says his standard of living has dropped significantly. “Before the project, I used to grow cassava and sweet potatoes. We ate what we needed and sold the rest. I had 20 to 25 animals—cows and goats. Today, I’m down to just about ten, and my harvest barely feeds the family.”
Due to this loss of income, Byakagaba had to move his children to different schools. “They’re still in school, but in neighbourhoods we’re not happy with.” Since then, he has been surviving by doing odd jobs and selling what he catches fishing. Still, compared to other residents of Kasenyi, he considers himself fortunate. “Luckily, I didn’t live on the land I farmed, so I still have somewhere to stay. That’s not the case for everyone.” He adds: “And I didn’t accept their money. Total’s compensation would never have allowed me to buy land. They offered just 3.5 million shillings per hectare [around €850], but today, buying a hectare around here costs between 10 and 15 million [€2,500 to €3,500]. I would have been ruined. Some people were.”
Geoffrey Byakagaba is the fifth generation of his family to live on this land. For him, it holds far more than just market value.
“This is where I grew up. I inherited nine hectares from my parents, but now I have less than half of that left. If I were to die today, my children would be landless. I’m not just fighting for my rights, but also to leave something behind for my children.”
In April 2021, frustrated by the situation, he decided to file a land-grabbing lawsuit in the High Court of Masindi, seeking fair compensation from the developers of the EACOP project. As he told Equal Times, he was soon labelled a saboteur—not only by the project’s backers but also by the Ugandan authorities—for daring to protest and for speaking to Italian journalist Federica Marsi. Marsi was arrested shortly thereafter, along with Ugandan human rights defender Maxwell Atuhura.
As of 2025, according to Geoffroy Byakagaba, the situation remains unchanged and he is still waiting for compensation. He is not alone. Byakagaba is one of an estimated 118,000 people who have been fully or partially displaced due to the Tilenga and EACOP projects.
One of them is the grandmother of activist Ibrahim Mpiima. “She was evicted from her land in Hoima, so she came to live with us in Kampala. With the compensation she received, she couldn’t afford to buy any land. Because of that, she never felt at peace. And now she has passed away,” says the young man. It was this experience that prompted him to get involved in the campaign against the project while still a student. “At the time, I didn’t know much about EACOP, but seeing what happened to my grandmother made me want to understand it better. Then I realised that most people know nothing about the project or its consequences. Some even believe it’s a development scheme that will lift Uganda out of poverty—when in reality, huge numbers of people have lost their land. We have to fight this misinformation,” he says angrily.
Opponents of the project face harsh repression
Even before the project was officially approved, anti-EACOP mobilisation had already begun to take shape nationally. The movement went global in 2018, coinciding with the major student protests led by Fridays For Future. The world began to take notice of EACOP and its alarming scale—the fifteen protected areas that it will cut through, its proximity to the Great Lakes (Lake Albert and Lake Victoria), one of Africa’s most important sources of fresh water, and its massive projected carbon footprint: 34 million tonnes of CO² per year, compared to Uganda’s annual emissions of just 5 million tonnes. All these reasons have led scientists to describe the project as a ‘carbon bomb’.
In Uganda, authorities have responded in a press release issued by the Ugandan oil authority by describing the international protest movement #StopEacop as a misguided opposition movement bordering on racism and colonialism. According to an investigation by the British media outlet DeSmog, TotalEnergies reportedly hired a South African public relations agency to “squash all the negative PR” surrounding the oil projects. To achieve this, a full-scale campaign has been launched both on the streets and across social media.
For Dickens Kamugisha, CEO of the non-profit AFIEGO (Africa Institute for Energy Governance), which has been tracking the EACOP case for years, this comes as no surprise. “Unfortunately, we have both a weak judicial system and a government that uses the police to punish community members who speak out. Many people have been arrested, intimidated and imprisoned.”
“Here, if you oppose what the government and the company (TotalEnergies, editor’s note) are doing, you become the enemy. And once you’re in their sights, you have to face the consequences.”
Ibrahim Mpiima has always been aware of the risks, having already been arrested once in 2023. “It’s our responsibility. I’m afraid of ending up in prison, of being beaten. I’m really afraid. But if we, the people who are informed, don’t protest, then we will have betrayed all those who believe in us,” he told Equal Times a few days before the demonstrations in March. Reached again by phone after his release from detention, where he endured torture, he said the ordeal had taken its toll: “I feel depressed. I haven’t fully recovered physically or mentally. The feeling is still fresh in my mind, as if it happened yesterday.”
Martha Amviko was also arrested in August 2024 and spent two weeks in prison. “They took us to Luzira, the high-security prison. They put me in the same cell as criminals, people who had committed murder, even though I was being charged with disturbing the public order,” she recalls. “It was overcrowded. From time to time, the guards would call us into their offices where they beat us and did everything to break our spirit.” Despite this ordeal, she insists, “I’d rather die than leave things as they are today. The people building this pipeline will be dead in 20 to 30 years. We are the generation who will have to live with their decisions—us and our children. We cannot give up the fight.”
Indeed, on 23 April, despite the ongoing repression, another demonstration was held in Kampala. Eleven activists were arrested. At the time of writing, they remain behind bars in Luzira high-security prison.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Why govt is launching a comprehensive digital land registry
Published
1 day agoon
January 31, 2026
COMMENT | DAVID MUWONGE | Land has historically symbolized wealth and power. In the past, kingdoms expanded their influence by acquiring new territories.
This pursuit continued into the colonial era, spanning the 15th to the 20th centuries, with European powers scrambling for control over Africa. They were driven by a desire not just for human labour but also for large amounts of agricultural land, political power, and the raw materials needed to fuel the Industrial Revolution in the West. As a result, the distribution and management of land became increasingly complex.
In Uganda, the colonial era ushered in the 1900 Buganda Agreement, a turning point in the nation’s land history. Among its key provisions was land reform. It introduced the mailo system at the center of it all. Under this agreement, large estates were divided. About 8,000 square miles were granted to roughly 1,000 chiefs and landowners, establishing a unique land tenure system. These changes have had lasting effects on Uganda’s approach to land ownership and governance.
Over time, this structure evolved into the four land tenure systems recognized by the 1995 Uganda Constitution: customary (traditional communal or family-based ownership), freehold (absolute ownership), mailo (a system with distinct rights for owners and tenants), and leasehold (land held for a fixed term under a lease agreement, often with rent payments).
However, even as the land tenure system evolved by law to include leasehold, controversy persisted, especially regarding government land. This ongoing tension highlights the need to address historical challenges while adapting to modern realities.
This is partly because there is no comprehensive, up-to-date inventory of government land, and the Uganda Land Commission’s limited district presence. Thus, significant tests in managing and protecting government land, making it vulnerable to mismanagement and encroachment.
Recognizing these challenges, the Government of Uganda is now taking decisive steps to modernize land management systems and restore confidence in public land administration. The government is launching a digital land inventory through the Uganda Land Commission, aiming to secure, monitor, and ensure transparent management of all state-owned land.
The Uganda Land Commission (ULC), established under Article 238 of the Constitution, is tasked with holding and managing all land in Uganda vested in or acquired by the state, ensuring it is protected, put to proper use, and fully accounted for.
According to Tom John Fisher Kasenge, a commissioner at Uganda Land Commission, much of the government land has been encroached upon. Government land includes all property managed or held by ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), government schools, health centres, hospitals, police stations, prisons, offices, farms, and army barracks. It also covers land under the National Forestry Authority. ULC is the custodian of this land and holds the titles on behalf of all MDAs.
“This inventory will also go a long way in helping to solve land disputes, wrangles and conflicts that are over land management and ownership in the country,” Kasenge remarked.
“There is a big problem now, as we talk, in distinguishing between land owned by the government and managed by the Commission; land under the Buganda Land Board; and land under the authorities, like the local governments and the cities,” Kasenge added.
“Because of that lack of accuracy in the boundaries and extent of the land and the jurisdiction of each of these bodies.”
The Land Commission’s priority is to create a digitized, accurate inventory of all government land to close information gaps. By bridging the current information divide, this initiative seeks to support proper planning, protect against encroachment, and encourage investment in projects, recognizing land as a vital national resource.
“So, planning for this land becomes very crucial at the moment that the NRM government has attracted a lot of investors, and every now and then, these investors would like to put their projects in various places around the country,” Kasenge observed. This further emphasizes the importance of reliable land records for national development.
With updated digital land records, the Commission expects to resolve disputes, reduce misallocation, and ensure efficient use of public land. These improvements are expected to build greater transparency and accountability in land administration.
Revenue Collection
Many occupants of government land are not paying ground rent largely due to limited awareness and the absence of formalized tenure, a situation that continues to affect national revenue, Kasenge revealed.
He explained that to address this gap, the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) is rolling out a new system that will regularly remind lessees of their ground rent obligations and notify them ahead of lease expiry dates, a move aimed at improving compliance.
Kasenge further noted that correcting erroneous freehold titles will allow affected lessees to regularize their tenure. This will also enable the government to collect due ground rent. He emphasizes that stronger land administration and improved revenue collection are critical to better service delivery and to ensuring government land benefits both the state and citizens.
Currently, ULC has a Financial Year revenue target of UGX 7 billion from ground rent and leases on government land. After the digitized, GIS-enabled (Geographic Information System) inventory is fully rolled out, the Commission expects collections to rise to about Shs12 billion in the first three years. Revenues are projected to gradually increase to as much as Shs40 billion in the long term.
Local governments and technical officers are playing a key role in supporting the nationwide exercise through boundary verification, data sharing and identification of government land. Their contributions include providing physical planning and land-use guidance, protecting environmentally sensitive areas, and engaging communities to raise awareness and build cooperation.
The Land Commission assures the public and current lessees that the inventory exercise is not intended to trigger evictions but is focused on documentation, compliance and improved land governance. Addressing public concerns remains central to the Commission’s approach, with an emphasis on fairness and openness throughout the process.
Uganda Land Commission has formally written to all ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), requesting details of land under their custody and the nomination of focal persons to work with the Commission in developing a comprehensive inventory, a request that has received positive responses.
In addition, the Commission has engaged 16 town clerks from cities and municipalities. It has reviewed its own records and those of the National Land Information System (NLIS), a centralized digital platform for managing national land records, to verify government land details. The Commission has also partnered with the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MLHUD) to support the exercise through surveying, valuation, and titling. These collaborative efforts highlight the collective responsibility needed to address longstanding land challenges and a need to strengthen accountability, improve compliance, and enhance management of government land across the country.
As the digital registry project continues, ongoing collaboration among government agencies, local authorities, and the public will be crucial to its success. Sustained commitment and transparent communication will ensure that the benefits of improved land management are realized for all Ugandans.
Source: independent.co.ug
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Witness Radio and Seed Savers Network are partnering to produce radio content to save indigenous seeds in Africa.
Published
4 days agoon
January 28, 2026
By Witness Radio team.
Across Africa, indigenous seeds are vital, climate-resilient, and culturally significant resources that smallholder farmers deeply value for biodiversity and food sovereignty.
Today, however, these traditional seed systems face threats from commercial seed interests, restrictive laws, and policies that may impact farmers’ rights. Addressing these concerns directly can help farmers understand how the program supports their legal and cultural rights.
In response to this growing challenge, Witness Radio Uganda, in partnership with the Seed Savers Network (SSN) in Kenya, is launching a radio broadcast titled “The Struggle to Save Cultural Seeds in Africa.”
Witness Radio and Seed Savers in Africa aim to use the radio as a tool to organize, mobilize, and empower smallholder farmers across Africa and beyond.
Food production and consumption patterns in Africa have changed significantly since the pre-colonial era. The gradual introduction of exotic crops, the establishment of settler farms on land seized from local communities, and the shift from agroecological practices to agrochemical-dependent and mechanized agriculture have disrupted indigenous food systems.
While agribusinesses continue to generate profits, research by civil society organizations shows that these models have contributed to soil degradation, biodiversity loss, widening inequalities through land grabbing, and increased vulnerability among smallholder farmers. These historical disruptions have laid the groundwork for modern policies that further marginalize farmer-managed seed systems.
The struggle to save indigenous seeds affirms farmers’ rights to control their seeds and farming knowledge, empowering smallholder farmers to protect their food security and cultural heritage.
In 2025, the East African Community (EAC) Seed and Plant Varieties Draft Bill threatened farmers’ rights by criminalizing traditional seed practices and favoring multinational companies. This situation should motivate policymakers and community leaders to stand for farmers’ rights and food sovereignty.
In response to this emergency, it is critical to close this gap by placing smallholder farmers, Africa’s largest food producers, at the center of seed and food systems. This radio program draws inspiration from the 2025 Seed Savers Boot Camp organized by the Seed Savers Network Kenya. Held in Gilgil, Nakuru County, from the last week of October to the first week of November last year, the boot camp brought together farmers and civil society leaders from across Africa for hands-on training and learning exchanges.
Participants explored seed conservation methods and shared knowledge, fostering a movement that builds community resilience and revives traditional farming systems.
Witness Radio participated in this gathering alongside farmers, reinforcing a shared commitment to strengthening community resilience and farmer-led food systems across Africa.
This broadcast launches a new series from Witness Radio and the Seed Savers Network to raise awareness of seed saving and food sovereignty, offering practical tips and resources for farmers to actively participate in safeguarding farmer-managed seeds.
The live program will feature voices from across the continent, including Atim Robert Anaab from Trax Ghana and The Beela Project, who works to strengthen indigenous seed systems in Ghana’s Upper East and North East Regions. Other guests include June Bartuin, Executive Director of Indigenous Peoples for Peace and Climate Justice in Kenya, and Priscilla Nakato, Chairperson of the Informal Alliance for Communities Affected by Irresponsible Land-Based Investments in Uganda.
Together, the speakers will reflect on what motivated them to join the Seed Savers Boot Camp, what they learned, the current state of seed sovereignty in their countries, and how they are applying this knowledge within their communities.
The goal is to show how insights from the Seed Savers Boot Camp translate into tangible actions, inspiring farmers and policymakers to protect indigenous seeds for food sovereignty and climate resilience.
The program will air live on Witness Radio tomorrow, Thursday at 3:00 pm EAT, accessible via the Witness Radio App or online via www.witnessradio.org or https://radio.witnessradio.org/. to maximize reach and participation.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Evicted from their land to host Refugees: A case of Uganda’s Kyangwali refugee settlement expansion, which left host communities landless.
Published
4 days agoon
January 28, 2026
By Witness Radio team.
As Uganda continues to host more refugees than almost any other country in Africa, displaced residents in Kikuube are still waiting for accountability, restitution, and the chance to live with dignity once again. This ongoing struggle should stir feelings of compassion and urgency in the audience.
More than 60,000 people occupying 9323.96 hectares (36 square miles) were displaced from villages, including Bukinda A and B, Bukinda II, Kavule, Bwizibwera A and B, Kyeya A and B, Nyaruhanga, Kabirizi, Nyamigisa A and B, Katoma, and others in Kasonga parish, Kyangwali sub-county.
The violent forced land evictions in Kyangwali date back more than a decade. Beginning in September 2013, masterminded by officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), led by the Principal Resettlement Officer Charles Bafaki, backed by the Uganda Police Force and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF). The OPM office claimed that the contested land had been gazetted for refugee settlement, a claim former refugee host communities refute, saying they are bona fide landowners.
According to evidence seen by the Witness Radio team, most of the evictees were born on the land from the 1950s to the date they were illegally evicted.
According to Uganda’s Land Act, a bona fide occupant is a person who, before the 1995 Constitution, had occupied land unchallenged for 12 years or more, or was settled by the government. Clarifying these legal standards can help the public and policymakers understand the legal basis of land claims and potential violations.
According to the UN Refugee Agency, by the end of 2024, Uganda was hosting approximately 1.8 million refugees and asylum-seekers – the largest refugee population in Africa – reflecting a 10% increase from the previous year. The majority were from South Sudan (57%) and DRC (31%), with smaller populations from Somalia, Burundi, Eritrea, Rwanda, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Women and children made up 80% of the refugee population.
In Butyamba village, along the Hoima-Kagadi Road in Kikuube District in Western Uganda, is an informal settlement of fragile, makeshift houses that stretches across a single acre of land. It hosts over 500 people, including evictees. It’s packed tightly together, their shelters built from tarpaulins, scrap wood, and other grass thatched.
The residents, who have camped in the area since 2023, were once landowners in Bukinda and Katikala. Now, they are landless and struggling after an illegal land eviction for the expansion of the Kyangwali refugee settlement, one of Uganda’s largest refugee-hosting areas.
For many here, life changed abruptly in 2013, followed by another series of forced land evictions in 2020, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.
“I became a refugee in my own country,” an elderly Kabulala Oliver struggles to hold back tears as she recalls the forced land eviction that shattered her life and the lives of other members of her family.
Kabulala is among the over 60,000 people evicted from 30 villages in Bukinda, Kyangwali Sub-county. We found her together with others at the informal camp.
“When we were evicted from our land, we camped at the Kikuube Resident District Commissioner (RDC)’s premises, but this was short-lived, and we were chased away. Later, we were given this small piece of land by an area member of parliament, Hon. Natumanya,” she says.
What pains her most, she says, is that she was displaced to make room for refugees, only to become displaced herself.
“I am a Munyoro. I had lived on my land for decades. “Why should I be evicted because the government wants land for refugees? This is total impunity where the poor are not counted as humans.” Kabulala asks?
She now lives in a small makeshift shelter with a family of 13. With no land to cultivate, survival has become a daily struggle.
“My land was taken. We have nowhere to farm. We are starving every day. Children ask for food, and I don’t know where to get it. We drink dirty water,” she says.
Kabulala belongs to the Bunyoro tribe, which is constitutionally recognised as one of Uganda’s 56 indigenous communities.
The affected communities say they were never notified about the eviction or given meaningful consultation. According to Ahumuza and other witnesses, armed security personnel arrived in trucks, firing bullets, beating residents, and demolishing homes.
“In August 2013, OPM officials came and told us we had three hours to leave the land, which people had lived on for decades. They treated us like rebels. They beat people and destroyed all properties worth billions of Shillings, which forced people to scatter in all directions. After three days, refugees were ferried in and settled in our gardens where food was still growing.”
Ahumuza Businge, chairperson of the Internally Displaced Youth in Bukinda and Katikala. recalls
After the eviction, many families fled to Kyangwali sub-county headquarters, seeking refuge. Others later settled in an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Butyamba, near Kiziranfumbi town, an area with no permanent services, such as water, toilets, and other essentials.
“You can also see how people are suffering. When our loved ones die, we have nowhere to bury them. Children don’t go to school. People die every day because there is no food, there is no water, and our temporary toilets are almost full,” Mbambali Fred, a former resident of Bukinda, whose land was also taken despite having a lease title, told Witness Radio.
Mbambali says his land was grabbed at gunpoint and misused. “I had a land title, but my land was forcefully taken and used to settle people who are not even refugees. Part of it is hired out for maize farming while I, the land owner, suffer.” He added.
In 2020, during the COVID-19 lockdown, the same government security forces forcefully evicted another group of more than 20,000 people from 1812.99 hectares (7 square miles) of land. Victims revealed that security forces sealed off their area under the pretext of a disease outbreak. Journalists and political leaders were barred, and evictions resumed quietly.
According to the ministry responsible for lands, housing, and urban development’s then guidelines, during COVID-19, no land evictions were to take place. On April 16th, 2020, the government of Uganda, through the Ministry of Lands, ordered a halt to all land evictions during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The same ministry directed all local governments and security agencies to enforce the order, but the OPM disregarded it.
Today, many of the evictees live in IDPs who are framed as encroachers on their land, landless, impoverished, and dependent on casual labor. Unable to farm, families struggle to feed themselves, educate their children, or rebuild their lives.
Thirteen years after the first eviction, the affected communities say they have reached out to all concerned offices, including the president’s office, for justice, but in vain.
“The land was our life. Without it, we are nothing.” Mbambali reacts
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